"I own I am in despair at quitting you, and quitting the King; but it is

a thing indispensable. Consider with our dear Marquis [D'Argens], with

Fredersdorf,--PARBLEU, with the King himself, How you can manage that I

have the consolation of seeing him before I go. I absolutely will

have it; I will embrace with my two arms the Abbe and the Marquis. The

Marquis sha'n't be kissed, any more than you; nor the King either. But

I shall perhaps fall blubbering; I am weak, I am a drenched hen. I shall

make a foolish figure: never mind; I must, once more, have sight of you

two. If I cannot throw myself at the King's feet, the Plombieres waters

will kill me. I await your answer, to quit this Country as a happy or

as a miserable man. Depend on me for life.--V." [Ib. 308.]--This is the

last of these obscure Documents.

Three days after which, "evening of March 18th", [Collini, pp. 55, 56.]

Voltaire, Collini with him and all his packages, sets out for Potsdam;

King's guest once more. Sees the King in person "after dinner, next

day;" stays with him almost a week, "quite gay together," "some private

quizzing even of Maupertuis" (if we could believe Collini or his master

on that point); means "to return in October, when quite refitted,"--does

at least (note it, reader), on that ground, retain his Cross and Key,

and his Gift of the OEUVRE DE POESIES: which he had much better have

left! And finally, morning of March 25th) 1753, [Collini, p. 56; see

Rodenbeck, i. 252.] drives off,--towards Dresden, where there are

Printing Affairs to settle, and which is the nearest safe City;--and

Friedrich and he, intending so or not, have seen one another for the

last time. Not quite intending that extremity, either of them, I should

think; but both aware that living together was a thing to be avoided

henceforth.

"Take care of your health, above all; and don't forget that I expect

to see you again after the Waters!" such was Friedrich's adieu, say

the French Biographers, [Collini, p. 57; Duvernet, p. 186;--OEuvres de

Voltaire,--lxxv. 187 ("will return in October").] "who is himself just

going off to the Silesian Reviews", add they;--who does, in reality,

drive to Berlin that day; but not to the Silesian Reviews till May

following. As Voltaire himself will experience, to his cost!

Chapter XII. OF THE AFTERPIECE, WHICH PROVED STILL MORE TRAGICAL.

Voltaire, once safe on Saxon ground, was in no extreme haste for

Plombieres. He deliberately settled his Printing Affairs at Dresden;

then at Leipzig;--and scattered through Newspapers, or what port-holes

he had, various fiery darts against Maupertuis; aggravating the humors

in Berlin, and provoking Maupertuis to write him an express Letter.

Letter which is too curious, especially the Answer it gets, to be quite

omitted:--

MAUPERTUIS TO VOLTAIRE (at Leipzig).

"BERLIN, 3d APRIL, 1753. If it is true that you design to attack me

again [with your LA-BEAUMELLE doggeries and scurrilous discussions], I

declare to you that I have still health enough to find you wherever you

are, and to take the most signal vengeance on you (VENGEANCE LA PLUS

ECLATANTE). Thank the respect and the obedience which have hitherto

restrained my arm, and saved you from the worst adventure you have ever

yet had. MAUPERTUIS."

VOLTAIRE'S ANSWER (from Leipzig, a few days after).

"M. le President,--I have had the honor to receive your Letter. You

inform me that you are well; that your strength is entirely returned;

and that, if I publish La Beaumelle's Letter [private Letter of his,

lent me by a Friend, which proves that YOU set him against me], you

will come and assassinate me. What ingratitude to your poor medical man

Akakia!... If you exalt your soul so as to discern futurity, you will

see that if you come on that errand to Leipzig, where you are no better

liked than in other places, and where your Letter is in safe Legal

hands, you run some risk of being hanged. Poor me, indeed, you will find

in bed; and I shall have nothing for you but my syringe and vessel of

dishonor: but so soon as I have gained a little strength, I will have

my pistols charged CUM PULVERE PYRIO; and multiplying the mass by the

square of the velocity, so as to reduce the action and you to zero, I

will put some lead in your head;--it appears to have need of it.

ADIEU, MON PRESIDENT. AKAKIA." [Duvernet, pp. 186, 187;--OEuvres de

Voltaire,--lxi. 55-60.]

Here, in the history of Duelling, or challenging to mortal combat, is

a unique article! At which the whole world haha'd again; perhaps King

Friedrich himself; though he was dreadfully provoked at it, too: "No

mending of that fellow!"--and took a resolution in consequence, as will

be seen.

Dresden and Leipzig done with, Voltaire accepted an invitation to

the Court of Sachsen-Gotha (most polite Serene Highnesses there, and

especially a charming Duchess,--who set him upon doing the ANNALES

DE L'EMPIRE, decidedly his worst Book). "About April 2lst"

Voltaire arrived, stayed till the last days of May; [--OEuvres de

Voltaire,--lxxv. 182 n. Clogenson's Note).] and had, for five weeks, a

beautiful time at Gotha;--Wilhelmina's Daughter there (young Duchess

of Wurtemberg, on visit, as it chanced), [Wilhelmina-Friedrich

Correspondence (--OEuvres de Frederic,--xxvii. iii. 258, 249).] and all

manner of graces, melodies and beneficences; a little working, too,

at the ANNALES, in the big Library, between whiles. Five decidedly

melodious weeks. Beautiful interlude, or half-hour of orchestral

fiddling in this Voltaire Drama; half-hour which could not last! On the

heel of which there unhappily followed an Afterpiece or codicil to the

Berlin Visit; which, so to speak, set the whole theatre on fire, and

finished by explosion worse than AKAKIA itself. A thing still famous to

mankind;--of which some intelligible notion must be left with readers.

The essence of the story is briefly this. Voltaire, by his fine

deportment in parting with Friedrich, had been allowed to retain his

Decorations, his Letter of Agreement, his Royal BOOK OF POESIES (one

of those "Twelve Copies," printed AU DONJON DU CHATEAU, in happier

times!)--and in short, to go his ways as a friend, not as a runaway or

one dismissed. But now, by his late procedures at Leipzig, and

"firings out of port-holes" in that manner, he had awakened Friedrich's

indignation again,--Friedrich's regret at allowing him to take those

articles with him; and produced a resolution in Friedrich to have them

back. They are not generally articles of much moment; but as marks of

friendship, they are now all falsities. One of the articles might be

of frightful importance: that Book of Poesies; thrice-private OEUVRE DE

POESIES, in which are satirical spurts affecting more than one crowned

head: one shudders to think what fires a spiteful Voltaire might cause

by publishing these! This was Friedrich's idea;--and by no means a

chimerical one, as the Fact proved; said OEUVRE being actually reprinted

upon him, at Paris afterwards (not by Voltaire), in the crisis of the

Seven-Years War, to put him out with his Uncle of England, whom

it quizzed in passages. [Title of it is,--OEuvres du Philosophe de

Sans-Souci--(Paris, pretending to be "Potsdam," 1760), 1 vol. 12mo: at

Paris, "in January" this; whereupon, at Berlin, with despatch, "April

9th," "the real edition" (properly castrated) was sent forth, under

title, POESIES DIVERSES, 1 vol. big 8vo (Preuss, in--OEuvres de

Frederic,--x. Preface, p. x. See Formey, ii. 255, under date misprinted

"1763").] "We will have those articles back," thinks Friedrich; "that

OEUVRE most especially! No difficulty: wait for him at Frankfurt, as he

passes home; demand them of him there." And has (directly on those

new "firings through port-holes" at Leipzig) bidden Fredersdorf take

measures accordingly. ["Friedrich to Wilhelmina, 12th April, 1753"

(--OEuvres,--xxvii. iii. 227).]

Fredersdorf did so; early in April and onward had his Official Person

waiting at Frankfurt (one Freytag, our Prussian Resident there,

very celebrated ever since), vigilant in the extreme for Voltaire's

arrival,--and who did not miss that event. Voltaire, arriving at last

(May 31st), did, with Freytag's hand laid gently on his sleeve, at once

give up what of the articles he had about him;--the OEUVRE, unluckily,

not one of them; and agreed to be under mild arrest ("PAROLE D'HONNEUR;

in the LION-D'OR Hotel here!") till said OEUVRE should come up. Under

Fredersdorf's guidance, all this, and what follows; King Friedrich,

after the general Order given, had nothing more to do with it, and was

gone upon his Reviews.

In the course of two weeks or more the OEUVRE DE POESIE did come.

Voltaire was impatient to go. And he might perhaps have at once gone,

had Freytag been clearly instructed, so as to know the essential from

the unessential here. But he was not;--poor subaltern Freytag had to

say, on Voltaire's urgencies: "I will at once report to Berlin; if the

answer be (as we hope), 'All right,' you are that moment at liberty!"

This was a thing unexpected, astonishing to Voltaire; a thing demanding

patience, silence: in three days more, with silence, as turns out, it

would have been all beautifully over,--but he was not strong in those

qualities!

Voltaire's arrest hitherto had been merely on his word of honor, "I

promise, on my honor, not to go beyond the Garden of this Inn." But he

now, without warning anybody, privately revoked said word of honor; and

Collini and he, next morning, whisked shiftily into a hackney-coach,

and were on the edge of being clear off. To Freytag's terror and horror;

who, however, caught them in time: and was rigorous enough now, and loud

enough;--street-mob gathering round the transaction; Voltaire very loud,

and Freytag too,--the matter taking fire here; and scenes occurring,

which Voltaire has painted in a highly flagrant manner!

On the third day, Answer from Berlin had come, as expected; answer (as

to the old score): "All right; let him go!" But to punctual Freytag's

mind, here is now a new considerable item of sundries: insult to his

Majesty, to wit; breaking his Majesty's arrest, in such insolent loud

manner:--and Freytag finds that he must write anew. Post is very slow;

and, though Fredersdorf answers constantly, from Berlin, "Let him go,

let him go," there have to be writings and re-writings; and it is not

till July 7th (after a detention, not of nearly three weeks, as it might

and would have been, but of five and a day) that Voltaire gets off, and

then too at full gallop, and in a very unseemly way.

This is authentically the world-famous Frankfurt Affair;--done by

Fredersdorf, as we say; Friedrich, absent in Silesia, or in Preussen

even, having no hand in it, except the original Order left with

Fredersdorf. Voltaire has used his flamingest colors on this occasion,

being indeed dreadfully provoked and chagrined; painting the thing in

a very flagrant manner,--known to all readers. Voltaire's flagrant

Narrative had the round of the world to itself, for a hundred years; and

did its share of execution against Friedrich. Till at length, recently,

a precise impartial hand, the Herr Varnhagen, thought of looking into

the Archives; and has, in a distinct, minute and entertaining way,

explained the truth of it to everybody;--leaving the Voltaire Narrative

in rather sad condition. [Varnhagen von Ense,--Voltaire in Frankfurt

am Mayn,--1753 (separate, as here, 12mo, pp. 92; or in--Berliner

Kalender--for 1846).] We have little room; but must give, compressed,

from Varnhagen and the other evidences, a few of the characteristic

points. The story falls into two Parts.

PART I. FREDERSDORF SENDS INSTRUCTIONS; THE "OEUVRE DE POESIE" IS GOT;

BUT--

APRIL 11th, 1753 (few days after that of Maupertuis's Cartel, Voltaire

having set to firing through port-holes again, and the King being swift

in his resolution on it), Factotum Fredersdorf, who has a free-flowing

yet a steady and compact pen, directs Herr Freytag, our Resident at

Frankfurt-on-Mayn, To procure from the Authorities there, on Majesty's

request, the necessary powers; then vigilantly to look out for

Voltaire's arrival; to detain the said Voltaire, and, if necessary,

arrest him, till he deliver certain articles belonging to his Majesty:

Cross of Merit, Gold Key, printed OEUVRE DE POESIES and Writings

(SKRIPTUREN) of his Majesty's; in short, various articles,--the

specification of which is somewhat indistinct. In Fredersdorf's writing,

all this; not so mathematically luminous and indisputable as in Eichel's

it would have been. Freytag put questions, and there passed several

Letters between Fredersdorf and him; but it was always uncomfortably

hazy to Freytag, and he never understood or guessed that the OEUVRE DE

POESIES was the vital item, and the rest formal in comparison. Which

is justly considered to have been an unlucky circumstance, as matters

turned. For help to himself, Freytag is to take counsel with one Hofrath

Schmidt; a substantial experienced Burgher of Frankfurt, whose rathship

is Prussian.

APRIL 21st, Freytag answers, That Schmidt and he received his Majesty's

All-gracious Orders the day before yesterday (Post takes eight days, it

would seem); that they have procured the necessary powers; and are now,

and will be, diligently watchful to execute the same. Which, one must

say, they in right earnest are; patrolling about, with lips strictly

closed, eyes vividly open; and have a man or two privately on watch

at the likely stations, on the possible highways;--and so continue,

Voltaire doing his ANNALS OF THE EMPIRE, and enjoying himself at

Gotha, for weeks after, ["Left Gotha 25th May" (Clog. in--OEuvres de

Voltaire,--xxv. 192 n.).]--much unconscious of their patrolling.

Freytag is in no respect a shining Diplomatist;--probably some EMERITUS

Lieutenant, doing his function for 30 pounds a year: but does it in a

practical solid manner. Writes with stiff brevity, stiff but distinct;

with perfect observance of grammar both in French and German; with good

practical sense, and faithful effort to do aright what his order is: no

trace of "MonSIR," of "OEuvre de PoesHie," to be found in Freytag; and

most, or all, of the ridiculous burs stuck on him by Voltaire, are to

be pulled off again as--as fibs, or fictions, solacing to the afflicted

Wit. Freytag is not of quick or bright intellect: and unluckily, just

at the crisis of Voltaire's actual arrival, both Schmidt and Fredersdorf

are off to Embden, where there is "Grand Meeting of the Embden Shipping

Company" (with comfortable dividends, let us hope),--and have left

Freytag to his own resources, in case of emergency.

THURSDAY, MAY 31st, "about eight in the evening," Voltaire does

arrive,--most prosperous journey hitherto, by Cassel, Marburg, Warburg,

and other places famous then or since; Landgraf of Hessen (wise Wilhelm,

whom we knew) honorably lodging him; innkeepers calling him "Your

Excellency," or "M. le Comte;"--and puts up at the Golden Lion at

Frankfurt, where rooms have been ordered; Freytag well aware, though he

says nothing.

FRIDAY MORNING, JUNE 1st) "his Excellency and Suite" (Voltaire and

Collini) have their horses harnessed, carriage out, and are about taking

the road again,--when Freytag, escorted by a Dr. Rucker, "Frankfurt

Magistrate DE MAUVAISE MINE," [Collini, p. 77.] and a Prussian

recruiting Lieutenant, presents himself in Voltaire's apartment! Readers

know Voltaire's account and MonSIR Collini's; and may now hear Freytag's

own, which is painted from fact:--

"Introductory civilities done (NACH GEMACHTEN POLITESSEN), I made him

acquainted with the will of your most All-gracious Majesty. He was much

astonished (BESTURZT," no wonder); "he shut his eyes, and flung himself

back in his chair." [Varnhagen, p. 16.] Calls in his friend Collini,

whom, at first, I had requested to withdraw. Two coffers are produced,

and opened, by Collini; visitation, punctual, long and painful, lasted

from nine A.M. till five P.M. Packets are made,--a great many

Papers, "and one Poem which he was unwilling to quit" (perilous LA

PUCELLE);--inventories are drawn, duly signed. Packets are signeted,

mutually sealed, Rucker claps on the Town-seal first, Freytag and

Voltaire following with theirs. "He made thousand protestations of his

fidelity to your Majesty; became pretty weak [like fainting, think you,

Herr Resident?], and indeed he looks like a skeleton.--We then made

demand of the Book, OEUVRE DE POESIES: That, he said, was in the Big

Case; and he knew not whether at Leipzig or Hamburg" (knew very well

where it was); and finding nothing else would do, wrote for it, showing

Freytag the Letter; and engaged, on his word of honor, not to stir hence

till it arrived.

Upon which,--what is farther to be noted, though all seems now

settled,--Freytag, at Voltaire's earnest entreaty, "for behoof of

Madame Denis, a beloved Niece, Monsieur, who is waiting for me hourly at

Strasburg, whom such fright might be the death of!"--puts on paper a few

words (the few which Voltaire has twisted into "MonSIR," "PoesHies"

and so forth), to the effect, "That whenever the OEUVRE comes, Voltaire

shall actually have leave to go." And so, after eight hours, labor (nine

A.M. to five P.M.), everything is hushed again. Voltaire, much shocked

and astonished, poor soul, "sits quietly down to his ANNALES" (says

Collini),--to working, more or less; a resource he often flies to, in

such cases. Madame Denis, on receiving his bad news at Strasburg, sets

off towards him: arrives some days before the OEUVRE and its Big Case.

King Friedrich had gone, May 1st) for some weeks, to his Silesian

Reviews; June 1st (very day of this great sorting in the Lion d'Or), he

is off again, to utmost Prussia this time;--and knows, hitherto and till

quite the end, nothing, except that Voltaire has not turned up anywhere.

... Voltaire cannot have done much at his ANNALS, in this interim at the

Golden Lion, "where he has liberty to walk in the Garden." He has been,

and is, secretly corresponding, complaining and applying, all round,

at a great rate: to Count Stadion the Imperial Excellency at Mainz, to

French friends, to Princess Wilhelmina, ultimately to Friedrich himself.

[In--OEuvres de Voltaire,--lxxv. 207-214, &c., Letters to Stadion

(of strange enough tenor: see Varnhagen, pp. 30, &c.). In--OEuvres de

Frederic,--xxii. 303, and in--OEuvres de Voltaire,--lxxv. 185, is

the Letter to Friedrich (dateless, totally misplaced, and rendered

unintelligible, in both Works): Letter SENT through Wilhelmina (see her

fine remarks in forwarding it,--OEuvres de Frederic,--xxvii. iii.

234).] He has been receiving visits, from Serene Highnesses, "Duke of

Meiningen" and the like, who happen to be in Town. Visit from iniquitous

Dutch Bookseller, Van Duren (Printer of the ANTI-MACHIAVEL); with whom

we had such controversy once. Iniquitous, now opulent and prosperous,

Van Duren, happening to be here, will have the pleasure of calling on an

old distinguished friend: distinguished friend, at sight of him entering

the Garden, steps hastily up, gives him a box on the ear, without

words but an interjection or two; and vanishes within doors. That is

something! "Monsieur," said Collini, striving to weep, but unable, "you

have had a blow from the greatest man in the world." [Collini, p. 182.]

In short, Voltaire has been exciting great sensation in Frankfurt; and

keeping Freytag in perpetual fear and trouble.

MONDAY, 18th JUNE, the Big Case, lumbering along, does arrive. It is

carried straight to Freytag's; and at eleven in the morning, Collini

eagerly attends to have it opened. Freytag,--to whom Schmidt has

returned from Embden, but no Answer from Potsdam, or the least light

about those SKRIPTUREN,--is in the depths of embarrassment; cannot open,

till he know completely what items and SKRIPTUREN he is to make sure of

on opening: "I cannot, till the King's answer come!"--"But your written

promise to Voltaire?" "Tush, that was my own private promise, Monsieur;

my own private prediction of what would happen; a thing PRO FORMA", and

to save Madame Denis's life. Patience; perhaps it will arrive this very

day. Come again to me at three P.M.;--there is Berlin post today; then

again in three days:--I surely expect the Order will come by this post

or next; God grant it may be by this!" Collini attends at three; there

is Note from Fredersdorf: King's Majesty absent in Preussen all this

while; expected now in two days. Freytag's face visibly brightens: "Wait

till next post; three days more, only wait!" [Varnhagen, pp. 39-41.] And

in fact, by next post, as we find, the OPEN-SESAME did punctually come.

Voltaire, and all this big cawing rookery of miseries and rages, would

have at once taken wing again, into the serene blue, could Voltaire but

have had patience three days more! But that was difficult for him, too

Difficult.

PART II. VOLTAIRE, IN SPITE OF HIS EFFORTS, DOES GET AWAY (June

20th-July 7th).

WEDNESDAY, JUNE 20th, Voltaire and Collini ("word. of honor" fallen

dubious to them, dubious or more),--having laid their plan, striving

to think it fair in the circumstances,--walk out from the Lion d'Or,

"Voltaire in black-velvet coat," [Ib. p. 46.] with their valuablest

effects (LA PUCELLE and money-box included); leaving Madame Denis to

wait the disimprisonment of OEUVRE DE POESIE and wind up the general

business. Walk out, very gingerly,--duck into a hackney-coach; and

attempt to escape by the Mainz Gate! Freytag's spy runs breathless with

the news; never was a Freytag in such taking. Terrified Freytag has to

"throw on his coat;" order out three men to gallop by various routes;

jump into some Excellency's coach (kind Excellency lent it), which is

luckily standing yoked near by; and shoot with the velocity of life

and death towards Mainz Gate. Voltaire, whom the well-affected Porter,

suspecting something, has rather been retarding, is still there:

"Arrested, in the King's name!"--and there is such a scene! For Freytag,

too, is now raging, ignited by such percussion of the terrors; and

speaks, not like what they call "a learned sergeant", but like a

drilled sergeant in heat of battle: Vol-taire's tongue, also, and

Collini's,--"Your Excellenz never heard such brazen-faced lies thrown

on a man; that I had offered, for 1,000 thalers, to let them go; that

I had"--In short, the thing has caught fire; broken into flaming chaos

again.

"Freytag [to give one snatch from Collini's side] got into the carriage

along with us, and led us, in this way, across the mob of people to

Schmidt's [to see what was to be done with us]. Sentries were put at

the gate to keep out the mob; we are led into a kind of counting-room;

clerk, maid-and man-servants are about; Madam Schmidt passes before

Voltaire with a disdainful air, to listen to Freytag, recounting," in

the tone not of a LEARNED sergeant, what the matter is. They seize our

effects; under violent protest, worse than vain. "Voltaire demands to

have at least his snuffbox, cannot do without snuff; they answer, 'It is

usual to take everything.'

"His," Voltaire's, "eyes were sparkling with fury; from time to time he

lifted them on mine, as if to interrogate me. All on a sudden, noticing

a door half open, he dashes through it, and is out. Madam Schmidt forms

her squad, shopmen and three maid-servants; and, at their head, rushes

after. 'What?' cries he, (cannot I be allowed to--to vomit, then?'" They

form circle round him, till he do it; call out Collini, who finds him

"bent down, with his fingers in his throat, attempting to vomit; and is

terrified; 'MON DIEU, are you ill, then?' He answered in a low voice,

tears in his eyes, 'FINGO, FINGO (I pretend,'" and Collini leads

him back, RE INFECTA. "The Author of the HENRIADE and MEROPE; what a

spectacle! [Collini, pp. 81, 86.]... Not for two hours had they

done with their writings and arrangings. Our portfolios and CASSETTE

(money-box) were thrown into an empty trunk [what else could they be

thrown into?]--which was locked with a padlock, and sealed with a paper,

Voltaire's arms on the one end, and Schmidt's cipher on the other.

Dorn, Freytag's Clerk, was bidden lead us away. Sign of the BOUC" (or

BILLY-GOAT; there henceforth; LION D,OR refusing to be concerned with us

farther); twelve soldiers; Madame Denis with curtains of bayonets,--and

other well-known flagrancies.... The 7th of July, Voltaire did actually

go; and then in an extreme hurry,--by his own blame, again. These final

passages we touch only in the lump; Voltaire's own Narrative of these

being so copious, flamingly impressive, and still known to everybody.

How much better for Voltaire and us, had nobody ever known it; had

it never been written; had the poor hubbub, no better than a chance

street-riot all of it, after amusing old Frankfurt for a while, been

left to drop into the gutters forever! To Voltaire and various others

(me and my poor readers included), that was the desirable thing.

Had there but been, among one's resources, a little patience and

practical candor, instead of all that vituperative eloquence and power

of tragi-comic description! Nay, in that case, this wretched street-riot

hubbub need not have been at all. Truly M. de Voltaire had a talent for

speech, but lamentably wanted that of silence!--We have now only the

sad duty of pointing out the principal mendacities contained in M. de

Voltaire's world-famous Account (for the other side has been heard

since that); and so of quitting a painful business. The principal

mendacities--deducting all that about "POE'ShIE" and the like, which we

will define as poetic fiction--are:--

1. That of the considerable files of soldiers (almost a Company of

Musketeers, one would think) stuck up round M. de Voltaire and Party, in

THE BILLY-GOAT; Madame Denis's bed-curtains being a screen of

bayonets, and the like. The exact number of soldiers I cannot learn: "a

SCHILDWACHE of the Town-guard [means one; surely does not mean Four?]

for each prisoner," reports the arithmetical Freytag; which, in the

extreme case, would have been twelve in whole (as Collini gives it); and

"next day we reduced them to two", says Freytag.

2. That of the otherwise frightful night Madame Denis had; "the fellow

Dorn [Freytag's Clerk, a poor, hard-worked frugal creature, with frugal

wife and family not far off] insisting to sit in the Lady's bedroom;

there emptying bottle after bottle; nay at last [as Voltaire bethinks

him, after a few days] threatening to"--Plainly to EXCEL all belief! A

thing not to be spoken of publicly: indeed, what Lady could speak of

it at all, except in hints to an Uncle of advanced years?--Proved fact

being, that Madame Denis, all in a flutter, that first night at THE

BILLY-GOAT, had engaged Dorn, "for a louis-d'or," to sit in her bedroom;

and did actually pay him a louis-d'or for doing so! This is very

bad mendacity; clearly conscious on M. de Voltaire's part, and even

constructed by degrees.

3. Very bad also is that of the moneys stolen from him by those Official

people. M. de Voltaire knows well enough how he failed to get his

moneys, and quitted Frankfurt in a hurry! Here, inexorably certain from

the Documents, and testimonies on both parts, is that final Passage

of the long Fire-work: last crackle of the rocket before it dropped

perpendicular:--

JULY 6th, complete OPEN-SESAME having come, Freytag and Schmidt duly

invited Voltaire to be present at the opening of seals (his and theirs),

and to have his moneys and effects returned from that "old trunk" he

speaks of. But Voltaire had by this time taken a higher flight. July

6th, Voltaire was protesting before Notaries, about the unheard-of

violence done him, the signal reparations due; and disdained, for the

moment, to concern himself with moneys or opening of seals: "Seals,

moneys? Ye atrocious Highwaymen!"

Upon which, they sent poor Dorn with the sealed trunk in CORPORE, to

have it opened by Voltaire himself. Collini, in THE BILLY-GOAT,

next morning (July 7th)) says, he (Collini) had just loaded two

journey-pistols, part of the usual carriage-furniture, and they lay on

the table. At sight of poor Dorn darkening his chamber-door, Voltaire,

the prey of various flurries and high-flown vehemences, snatched one of

the pistols ("pistol without powder, without flint, without lock," says

Voltaire; "efficient pistol just loaded", testifies Collini);--snatched

said pistol; and clicking it to the cock, plunged Dorn-ward, with

furious exclamations: not quite unlikely to have shot Dorn (in the

fleshy parts),--had not Collini hurriedly struck up his hand, "MON DIEU,

MONSIEUR!" and Dorn, with trunk, instantly vanished. Dorn, naturally,

ran to a Lawyer. Voltaire, dreading Trial for intended Homicide,

instantly gathered himself; and shot away, self and Pucelle with

Collini, clear off;--leaving Niece Denis, leaving moneys and other

things, to wait till to-morrow, and settle as they could.

After due lapse of days, in the due legal manner, the Trunk was opened;

"the 19 pounds of expenses" (19 pounds and odd shillings, not 100 pounds

or more, as Voltaire variously gives it) was accurately taken from it

by Schmidt and Freytag, to be paid where due,--(in exact liquidation,

"Landlord of THE BILLY-GOAT" so much, "Hackney-Coachmen, Riding

Constables sent in chase," so much, as per bill);--and the rest, 76

pounds 10s. was punctually locked up again, till Voltaire should apply

for it. "Send it after him," Friedrich answered, when inquired of; "send

it after him; but not [reflects he] unless there is somebody to take his

Receipt for it,"--our gentleman being the man he is. Which case, or any

application from Voltaire, never turned up. "Robbed by those highwaymen

of Prussian Agents!" exclaimed Voltaire everywhere, instead of applying.

Never applied; nor ever forgot. Would fain have engaged Collini to

apply,--especially when the French Armies had got into Frankfurt,--but

Collini did not see his way. [Three Letters to Collini on the subject

(January-May, 1759),--Collini,--pp. 208-211.]

So that, except as consolatory scolding-stock for the rest of his life,

Voltaire got nothing of his 76 pounds 10s., "with jewels and snuffbox,"

always lying ready in the Trunk for him. And it had, I suppose, at the

long last, to go by RIGHT OF WINDFALL to somebody or other:--unless,

perhaps, it still lie, overwhelmed under dust and lumber, in the garrets

of the old Rathhaus yonder, waiting for a legal owner? What became of

it, no man knows; but that no doit of it ever went Freytag's or

King Friedrich's way, is abundantly evident. On the whole, what an

entertaining Narrative is that of Voltaire's; but what a pity he had

ever written it!

This was the finishing Catastrophe, tragical exceedingly; which went

loud-sounding through the world, and still goes,--the more is the pity.

Catastrophe due throughout to three causes: FIRST, That Fredersdorf,

not Eichel, wrote the Order; and introduced the indefinite phrase

SKRIPTUREN, instead of sticking by the OEUVRE DE POESIES, the one

essential point. SECOND, That Freytag was of heavy pipe-clay nature.

THIRD, That Voltaire was of impatient explosive nature; and, in

calamities, was wont, not to be silent and consider, but to lift up his

voice (having such a voice), and with passionate melody appeal to the

Universe, and do worse, by way of helping himself!--

"The poor Voltaire, after all!" ejaculates Smelfungus. "Lean, of no

health, but melodious extremely (in a shallow sense); and truly very

lonely, old and weak, in this world. What an end to Visit Fifth; began

in Olympus, terminates in the Lock-up! His conduct, except in the Jew

Case, has nothing of bad, at least of unprovokedly bad. 'Lost my teeth,'

said he, when things were at zenith. 'Thought I should never weep

again,'--now when they are at nadir. A sore blow to one's Vanity, in

presence of assembled mankind; and made still more poignant by noises of

one's own adding. France forbidden to him [by expressive signallings];

miraculous Goshen of Prussia shut: (these old eyes, which I thought

would continue dry till they closed forever, were streaming in tears;'"

[Letter from "Mainz, 9th July," third day of rout or flight; To Niece

Denis, left behind (--OEuvres,--lxxv. 220).]--but soon brightened up

again: Courage!

How Voltaire now wanders about for several years, doing his ANNALES,

and other Works; now visiting Lyon City (which is all in GAUDEAMUS

round him, though Cardinal Tencin does decline him as dinner-guest); now

lodging with Dom Calmet in the Abbey of Senones (ultimately in one's

own first-floor, in Colmar near by), digging, in Calmet's Benedictine

Libraries, stuff for his ANNALES;--wandering about (chiefly in Elsass,

latterly on the Swiss Border), till he find rest for the sole of his

foot: [Purchased LES DELICES (The Delights), as he named it, a glorious

Summer Residence, on the Lake, near Geneva (supplemented by a Winter

ditto, MONRION, near Lausanne), "in February, 1755" (--OEuvres,--xvii.

243 n.);--then purchased FERNEY, not far off, "in October, 1758;"

and continued there, still more glorious, for almost twenty years

thenceforth (ib. lxxvii. 398, xxxix. 307: thank the exact "Clog." for

both these Notes).] all this may be known to readers; and we must

say nothing of it. Except only that, next year, in his tent, or hired

lodgings at Colmar, the Angels visited him (Abraham-like, after a sort).

Namely, that one evening (late in October, 1754), a knock came to his

door, "Her Serene Highness of Baireuth wishes to see you, at the Inn

over there!" "Inn, Baireuth, say you? Heavens, what?"--Or, to take it in

the prose form:--

"January 26th, 1753, about eight P.M. [while Voltaire sat desolate in

Francheville's, far away], the Palace at Baireuth,--Margraf with candle

at an open window, and gauze curtains near--had caught fire; inexorably

flamed up, and burnt itself to ashes, it and other fine edifices

adjoining. [Holle, STADT BAYREUTH (Bayreuth, 1833), p. 178.] Wilhelmina

is always very ill in health; they are now rebuilding their Palace:

Margraf has suggested, 'Why not try Montpellier; let us have a winter

there!' On that errand they are (end of October, 1754) got the length

of Colmar; and do the Voltaire miracle in passing. Very charming to the

poor man, in his rustication here.

"'Eight hours in a piece, with the Sister of the King of Prussia" writes

he: think of that, my friends! 'She loaded me with bounties; made me a

most beautiful present. Insisted to see my Niece; would have me go with

them to Montpellier.' [Letters (in--OEuvres,--lxxv. 450, 452), "Colmar,

23d October, &c. 1754."] Other interviews and meetings they had, there

and farther on: Voltaire tried for the Montpellier; but could not.

[Wrote to Friedrich about it (one of his first Letters after the

Explosion), applying to Friedrich "for a Passport" or Letter of

Protection; which Friedrich answers by De Prades, openly laughing at

it (--OEuvres,--xxiii. 6).] Wilhelmina wintered at Montpellier,

without Voltaire "Thank your stars!' writes Friedrich to her. The

Friedrich-Wilhelmina LETTERS are at their best during this Journey; here

unfortunately very few). [--OEuvres de Frederic,--xxvii. iii. 248-273

(September, 1754, and onwards).] Winter done, Wilhelmina went still

South, to Italy, to Naples, back by Venice:--at Naples, undergoing the

Grotto del Cane and neighborhood, Wilhelmina plucked a Sprig of Laurel

from Virgil's Grave, and sent it to her Brother in the prettiest

manner;--is home at Baireuth, new Palace ready, August, 1755."

These points, hurriedly put down, careful readers will mark, and perhaps

try to keep in mind. Wilhelmina's Tourings are not without interest to

her friends. Of her Voltaire acquaintanceship, especially, we shall hear

again. With Voltaire, Friedrich himself had no farther Correspondence,

or as good as none, for four years and more. What Voltaire writes to

him (with Gifts of Books and the like, in the tenderest regretful

pathetically COOING tone, enough to mollify rocks), Friedrich usually

answers by De Prades, if at all,--in a quite discouraging manner. In the

end of 1757, on what hint we shall see, the Correspondence recommenced,

and did not cease again so long as they both lived.

Voltaire at Potsdam is a failure, then. Nothing to be made of that. Law

is reformed; Embden has its Shipping Companies; Industry flourishes: but

as to the Trismegistus of the Muses coming to our Hearth--! Some Eight

of Friedrich's years were filled by these Three grand Heads of Effort;

perfect Peace in all his borders: and in 1753 we see how the celestial

one of them has gone to wreck. "Understand at last, your Majesty, that

there is no Muses'-Heaven possible on Telluric terms; and cast that

notion out of your head!"

Friedrich does cast it out, more and more, henceforth,--"ACH, MEIN

LIEBER SULZER, what was your knowledge, then, of that damned race?"

Casts it out, we perceive,--and in a handsome silently stoical way.

Cherishing no wrath in his heart against any poor devil; still, in some

sort, loving this and the other of them; Chasot, Algarotti, Voltaire

even, who have gone from him, too weak for the place: "Too weak, alas,

yes; and I, was I wise to try them, then?" With a fine humanity, new

hope inextinguishably welling up; really with a loyalty, a modesty, a

cheery brother manhood unexpected by readers.

Eight of the Eleven Peace Years are gone in these courses. The next

three, still silent and smooth to the outward eye, were defaced by

subterranean mutterings, electric heralds of coming storm. "Meaning

battle and wrestle again?" thinks Friedrich, listening intent. A far

other than welcome message to Friedrich. A message ominous; thrice

unwelcome, not to say terrible. Requires to be scanned with all one's

faculty; to be interpreted; to be obeyed, in spite of one's reluctances

and lazinesses. To plunge again into the Mahlstrom, into the clash of

Chaos, and dive for one's Silesia, the third time;--horrible to lazy

human nature: but if the facts are so) it must be done!--

Chapter XIII. ROMISH-KING QUESTION; ENGLISH-PRIVATEER QUESTION.

The public Events so called, which have been occupying mankind during

this Voltaire Visit, require now mainly to be forgotten;--and may,

for our purposes, be conveniently riddled down to Three. FIRST,

King-of-the-Romans Question; SECOND, English-Privateer Question;

and then, hanging curiously related to these Two, a THIRD, or

"English-French Canada Question." Of some importance all of them;

extremely important to Friedrich, especially that Third and least

expected of them.

Witty Hanbury Williams, the English Excellency at Berlin, busy

intriguing little creature, became distasteful there, long since; and

they had to take him away: "recalled," say the Documents, "22d January,

1751." Upon which, no doubt, he made a noise in Downing Street; and got,

it appears, "re-credentials to Berlin, 4th March, 1751;" [Manuscript

LIST in State-Paper Office.] but I think did not much reside, nor intend

to reside; having all manner of wandering Continental duties to do; and

a world of petty businesses and widespread intrigues, Russian, German

and other, on hand. Robinson, too, is now home; returned, 1748 (Treaty

of Aix in his pocket); and an Excellency Keith, more and more famous

henceforth, has succeeded him in that Austrian post. Busy people, these

and others; now legationing in Foreign parts: able in their way; but

whose work proved to be that of spinning ropes from sand, and must not

detain us at this time.

The errand of all these Britannic Excellencies is upon a notable scheme,

which Royal George and his Newcastle have devised, Of getting all made

tight, and the Peace of Aix double-riveted, so to speak, and rendered

secure against every contingency,--by having Archduke Joseph at once

elected "King of the Romans." King of the Romans straightway; whereby

he follows at once as Kaiser, should his Father die; and is liable to

no French or other intriguing; and we have taken a bond of Fate that

the Balance cannot be canted again. Excellent scheme, think both these

heads; and are stirring Germany with all their might, purse in hand, to

co-operate, and do it. Inconceivable what trouble these prescient

minds are at, on this uncertain matter. It was Britannic Majesty's

and Newcastle's main problem in this world, for perhaps four years

(1749-1753):--"My own child," as a fond Noodle of Newcastle used to

call it; though I rather think it was the other that begot the wretched

object, but had tired sooner of nursing it under difficulties.

Unhappily there needs unanimity of all the Nine Electors. The poorer you

can buy; "Bavarian Subsidy," or annual pension, is only 45,000 pounds,

for this invaluable object; Koln is only--a mere trifle: [Debate on

"Bavarian Subsidy" (in Walpole,--George the Second,--i. 49): endless

Correspondence between Newcastle and his Brother (curious to read,

though of the most long-eared description on the Duke's part), in

Coxe's--Pelham,--ii, 338-465 ("31st May, 1750-3d November, 1752"):

precise Account (if anybody now wanted it), in--Adelung,--vii. 146, 149,

154, et seq.] trifles all, in comparison of the sacred Balance, and dear

Hanover kept scathless. But unfortunately Friedrich, whom we must not

think of buying, is not enthusiastic in the cause! Far from it. The now

Kaiser has never yet got him, according to bargain, a Reichs-Guarantee

for the Peace of Dresden; and needs endless flagitating to do it. [Does

it, at length, by way of furtherance to this Romish-King Business, "23d

January-14th May, 1751" (--Adelung,--vii. 217).] The chase of security

and aggrandizement to the House of Austria is by no means Friedrich's

chief aim! This of King of the Romans never could be managed by

Britannic Majesty and his Newcastle.

It was very triumphant, and I think at its hopefulest, in 1750, soon

after starting,--when Excellency Hanbury first appeared at Berlin

on behalf of it. That was Excellency Hanbury's first journey on this

errand; and he made a great many more, no man readier; a stirring,

intriguing creature (and always with such moneys to distribute); had

victorious hopes now and then,--which one and all proved fatuous.

["June, 1750," Hanbury for Berlin (Britannic Majesty much anxious

Hanbury were there): Hanbury to Warsaw next (hiring Polish Majesty

there); at Dresden, does make victorious Treaty, September, 1751; at

Vienna, 1753 (still on the aawe quest). Coxe's--Pelham,--ii. 339, 196,

469.] In 1751 and 1752, the darling Project met cross tides, foul winds,

political whirlpools ("Such a set are those German Princes!")--and swam,

indomitable, though near desperate, as Project seldom did; till happily,

in 1753, it sank drowned:--and left his Grace of Newcastle asking,

"Well-a-day! And is not England drowned too?" We hope not.

"Owing mainly to Friedrich's opposition!" exclaimed Noodle and the

Political Circles. Which--(though it was not the fact; Friedrich's

opposition, once that Reichs-Guarantee of his own was got, being mostly

passive, "Push it through the stolid element, then, YOU stolid fellows,

if you can!")--awoke considerable outcry in England. Lively suspicion

there, of treasonous intentions to the Cause of Liberty, on his Prussian

Majesty's part; and--coupled with other causes that had risen--a

great deal of ill-nature, in very dark condition, against his Prussian

Majesty. And it was not Friedrich's blame, chiefly or at all. If indeed

Friedrich would have forwarded the Enterprise:--but he merely did not;

and the element was viscous, stolid. Austria itself had wished the

thing; but with nothing like such enthusiasm as King George;--to whom

the refusal, by Friedrich and Fate, was a bitter disappointment. Poor

Britannic Majesty: Archduke Joseph came to be King of the Romans, in due

course; right enough. And long before that event (almost before George

had ended his vain effort to hasten it), Austria turned on its pivot;

and had clasped, not England to its bosom, but France (thanks to that

exquisite Kaunitz); and was in arms AGAINST England, dear Hanover, and

the Cause of Liberty! Vain to look too far ahead,--especially with those

fish-eyes. Smelfungus has a Note on Kaunitz; readable, though far too

irreverent of that superlative Diplomatist, and unjust to the real human

merits he had.

"The struggles of Britannic George to get a King of the Romans elected

were many. Friedrich never would bite at this salutary scheme for

strengthening the House of Austria: 'A bad man, is not he?' And all the

while, the Court of Austria seemed indifferent, in comparison;--and Graf

von Kaunitz-Rietberg, Ambassador at Paris, was secretly busy, wheeling

Austria round on its axis, France round on its; and bringing them

to embrace in political wedlock! Feat accomplished by his Excellency

Kaunitz (Paris, 1752-1753);--accomplished, not consummated; left ready

for consummating when he, Kaunitz, now home as Prime Minister, or

helmsman on the new tack, should give signal. Thought to be one of the

cleverest feats ever done by Diplomatic art.

"Admirable feat, for the Diplomatic art which it needed; not, that I

can see, for any other property it had. Feat which brought, as it was

intended to do, a Third Silesian War; death of about a million fighting

men, and endless woes to France and Austria in particular. An exquisite

Diplomatist this Kaunitz; came to be Prince, almost to be God-Brahma

in Austria, and to rule the Heavens and Earth (having skill with his

Sovereign Lady, too), in an exquisite and truly surprising manner. Sits

there sublime, like a gilt crockery Idol, supreme over the populations,

for near forty years.

"One reads all Biographies and Histories of Kaunitz: [Hormayr's

(in--OEsterreichischer Plutarch,--iv. 3tes, 231-283); &c. &c.] one

catches evidence of his well knowing his Diplomatic element, and how to

rule it and impose on it. Traits there are of human cunning, shrewdness

of eye;--of the loftiest silent human pride, stoicism, perseverance of

determination,--but not, to my remembrance, of any conspicuous human

wisdom whatever, One asks, Where is his wisdom? Enumerate, then, do me

the pleasure of enumerating, What he contrived that the Heavens answered

Yes to, and not No to? All silent! A man to give one thoughts. Sits like

a God-Brahma, human idol of gilt crockery, with nothing in the belly of

it (but a portion of boiled chicken daily, very ill-digested); and

such a prostrate worship, from those around him, as was hardly

seen elsewhere. Grave, inwardly unhappy-looking; but impenetrable,

uncomplaining. Seems to have passed privately an Act of Parliament:

'Kaunitz-Rietberg here, as you see him, is the greatest now alive; he, I

privately assure you!'--and, by continued private determination, to have

got all men about him to ratify the same, and accept it as valid. Much

can be done in that way with stupidish populations; nor is Beau Brummel

the only instance of it, among ourselves, in the later epochs.

"Kaunitz is a man of long hollow face, nose naturally rather turned

into the air, till artificially it got altogether turned thither. Rode

beautifully; but always under cover; day by day, under glass roof in

the riding-school, so many hours or minutes, watch in hand. Hated, or

dreaded, fresh air above everything: so that the Kaiserinn, a noble

lover of it, would always good-humoredly hasten to shut her windows when

he made her a visit. Sumptuous suppers, soirees, he had; the pink of

Nature assembling in his house; galaxy, domestic and foreign, of all the

Vienna Stars. Through which he would walk one turn; glancing stoically,

over his nose, at the circumambient whirlpool of nothings,--happy the

nothing to whom he would deign a word, and make him something. O my

friends!--In short, it was he who turned Austria on its axis, and France

on its, and brought them to the kissing pitch. Pompadour and Maria

Theresa kissing mutually, like Righteousness and--not PEACE, at any

rate! 'MA CHERE COUSINE,' could I have believed it, at one time?"

A SECOND Prussian-English cause of offence had arisen, years ago, and

was not yet settled; nay is now (Spring, 1753) at its height or crisis:

Offence in regard to English Privateering.

Friedrich, ever since Ost-Friesland was his, has a considerable Foreign

Trade,--not as formerly from Stettin alone, into the Baltic Russian

ports; but from Embden now, which looks out into the Atlantic and the

general waters of Europe and the World. About which he is abundantly

careful, as we have seen. Anxious to go on good grounds in this matter,

and be accurately neutral, and observant of the Maritime Laws, he

had, in 1744, directly after coming to possession of Ost-Friesland,

instructed Excellency Andrie, his Minister in London, to apply at the

fountain-head, and expressly ask of my Lord Carteret: "Are hemp, flax,

timber contraband?" "No," answered Carteret; Andrie reported, No. And

on this basis they acted, satisfactorily, for above a year. But,

in October, 1745, the English began violently to take PLANKS for

contraband; and went on so, and ever worse, till the end of the War.

[Adelung, vii. 334.] Excellency Andrie has gone home; and a Secretary of

Legation, Herr Michel, is now here in his stead:--a good few dreary

old Pamphlets of Michel's publishing (official Declaration, official

Arguments, Documents, in French and English, 4to and 8vo, on this

extinct subject), if you go deep into the dust-bins, can be disinterred

here to this day. Tread lightly, touching only the chief summits. The

Haggle stretches through five years, 1748-1753,--and then at last ceases

HAGGLING:--

"JANUARY 8th, 1748 [War still on foot, but near ending], Michel applies

about injuries, about various troubles and unjust seizures of ships;

Secretary Chesterfield answers, 'We have an Admiralty Court; beyond

question, right shall be done.' 'Would it were soon, then!' hints

Michel. Chesterfield, who is otherwise politeness itself, confidently

hopes so; but cannot push Judicial people.

"FEBRUARY, 1748. Admiralty being still silent, Michel applies by

Memorial, in a specific case: 'Two Stettin Ships, laden with wine from

Bordeaux, and a third vessel,' of some other Prussian port, laden with

corn; taken in Ramsgate Roads, whither they had been driven by storm:

'Give me these Ships back!' Memorial to his Grace of Newcastle, this.

Upon which the Admiralty sits; with deliberation, decides (June, 1748),

'Yes!' And 'there is hope that a Treaty of Commerce will follow;'

[--Gentleman's Magazine,--xviii. (for 1748), pp. 64, 141.] which was far

from being the issue just yet!

"On the contrary, his Prussian Majesty's Merchants, perhaps encouraged

by this piece of British justice, came forward with more and ever more

complaints and instances. To winnow the strictly true out of which,

from the half-true or not provable, his Prussian Majesty has appointed

a 'Commission,'" fit people, and under strict charges, I can believe,

"Commission takes (to Friedrich's own knowledge) a great deal of

pains;--and it does not want for clean corn, after all its winnowing.

Plenty of facts, which can be insisted on as indisputable. 'Such and

such Merchant Ships [Schedules of them given in, with every particular,

time, name, cargo, value] have been laid hold of on the Ocean Highway,

and carried into English Ports;--OUT of which his Prussian Majesty has,

in all Friendliness, to beg that they be now re-delivered, and justice

done.' 'Contraband of War,' answer the English; 'sorry to have given

your Majesty the least uneasiness; but they were carrying'--'No, pardon

me; nothing contraband discoverable in them;' and hands in his verified

Schedules, with perfectly polite, but more and more serious request,

That the said ships be restored, and damages accounted for. 'Our Prize

Courts have sat on every ship of them,' eagerly shrieks Newcastle all

along: 'what can we do!' 'Nay a Special Commission shall now [1751, date

not worth seeking farther]--special Commission shall now sit, till his

Prussian Majesty get every satisfaction in the world!'

"English Special Commission, counterpart of that Prussian one (which is

in vacation by this time), sits accordingly: but is very slow; reports

for a long while nothing, except, 'Oh, give us time!' and reports, in

the end, nothing in the least satisfactory. ["Have entirely omitted

the essential points on which the matter turns; and given such confused

account, in consequence, that it is not well possible to gather from

their Report any clear and just idea of it at all." (Verdict of the

PRUSSIAN Commission: which had been re-assembled by Friedrich, on this

Report from the English one, and adjured to speak only "what they

could answer to God, to the King and to the whole world," concerning

it:--Seyfarth,--ii. 183.)] 'Prize Courts? Special Commission?' thinks

Friedrich: 'I must have my ships back!' And, after a great many months,

and a great many haggles, Friedrich, weary of giving time, instructs

Michel to signify, in proper form ('23d November, 1752'), 'That the

Law's delay seemed to be considerable in England; that till the fulness

of time did come, and right were done his poor people, he, Friedrich

himself, would hopefully wait; but now at last must, provisionally, pay

his poor people their damages;--would accordingly, from the 23d day

of April next, cease the usual payment to English Bondholders on their

Silesian Bonds; and would henceforth pay no portion farther of that

Debt, principal or interest [about 250,000 pounds now owing], but

proceed to indemnify his own people from it, to the just length,--and

deposit the remainder in Bank, till Britannic Majesty and Prussian

could UNITE in ordering payment of it; which one trusts may be

soon!'" [Walpole, i. 295; Seyfarth, ii. 183, 157; Adelung, vii.

331-338;--Gentleman's Magazine;--&c.]

"November 23d, 1752, resolved on by Friedrich;" "consummated April 23d,

1753:" these are the dates of this decisive passage (Michel's biggest

Pamphlet, French and English, issuing on the occasion). February 8th,

1753, no redress obtainable, poor Newcastle shrieks, "Can't, must n't;

astonishing!" and "the people are in great wrath about it. April 12th,

Friedrich replies, in the kindest terms; but sticking to his point."

[Adelung, vii. 336-338.] And punctually continued so, and did as he had

said. With what rumor in the City, commentaries in the Newspapers and

flutter to his Grace of Newcastle, may be imagined. "What a Nephew have

I!" thinks Britannic Majesty: "Hah, and Embden, Ost-Friesland, is not

his. Embden itself is mine!" A great deal of ill-nature was generated,

in England, by this one affair of the Privateers, had there been no

other: and in dark cellars of men's minds (empty and dark on this

matter), there arose strange caricature Portraitures of Friedrich: and

very mad notions--of Friedrich's perversity, astucity, injustice, malign

and dangerous intentions--are more or less vocal in the Old Newspapers

and Distinguished Correspondences of those days. Of which, this one

sample:

To what height the humor of the English ran against Friedrich is still

curiously noticeable, in a small Transaction of tragic Ex-Jacobite

nature, which then happened, and in the commentaries it awoke in

their imagination. Cameron of Lochiel, who forced his way through the

Nether-Bow in Edinburgh, had been a notable rebel; but got away to

France, and was safe in some military post there. Dr. Archibald Cameron,

Lochiel's Brother, a studious contemplative gentleman, bred to Physic,

but not practising except for charity, had quitted his books, and

attended the Rebel March in a medical capacity,--"not from choice," as

he alleged, "but from compulsion of kindred;"--and had been of help to

various Loyalists as well; a foe of Human Pain, and not of anything else

whatever: in fact, as appears, a very mild form of Jacobite Rebel.

He too got, to France; but had left his Wife, Children and frugal

Patrimonies behind him,--and had to return in proper concealment,

more than once, to look after them. Two Visits, I think two, had been

successfully transacted, at intervals; but the third, in 1753, proved

otherwise.

March 12th, 1753, wind of him being had, and the slot-hounds uncoupled

and put on his trail, poor Cameron was unearthed "at the Laird

of Glenbucket's," and there laid hold of; locked in Edinburgh

Castle,--thence to the Tower, and to Trial for High Treason. Which went

against him; in spite of his fine pleadings, and manful conciliatory

appearances and manners. Executed 7th June, 1753. His poor Wife had

twice squeezed her way into the Royal Levee at Kensington, with

Petition for mercy;--fainted, the first time, owing to the press and

the agitation; but did, the second time, fall on her knees before Royal

George, and supplicate,--who had to turn a deaf ear, royal gentleman; I

hope, not without pain.

The truth is, poor Cameron---though, I believe, he had some vague

Jacobite errands withal--never would have harmed anybody in the rebel

way; and might with all safety have been let live. But his Grace of

Newcastle, and the English generally, had got the strangest notion into

their head. Those appointments of Earl Marischal to Paris, of Tyrconnel

to Berlin; Friedrich's nefarious spoiling of that salutary Romish-King

Project; and now simultaneous with that, his nefarious oonduct in our

Privateer Business: all this, does it not prove him--as the Hanburys,

Demon Newswriters and well-informed persons have taught us--to be one

of the worst men living, and a King bent upon our ruin? What is certain,

though now well-nigh inconceivable, it was then, in the upper Classes

and Political Circles, universally believed, That this Dr. Cameron was

properly an "Emissary of the King of Prussia's;" that Cameron's errand

here was to rally the Jacobite embers into new flame;--and that, at

the first clear sputter, Friedrich had 15,000 men, of his best

Prussian-Spartan troops, ready to ferry over, and help Jacobitism to

do the matter this time! [Walpole,--George the Second,--i. 333, 353;

and--Letters to Horace Mann--(Summer, 1753), for the belief held.

Adelung, vii. 338-341, for the poor Cameron tragedy itself.]

About as likely as that the Cham of Tartary had interfered in the

"Bangorian Controversy" (raging, I believe, some time since,--in

Cremorne Gardens fist of all, which was Bishop Hoadly's Place,--to the

terror of mitres and wigs); or that, the Emperor of China was concerned

in Meux's Porter-Brewery, with an eye to sale of NUX VOMICA. Among

all the Kings that then were, or that ever were, King Friedrich

distinguished himself by the grand human virtue (one of the most

important for Kings and for men) of keeping well at home,--of always

minding his own affairs. These were, in fact, the one thing he minded;

and he did that well. He was vigilant, observant all round, for

weather-symptoms; thoroughly well informed of what his neighbors had on

hand; ready to interfere, generally in some judicious soft way, at any

moment, if his own Countries or their interests came to be concerned;

certain, till then, to continue a speculative observer merely. He had

knowledge, to an extent of accuracy which often surprised his

neighbors: but there is no instance in which he meddled where he had no

business;--and few, I believe, in which he did not meddle, and to the

purpose, when he had.

Later in his Reign, in the time of the American War (1777), there is, on

the English part, in regard to Friedrich, an equally distracted notion

of the same kind brought to light. Again, a conviction, namely,

or moral-certainty, that Friedrich is about assisting the American

Insurgents against us;--and a very strange and indubitable step is

ordered to be taken in consequence. [--OEuvres de Frederic,--xxvi. 394

(Friedrich to Prince Henri, 29th June, 1777.)] As shall be noticed, if

we have time. No enlightened Public, gazing for forty or fifty years

into an important Neighbor Gentleman, with intent for practical

knowledge of him, could well, though assisted by the cleverest Hanburys,

and Demon and Angel Newswriters, have achieved less!--

Question THIRD is--But Question Third, so extremely important was it in

the sequel, will deserve a Chapter to itself.

Chapter XIV. THERE IS LIKE TO BE ANOTHER WAR AHEAD.

Question Third, French-English Canada Question, is no other than, under

a new form, our old friend the inexorable JENKINS'S-EAR QUESTION;

soul of all these Controversies, and--except Silesia and Friedrich's

Question--the one meaning they have! Huddled together it had been, at

the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, and left for closed under "New Spanish

Assiento Treaty," or I know not what:--you thought to close it by

Diplomatic putty and varnish in that manner: and here, by law of Nature,

it comes welling up on you anew. For IT springs from the Centre, as we

often say, and is the fountain and determining element of very large

Sections of Human History, still hidden in the unseen Time.

"Ocean Highway to be free; for the English and others who have business

on it?" The English have a real and weighty errand there. "English to

trade and navigate, as the Law of Nature orders, on those Seas; and to

ponderate or preponderate there, according to the real amount of weight

they and their errand have? OR, English to have their ears torn off;

and imperious French-Spanish Bourbons, grounding on extinct

Pope's-meridians, GLOIRE and other imaginary bases, to take command?"

The incalculable Yankee Nations, shall they be in effect YANGKEE

("English" with a difference), or FRANGCEE ("French" with a difference)?

A Question not to be closed by Diplomatic putty, try as you will!

By Treaty of Utrecht (1713), "all Nova Scotia [ACADIE as then called],

with Newfoundland and the adjacent Islands," was ceded to the English,

and has ever since been possessed by them accordingly. Unluckily that

Treaty omitted to settle a Line of Boundary to landward, or westward,

for their "NOVA SCOTIA;" or generally, a Boundary from NORTH TO SOUTH

between the British Colonies and the French in those parts.

The Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, eager to conclude itself, stipulated,

with great distinctness, that Cape Breton, all its guns and furnishings

entire, should be restored at once (France extremely anxious on

that point); but for the rest had, being in such haste, flung itself

altogether into the principle of STATUS-QUO-ANTE, as the short way for

getting through. The boundary in America was vaguely defined, as "now to

be what it had been before the War." It had, for many years before the

War, been a subject of constant altercation. ACADIE, for instance, the

NOVA SCOTIA of the English since Utrecht time, the French maintained to

mean only "the Peninsula", or Nook included between the Ocean Waters and

the Bay of Fundy. And, more emphatic still, on the "Isthmus" (or narrow

space, at northwest, between said Bay and the Ocean or the Gulf of St.

Lawrence) they had built "Forts:" "Stockades," or I know not what, "on

the Missaquish" (HODIE Missiquash), a winding difficult river, northmost

of the Bay of Fundy's rivers, which the French affirm to be the real

limit in that quarter. The sparse French Colonists of the interior,

subjects of England, are not to be conciliated by perfect toleration of

religion and the like; but have an invincible proclivity to join their

Countrymen outside, and wish well to those Stockades on the Missiquash.

It must be owned, too, the French Official People are far from

scrupulous or squeamish; show energy of management; and are very skilful

with the Indians, who are an important item. Canada is all French; has

its Quebecs, Montreals, a St. Lawrence River occupied at all the good

military points, and serving at once as bulwark and highway.

Southward and westward, France, in its exuberant humor, claims for

itself The whole Basin of the St. Lawrence, and the whole Basin of the

Mississippi as well: "Have not we Stockades, Castles, at the military

points; Fortified Places in Louisiana itself?" Yes;--and how many

Ploughed Fields bearing Crop have you? It is to the good Plougher, not

ultimately to the good Cannonier, that those portions of Creation will

belong? The exuberant intention of the French is, after getting back

Cape Breton, "To restrict those aspiring English Colonies," mere

Ploughers and Traders, hardly numbering above one million, "to the Space

eastward of the Alleghany Mountains," over which they are beginning

to climb, "and southward of that Missiquash, or, at farthest, of the

Penobscot and Kennebunk" (rivers HODIE in the State of Maine). [La

Gallisonniere, Governor of Canada's DESPATCH, "Quebec, 15th January,

1749" (cited in Bancroft,--History of the United States,--Boston, 1839,

et seq.). "The English Inhabitants are computed at 1,051,000; French (in

Canada 45,000, in Louisiana 7,000), in all 52,000:"--History of British

Dominions in North America--(London, 1773), p. 13. Bancroft (i. 154)

counts the English Colonists in "1754 about 1,200,000."] That will be

a very pretty Parallelogram for them and their ploughs and trade-packs:

we, who are 50,000 odd, expert with the rifle far beyond them, will

occupy the rest of the world. Such is the French exuberant notion: and,

October, 1745, before signature at Aix-la-Chapelle, much more before

Delivery of Cape Breton, the Commandant at Detroit (west end of Lake

Erie) had received orders, "To oppose peremptorily every English

Establishment not only thereabouts, but on the Ohio or its tributaries;

by monition first; and then by force, if monition do not serve."

Establishments of any solidity or regularity the English have not in

those parts; beyond the Alleghanies all is desert: "from the Canada

Lakes to the Carolinas, mere hunting-ground of the Six Nations; dotted

with here and there an English trading-house, or adventurous Squatter's

farm:"--to whom now the French are to say: "Home you, instantly; and

leave the Desert alone!" The French have distinct Orders from Court,

and energetically obey the same; the English have indistinct Orders from

Nature, and do not want energy, or mind to obey these: confusions and

collisions are manifold, ubiquitous, continual. Of which the history

would be tiresome to everybody; and need only be indicated here by a

mark or two of the main passages.

In 1749, three things had occurred worth mention. FIRST, Captain Coram,

a public-spirited half-pay gentleman in London, originator of the

Foundling Hospital there, had turned his attention to the fine

capabilities and questionable condition of NOVA SCOTIA, with few

inhabitants, and those mostly disaffected; and, by many efforts now

forgotten, had got the Government persuaded to despatch (June, 1749)

a kind of Half-pay or Military Colony to those parts: "more than 1,400

persons disbanded officers, soldiers and marines, under Colonel

Edward Cornwallis," Brother of the since famous Lord Cornwallis.

[Coxe's--Pelham,--ii. 113.] Who landed, accordingly, on that rough

shore; stockaded themselves in, hardily endeavoring and enduring; and

next year, built a Town for themselves; Town of HALIFAX (so named from

the then Lord Halifax, President of the Board of Trade); which stands

there, in more and more conspicuous manner, at this day. Thanks to you,

Captain Coram; though the ungrateful generations (except dimly in CORAM

Street, near your Hospital) have lost all memory of you, as their wont

is. Blockheads; never mind them.

The SECOND thing is, an "Ohio Company" has got together in Virginia;

Governor there encouraging; Britannic Majesty giving Charter (March,

1749), and what is still easier, "500,000 Acres of Land" in those Ohio

regions, since you are minded to colonize there in a fixed manner.

Britannic Majesty thinks the Country "between the Monongahela and

the Kanahawy" (southern feeders of Ohio) will do best; but is not

particular. Ohio Company, we shall find, chose at last, as the eligible

spot, the topmost fork or very Head of the Ohio,--where Monongahela

River from south and Alleghany River from north unite to form "The

Ohio;" where stands, in our day, the big sooty Town of Pittsburg and

its industries. Ohio Company was laudably eager on this matter;

Land-Surveyor in it (nay, at length, "Colonel of a Regiment of 150 men

raised by the Ohio Company") was Mr. George Washington, whose Family

had much promoted the Enterprise; and who was indeed a steady-going,

considerate, close-mouthed Young Gentleman; who came to great

distinction in the end.

French Governor (La Gallisonniere still the man), getting wind of this

Ohio Company still in embryo, anticipates the birth; sends a vigilant

Commandant thitherward, "with 300 men, To trace and occupy the Valleys

of the Ohio and of the St. Lawrence, as far as Detroit." That officer

"buries plates of lead," up and down the Country, with inscriptions

signifying that "from the farthest ridge, whence water trickled towards

the Ohio, the Country belonged to France; and nails the Bourbon Lilies

to the forest-trees; forbidding the Indians all trade with the English;

expels the English traders from the towns of the Miamis; and writes

to the Governor of Pennsylvania, requesting him to prevent all farther

intrusion." Vigilant Governors, these French, and well supported from

home. Duquesne, the vigilant successor of La Gallisonniere (who is now

wanted at home, for still more important purposes, as will appear),

finding "the lead plates" little regarded, sends, by and by, 500 new

soldiers from Detroit into those Ohio parts (march of 100 miles or

so);--"the French Government having, in this year 1750, shipped no

fewer than 8,000 men for their American Garrisons;"--and where the Ohio

Company venture on planting a Stockade, tears it tragically out, as will

be seen!

The THIRD thing worth notice, in 1749, and still more in the following

year and years, had reference to Nova Scotia again. One La Corne, "a

recklessly sanguinary partisan" (military gentleman of the Trenck,

INDIGO-Trenck species), nestles himself (winter, 1749-50) on that

Missiquash River, head of the Bay of Fundy; in the Village of Chignecto,

which is admittedly English ground, though inhabited by French. La Corne

compels, or admits, the Inhabitants to swear allegiance to France

again; and to make themselves useful in fortifying, not to say in

drilling,--with an eye to military work. Hearing of which, Colonel

Cornwallis and incipient Halifax are much at a loss. They in vain seek

aid from the Governor of Massachusetts ("Assembly to be consulted first,

to be convinced; Constitutional rights:--Nothing possible just, at

once");--and can only send a party of 400 men, to try and recover

Chignecto at any rate. April 20th, 1750, the 400 arrive there; order La

Corne instantly to go. Bourbon Flag is waving on his dikes, this side

the Missiquash: high time that he and it were gone. "Village Priest

[flamingly orthodox, as all these Priests are, all picked for the

business], with his own hands, sets fire to the Church in Chignecto;

"inhabitants burn their houses, and escape across the river,--La Corne

as rear-guard. La Corne, across the Missiquash, declares, That, to a

certainty, he is now on French ground; that he will, at all hazards,

defend the Territory here; and maintain every inch of it,--"till

regular Commissioners [due ever since the Treaty of Aix, had not that

ROMISH-KING Business been so pressing] have settled what the Boundary

between the two Countries is."--Chignecto being ashes, and the

neighboring population gone, Cornwallis and his Four Hundred had to

return to Halifax.

It was not till Autumn following, that Chignecto could be solidly got

hold of by the Halifax people; nor till a long time after, that La Corne

could be dislodged from his stockades, and sent packing. [--Gentleman's

Magazine,--xx. 539, 295.] September, 1750, a new Expedition on Chignecto

found the place populous again, Indians, French "Peasants" (seemingly

Soldiers of a sort); who stood very fiercely behind their defences, and

needed a determined on-rush, and "volley close into their noses," before

disappearing. This was reckoned the first military bloodshed (if this

were really military on the French side). And in November following,

some small British Cruiser on those Coasts, falling in with a French

Brigantine, from Quebec, evidently carrying military stores and

solacements for La Corne, seized the same; by force of battle, since

not otherwise,--three men lost to the British, five to the French,--and

brought it to Halifax. "Lawful and necessary!" says the Admiralty Court;

"Sheer Piracy!" shriek the French;--matters breaking out into actual

flashes of flame, in this manner.

British Commissions, two in number, names not worth mention, have,

at last, in this Year 1750, gone to Paris; and are holding manifold

conferences with French ditto,--to no "purpose, any of them. One reads

the dreary tattle of the Duke of Newcastle upon it, in the Years

onward: "Just going to agree," the Duke hopes; "some difficulties, but

everybody, French and English, wanting mere justice; and our and their

Commissioners being in such a generous spirit, surely they will soon

settle it." [His Letters, in Coxe's--Pelham,--ii. 407 ("September,

1751"), &c.] They never did or could; and steadily it went on worsening.

That notable private assertion of the French, That Canada and Louisiana

mean all America West of the Alleghanies, had not yet oozed out to the

English; but it is gradually oozing out, and that England will have to

content itself with the moderate Country lying east of that Blue range.

"Not much above a million of you", say the French; "and surely there is

room enough East of the Alleghanies? We, with our couple of Colonies,

are the real America;--counting, it is true, few settlers as yet;

but there shall be innumerable; and, in the mean while, there are

Army-Detachments, Block-houses, fortified Posts, command of the Rivers,

of the Indian Nations, of the water-highways and military keys (to you

unintelligible); and we will make it good!"

The exact cipher of the French (guessed to be 50,000), and their

precise relative-value as tillers and subduers of the soil, in these

Two Colonies of theirs, as against the English Thirteen, would be

interesting to know: curious also their little bill, of trouble taken

in creating the Continent of America, in discovering it, visiting,

surveying, planting, taming, making habitable for man:--and what

Rhadamanthus would have said of those Two Documents! Enough, the French

have taken some trouble, more or less,--especially in sending soldiers

out, of late. The French, to certain thousands, languidly tilling,

hunting and adventuring, and very skilful in wheedling the Indian

Nations, are actually there; and they, in the silence of Rhadamanthus,

decide that merit shall not miss its wages for want of asking. "Ours is

America West of the Alleghanies," say the French, openly before long.

"Yours? Yours, of all people's?" answer the English; and begin, with

lethargic effort, to awake a little to that stupid Foreign Question;

important, though stupid and foreign, or lying far off. Who really owned

all America, probably few Englishmen had ever asked themselves, in their

dreamiest humors, nor could they now answer; but, that North America

does not belong to the French, can be doubtful to no English creature.

Pitt, Chatham as we now call him, is perhaps the Englishman to whom, of

all others, it is least doubtful. Pitt is in Office at last,--in some

subaltern capacity, "Paymaster of the Forces" for some years past, in

spite of Majesty's dislike of the outspoken man;--and has his eyes bent

on America;--which is perhaps (little as you would guess it such) the

main fact in that confused Controversy just now!--

In 1753 (28th August of that Year), goes message from the Home

Government, "Stand on your defence, over there! Repel by force any

Foreign encroachments on British Dominions." [Holderness, OR Robinson

our old friend.] And directly on the heel of this, November, 1753, the

Virginia Governor,--urged, I can believe, by the Ohio Company, who are

lying wind-bound so long,--despatches Mr. George Washington to inquire

officially of the French Commandant in those parts, "What he means,

then, by invading the British Territories, while a solid Peace

subsists?" Mr. George had a long ride up those desert ranges, and down

again on the other side; waters all out, ground in a swash with December

rains, no help or direction but from wampums and wigwams: Mr. George

got to Ohio Head (two big Rivers, Monongahela from South, Alleghany

from North, coalescing to form a double-big Ohio for the Far West);

and thought to himself, "What an admirable three-legged place: might be

Chief Post of those regions,--nest-egg of a diligent Ohio Company.!"

Mr. George, some way down the Ohio River, found a strongish French

Fort, log-barracks, "200 river-boats, with more building," and a French

Commandant, who cannot enter into questions of a diplomatic nature about

Peace and War: "My orders are, To keep this Fort and Territory against

all comers; one must do one's orders, Monsieur: Adieu!" And the

steadfast Washington had to return; without result,--except that of the

admirable Three-legged Place for dropping your Nest-egg, in a commanding

and defenceful way!

Ohio Company, painfully restrained so long in that operation, took

the hint at once. Despatched, early in 1754, a Party of some Forty or

Thirty-three stout fellows, with arms about them, as well as tools,

"Go build us, straightway, a Stockade in the place indicated; you are

warranted to smite down, by shot or otherwise, any gainsayer!" And

furthermore, directly got on foot, and on the road thither, a "regiment

of 150 men," Washington as Colonel to it, For perfecting said Stockade,

and maintaining it against all comers.

Washington and his Hundred-and-fifty--wagonage, provender and a piece or

two of cannon, all well attended to--vigorously climbed the Mountains;

got to the top 27th May, 1754; and there MET the Thirty-three in retreat

homewards! Stockade had been torn out, six weeks ago (17th April last);

by overwhelming French Force, from the Gentleman who said ADIEU, and had

the river-boats, last Fall. And, instead of our Stockade, they are now

building a regular French Fort,--FORT DUQUESNE, they call it, in honor

of their Governor Duquesne:--against which, Washington and his regiment,

what are they? Washington, strictly surveying, girds himself up for the

retreat; descends diligently homewards again, French and Indians rather

harassing his rear. In-trenches himself, 1st July, at what he calls

"Fort Necessity," some way down; and the second day after, 3d July,

1754, is attacked in vigorous military manner. Defends himself, what he

can, through nine hours of heavy rain; has lost thirty, the French only

three;--and is obliged to capitulate: "Free Withdrawal" the terms

given. This is the last I heard of the Ohio Company; not the last

of Washington, by any means. Ohio Company,--its judicious Nest-egg

squelched in this manner, nay become a fiery Cockatrice or "FORT

DUQUESNE:"--need not be mentioned farther.

By this time, surely high time now, serious military preparations were

on foot; especially in the various Colonies most exposed. But, as usual,

it is a thing of most admired disorder; every Governor his own King or

Vice-King, horses are pulling different ways: small hope there,

unless the Home Government (where too I have known the horses a little

discrepant, unskilful in harness!) will seriously take it in hand.

The Home Government is taking it in hand; horses willing, if a thought

unskilful. Royal Highness of Cumberland has selected General

Braddock, and Two Regiments of the Line (the two that ran away

at Prestonpans,--ABSIT OMEN). Royal Highness consults, concocts,

industriously prepares, completes; modestly certain that here now is the

effectual remedy.

About New-year's day, 1755, Braddock, with his Two Regiments and

completed apparatus, got to sea. Arrived, 20th February, at Williamsburg

in Virginia ("at Hampden, near there," if anybody is particular); found

now that this was not the place to arrive at; that he would lose six

weeks of marching, by not having landed in Pennsylvania instead. Found

that his Stores had been mispacked at Cork,--that this had happened,

and also that;--and, in short, that Chaos had been very considerably

prevalent in this Adventure of his; and did still, in all that now lay

round it, much prevail. Poor man: very brave, they say; but without

knowledge, except of field-drill; a heart of iron, but brain mostly

of pipe-clay quality. A man severe and rigorous in regimental points;

contemptuous of the Colonial Militias, that gathered to help him;

thrice-contemptuous of the Indians, who were a vital point in the

Enterprise ahead. Chaos is very strong,--especially if within oneself

as well! Poor Braddock took the Colonial Militia Regiments, Colonel

Washington as Aide-de-Camp; took the Indians and Appendages, Colonial

Chaos much presiding: and after infinite delays and confused hagglings,

got on march;--2,000 regular, and of all sorts say 4,000 strong.

Got on march; sprawled and haggled up the Alleghanies,--such a

Commissariat, such a wagon-service, as was seldom seen before. Poor

General and Army, he was like to be starved outright, at one time; had

not a certain Mr. Franklin come to him, with charitable oxen, with

500 pounds-worth provisions live and dead, subscribed for at

Philadelphia,--Mr Benjamin Franklin, since celebrated over all the

world; who did not much admire this iron-tempered General with the

pipe-clay brain. [Franklin's AUTOBIOGRAPHY;--Gentleman's Magazine,--xxv.

378.] Thereupon, however, Braddock took the road again; sprawled and

staggered, at the long last, to the top; "at the top of the Alleghanies,

15th June;"--and forward down upon FORT DUQUESNE, "roads nearly

perpendicular in some places," at the rate of "four miles" and even of

"one mile per day." Much wood all about,--and the 400 Indians to rear,

in a despised and disgusted condition, instead of being vanward keeping

their brightest outlook.

July 8th, Braddock crossed the Monongahela without hindrance. July 9th,

was within ten miles of FORT DUQUESNE; plodding along; marching through

a wood, when,--Ambuscade of French and Indians burst out on him, French

with defences in front and store of squatted Indians on each flank,--who

at once blew him to destruction, him and his Enterprise both. His men

behaved very ill; sensible perhaps that they were not led very well.

Wednesday, 9th July, 1755, about three in the afternoon. His two

regiments gave one volley and no more; utterly terror-struck by the

novelty, by the misguidance, as at Prestonpans before; shot, it was

whispered, several of their own Officers, who were furiously rallying

them with word and sword: of the sixty Officers, only five were not

killed or wounded. Brave men clad in soldier's uniform, victims of

military Chaos, and miraculous Nescience, in themselves and in others:

can there be a more distressing spectacle? Imaginary workers are all

tragical, in this world; and come to a bad end, sooner or later, they

or their representatives here: but the Imaginary Soldier--he is paid his

wages (he and his poor Nation are) on the very nail!

Braddock, refusing to fall back as advised, had five horses shot under

him; was himself shot, in the arm, in the breast; was carried off the

field in a death-stupor,--forward all that night, next day and next (to

Fort Cumberland, seventy miles to rear);--and on the fourth day died.

The Colonial Militias had stood their ground, Colonel Washington now of

some use again;--who were ranked well to rearward; and able to receive

the ambuscade as an open fight. Stood striving, for about three hours.

And would have saved the retreat; had there been a retreat, instead of

a panic rout, to save. The poor General--ebbing homewards, he and his

Enterprise, hour after hour--roused himself twice only, for a moment,

from his death-stupor: once, the first night, to ejaculate mournfully,

"Who would have thought it!" And again once, he was heard to say, days

after, in a tone of hope, "Another time we will do better!" which were

his last words, "death following in a few minutes." Weary, heavy-laden

soul; deep Sleep now descending on it,--soft sweet cataracts of Sleep

and Rest; suggesting hope, and triumph over sorrow, after all:--"Another

time we will do better;" and in few minutes was dead! [Manuscript

JOURNAL OF GENERAL BRADDOCK'S EXPEDITION IN 1755 (British Museum: King's

Library, 271 e, King's Mss. 212): raw-material, this, of the Official

Account (--London Gazette,--August 26th, 1755), where it is faithfully

enough abridged. Will perhaps be printed by some inquiring PITTSBURGHER,

one day, after good study on the ground itself? It was not till 1758

that the bones of the slain were got buried, and the infant Pittsburg

(now so busy and smoky) rose from the ashes of FORT DUQUESNE.]

The Colonial Populations, who had been thinking of Triumphal Arches

for Braddock's return, are struck to the nadir by this news. French and

Indians break over the Mountains, harrying, burning, scalping; the Black

Settlers fly inward, with horror and despair: "And the Home Government,

too, can prove a broken reed? What is to become of us; whose is America

to be?"--And in fact, under such guidance from Home Governments and

Colonial, there is no saying how the matter might have gone. To men of

good judgment, and watching on the spot, it was, for years coming, an

ominous dubiety,--the chances rather for the French, "who understand

war, and are all under one head." [Governor Pownal's Memorial (of which

INFRA), in Thackeray's--Life of Chatham.--] But there happens to be in

England a Mr. Pitt, with royal eyes more and more indignantly set

on this Business; and in the womb of Time there lie combinations and

conjunctures. If the Heavens have so decreed!--

The English had, before this, despatched their Admiral Boscawen, to

watch certain War-ships, which they had heard the French were fitting

out for America; and to intercept the same, by capture if not otherwise.

Boscawen is on the outlook, accordingly; descries a French fleet, Coast

of Newfoundland, first days of June; loses it again in the fogs of the

Gulf-Stream; but has, June 9th (a month before that of Braddock), come

up with Two Frigates of it, and, after short broadsiding, made prizes

of them. And now, on this Braddock Disaster, orders went, "To seize and

detain all French Ships whatsoever, till satisfaction were had." And,

before the end of this Year, about "800 French ships (value, say,

700,000 pounds)" were seized accordingly, where seizable on their watery

ways. Which the French ("our own conduct in America being so undeniably

proper") characterized as utter piracy and robbery;--and getting no

redress upon it, by demand in that style, had to take it as no better

than meaning Open War Declared. [Paris, December 21st, 1755, Minister

Rouille's Remonstrance, with menace "UNLESS--:" London, January 13th,

1756, Secretary Fox's reply, "WELL THEN, NO!" Due official "Declaration

of War" followed: on the English part, "17th May, 1756;" "9th June," on

the French part.]

Chapter XV.--ANTI-PRUSSIAN WAR-SYMPTOMS: FRIEDRICH VISIBLE FOR A MOMENT.

The Burning of AKAKIA, and those foolish Maupertuis-Voltaire Duellings

(by syringe and pistol) had by no means been Friedrich's one concern,

at the time Voltaire went off. Precisely in those same months, Carnival

1752-1753, King Friedrich had, in a profoundly private manner, come upon

certain extensive Anti-Prussian Symptoms, Austrian, Russian, Saxon, of

a most dangerous, abstruse, but at length indubitable sort; and is, ever

since, prosecuting his investigation of them, as a thing of life and

death to him! Symptoms that there may well be a THIRD Silesian War

ripening forward, inevitable, and of weightier and fiercer quality than

ever. So the Symptoms indicate to Friedrich, with a fatally increasing

clearness. And, of late, he has to reflect withal: "If these

French-English troubles bring War, our Symptoms will be ripe!" As, in

fact, they proved to be.

King Friedrich's investigations and decisions on this matter will be

touched upon, farther on: but readers can take, in the mean time, the

following small Documentary Piece as Note of Preparation. The facts

shadowed forth are of these Years now current (1752-1755), though this

judicial Deposition to the Facts is of ulterior date (1757).

In the course of 1756, as will well appear farther on, it became

manifest to the Saxon Court and to all the world that somebody had been

playing traitor in the Dresden Archives. Somebody, especially in

the Foreign Department; copying furtively, and imparting to Prussia,

Despatches of the most secret, thrice-secret and thrice-dangerous

nature, which lie reposited there! Who can have done it? Guesses,

researcher, were many: at length suspicion fell on one Menzel, a

KANZELLIST (Government Clerk), of good social repute, and superior

official ability; who is not himself in the Foreign Department at

all; but whose way of living, or the like sign, had perhaps seemed

questionable. In 1757, Menzel, and the Saxon Court and its businesses,

were all at Warsaw; Menzel dreaming of no disturbance, but prosecuting

his affairs as formerly,--when, one day, September 24th (the

slot-hounds, long scenting and tracking, being now at the mark), Menzel

and an Associate of his were suddenly arrested. Confronted with their

crimes, with the proofs in readiness; and next day,--made a clear

Confession, finding the matter desperate otherwise, Copy of which, in

Notarial form, exact and indisputable, the reader shall now see. As

this story, of Friedrich and the Saxon Archives, was very famous in the

world, and mythic circumstances are prevalent, let us glance into it

with our own eyes, since there is opportunity in brief compass.

"EXTRACTUS PROTOCOLLORUM IN INQUISITIONS-SACHEN,"--THAT IS TO SAY,

EXTRACT OF PROTOCOLS IN INQUEST "CONTRA FRIEDRICH WILHELM MENZEL AND

JOHANN BENJAMIN ERFURTH."

"AT WARSAW, 25th SEPTEMBER, 1757: This day, in the King's Name, in

presence of Legationsrath von Saul, Hofrath Ferbers and Kriegsrath von

Gotze the Undersigned: Examination of the Kabinets-Kanzellist Menzel,

arrested yesterday, and now brought from his place of arrest to the

Royal Palace;--who, ADMONITUS DE DICENDA VERITATE, made answers, to the

effect following:--

"His name is Friedrich Wilhelm Menzel; age thirty-eight; is a son of

the late Hofrath and Privy-referendary Menzel, who formerly was in the

King's service, and died a few years back. Has been seventeen years

Kanzellist at the GEHEIME CABINETS-CANZLEI (Secret Archive); had taken

the oath when he entered on his office.

"Acknowledges some Slips of Paper (ZETTEL), now shown to him, to be

his handwriting: they contained news intended to be communicated to the

Prussian Secretary Benoit, now residing here", at Dresden formerly.

"Confesses that he has employed, here as well as previously in Dresden,

his Brother-in-law, the journeyman goldsmith Erfurth (who was likewise

arrested yesterday), to convey to the Prussian Secretaries, Plessmann

and Benoit, such pieces and despatches from the Secret Cabinet,

especially the Foreign department, as he, Menzel, wanted to communicate

to said Prussian Secretaries.

"Confesses having received, by degrees, since the year 1752, from the

Prussian Minister (ENVOYE) von Mahlzahn, and the Secretaries Plessmann

and Benoit, for such communications, the sum of 3,000 thalers (450

pounds) in all.

"Was led into these treasonable practices by the following circumstance:

He owed at that time 100 thalers on a Promissory Note, to a certain

Rhenitz, who then lived (HIELT SICH AUF) at Dresden, and who pressed him

much for payment. As he pleaded inability to pay, Rhenitz hinted that he

could put him into the way of getting money; and accordingly, at last,

took him to the then Prussian Secretary Hecht, at Dresden; by whom he

was at once carried to the Prussian Minister von Mahlzahn; who gave him

100 thalers (15 pounds), with the request to communicate to him, now

and then, news from the Archive of the Cabinet. For a length of time

Prisoner could not accomplish this; as the said Von Mahlzahn wanted

Pieces from the Foreign Office, and especially the Correspondence with

the two Imperial Courts of Austria and Russia. These papers were locked

in presses, which Prisoner could not get at; moreover, the Court had,

in the mean time, gone to Warsaw, Prisoner remaining at Dresden. In that

way, many months passed without his being able to communicate anything;

till, at last, about December, 1752, the Secretary Plessmann gave him

a whole bunch of keys, which were said to be sent by Privy-counsellor

Eichel of Potsdam [whom we know], to try whether any of them would

unlock the presses of the Foreign Department. But none of them would;

and Prisoner returned the keys; pointing out, however, what alterations

were required to fit the keyhole.

"And, about three weeks after this, Plessmann provided Prisoner with

another set of keys; among which one did unlock said presses. With this

key Prisoner now repeatedly opened the presses; and provided Plessmann,

whenever required,--oftenest, with Petersburg Despatches. Had also,

three years ago (1754), here in Warsaw, communicated Vienna Despatches,

three or four times, to Benoit; especially on Sundays and Thursdays,

which were slack days, nobody in the Office about noon.

"The actual first of these Communications did not take place till after

Easter-Fair, 1753; Prisoner not having, till said Fair, received the

second bunch of keys from Plessmann. Now and then he had to communicate

French Despatches. Whenever he gave original Despatches, he received

them back shortly after, and replaced them in the presses. During this

present stay of the Court at Warsaw, has communicated little to Benoit

except from the CIRCULARS [Legation NEWS-LETTERS], when he found

anything noteworthy in them; also, now and then, the Ponikau Despatches

[Ponikau being at the Reich's Diet, in circumstances interesting to us].

Has received, one time and another, several 100 thalers from Benoit,

since the Court came hither last."--(And so EXIT Menzel.)

"Hereupon the Second Prisoner was brought in;--who deposed as follows:--

"He is named Johann Benjamin Erfurth; a goldsmith by trade; age

thirty-two; the Prisoner Menzel's Brother-in-law.

"Confesses that Menzel had made use of him, at Dresden, during one

year: to deliver, several times, sealed papers to the Prussian Secretary

Plessmann, or rather mostly to Plessmann's servant. Also that, here in

Warsaw, he has had to carry Despatches to Benoit, and to deliver them

into his own hands. Latterly he has delivered the Despatches to certain

Prussian peasants, who stopped at Benoit's, and who always relieved each

other; and every time, the one who went away directed Prisoner, in turn,

to him that arrived.

"He received from Menzel, yesterday towards noon, a small sealed

packet, which he was to convey to the Prussian peasant who had made an

appointment with him at the Prussian Office (HOF) here. But as he

was going to take it, and had just got outside of the Palace Court, a

corporal took hold of him and arrested him. Confesses having concealed

the parcel in his trousers-pocket, and to have denied that he had

anything upon him.... ACTUM UT SUPRA."

Signed "GOTZE" (with titles).

"Next day, September 26th, Menzel re-examined; answers in effect

following:--

"Plessmann never himself came into the Archive Office at Dresden; except

the one time [a time that will be notable to us!] when the Prussians

were there to take away the Papers by force; then Plessmann was with

them,"--and we will remember the circumstance.

"Before leaving Dresden for Poland, last Year (1756), he, Menzel, had

returned the said key to Plessmann; who gave him others for use here.

After his arrival here, he returned these keys to Benoit, in the

presence of Erfurth; saying, they were of no use to him, and that he

could not get at the Despatches here. Prisoner farther declares, that it

was the Minister von Mahlzahn who, of his own accord, and quite at the

beginning, made the proposal concerning the keys; and when Plessmann

brought the keys, he said expressly they were for the Minister, along

with fifty thalers, which he, Menzel, received at the same time. ACTUM

UT SUPRA." Signed as before. [--Helden-Geschichte,--v. 677 (as BEYLAGE

or Appendix to the Kur-Sachsen "PRO MEMORIA to the Reich's Diet;" of

date, Regensburg, 31st January, 1758).]

We could give some of the stolen Pieces, too; but they are of abstruse

tenor, and would be mere enigmas to readers here. Enough that Friedrich

understands them. To Friedrich's intense and long-continued scrutiny,

they indicate, what is next to incredible, but is at length fatally

undeniable, That the old TREATY, which we called OF WARSAW, "Treaty

for Partitioning Prussia," is still (in spite of all subsequent and

superincumbent Treaties to the contrary) vigorously alive underground;

that Saxon Bruhl and her Hungarian Majesty, to whom is now added Czarish

Majesty, are fixed as ever on cutting down this afflictive, too aspiring

King of Prussia to the size of a Brandenburg Elector; busy (in these

Menzel Documents) considering how it may be done, especially how

the bear-skin may be SHARED;--and that, in short, there lies ahead,

inevitable seemingly, and not far off, a Third Silesian War.

Which punctually came true. The THIRD SILESIAN WAR--since called

SEVEN-YEARS WAR, that proving to be the length of it--is now near.

Breaks out, has to break out, August, 1756. The heaviest and direst

struggle Friedrich ever had; the greatest of all his Prowesses,

Achievements and Endurances in this world. And, on the whole, the last

that was very great, or that is likely to be memorable with Posterity.

Upon which, accordingly, we must try our utmost to leave some not untrue

notion in this place: and that once DONE--Courage, reader!

FRIEDRICH IS VISIBLE, IN HOLLAND, TO THE NAKED EYE, FOR SOME MINUTES

(June 23d, 1755).

In 1755 it was that Voltaire wrote, not the first Letter, but the first

very notable one, to his Royal Friend, after their great quarrel: [Dated

"The DELICES, near Geneva, 4th August, 1755" (in Rodenbeck, i. 287;

in--OEuvres de Frederic,--xxiii. 7; not given by any of the French

Editors).] seductively repentant, and oh, so true, so tender;--Royal

Friend still obstinate, who answers nothing, or answers only through

De Prades: "Yes, yes, we are aware!" And it was in the same Year that

Friedrich first saw D'Alembert,--Voltaire's successor, in a sense. And

farther on (1st November, 1755), that the Earthquake of Lisbon went,

horribly crashing, through the thoughts of all mortals,--thoughts of

King Friedrich, among others; whose reflections on it, I apprehend, are

stingy, snarlingly contemptuous, rather than valiant and pious, and need

not detain us here. One thing only we will mention, for an accidental

reason: That Friedrich, this Year, made a short run to Holland,--and

that actual momentary sight of him happens thereby to be still possible.

In Summer, 1755, after the West-Country Reviews, and a short Journey

into Ost-Friesland, whence to Wesel on the Rhine,--whither Friedrich had

invited D'Alembert to meet him, whom he finds "UN TRES-AIMABLE GARCON,"

likely for the task in hand,--Friedrich decided on a run into Holland:

strictly INCOGNITO, accompanied only by Balbi (Engineer, a Genoese) and

one page. Bade his D'Alembert adieu; and left Wesel thitherward

June 19th. [Rodenbeck, i. 287.] At Amsterdam he viewed the Bramkamp

Picture-Gallery, the illustrious Country-house of Jew Pinto at

TULPENBURG (Tulip-borough!)... "I saw nothing but whim-whams

(COLIFICHETS)," says he: "I gave myself out for a Musician of the

King of Poland;" wore a black wig moreover, "and was nowhere known:"

[--OEuvres,--xxvii. i. 268 ("Potsdam, 28th June, 1755;" and ib. p.

270), to Wilhelmina, who is now on the return from her Italian Journey.

UNCERTAIN Anecdotes of adventures among the whim-whams, in Rodenbeck,

&c.]--and, for finis, got into the common Passage-Boat (TREKSCHUIT,

no doubt) for Utrecht, that he might see the other fine Country-houses

along the Vechte. Fine enough Country-houses,--not mud and sedges the

main thing, as idle readers think. To Arnheim up the Vechte in this

manner; Wesel and his own Country just at hand again.

Now it happened that a young Swiss--poor enough in purse, but not

without talent and eyesight, assistant Teacher in some Boarding-school

thereabouts; name of him De Catt, age twenty-seven, "born at Morges near

Geneva 1728"--had got holiday, or had got errand, poor good soul; had

decided, on this same day (23d June, 1755), to go to Utrecht, and so

stept into the very boat where Friedrich was. He himself (in a Letter

written long after to Editor LAVEAUX) shall tell us the rest:--

"As I could n't get into the ROEF (cabin) because it was all engaged, I

stayed with the other passengers in the Steerage (DANS LA BARQUE MEME),

and the weather being fine, came up on deck. After some time, there

stept out of the Cabin a man in cinnamon-colored coat with gold

button-HOLES; in black wig; face and coat considerably dusted with

Spanish snuff. He looked fixedly at me, for a while; and then said,

without farther preface, 'Who are you, Monsieur?' This cavalier tone

from an unknown person, whose exterior indicated nothing very important,

did not please me; and I declined satisfying his curiosity. He was

silent. But, some time after, he took a more courteous tone, and said:

'Come in here to me, Monsieur! You will be better here than in the

Steerage, amid the tobacco-smoke.' This polite address put an end to

all anger; and as the singular manner of the man excited my curiosity,

I took advantage of his invitation. We sat down, and began to speak

confidentially with one another.

"Do you see the man in the garden yonder, sitting smoking his pipe?'

said he to me: 'That man, you may depend upon it, is not happy.'--'I

know not,' answered I: 'but it seems to me, until one knows a man, and

is completely acquainted with his situation and his way of thought, one

cannot possibly determine whether he is happy or unhappy.'

"My gentleman admitted this [very good-natured!]; and led the

conversation on the Dutch Government. He criticised it,--probably to

bring me to speak. I did speak; and gave him frankly to know that he

was not perfectly instructed in the thing he was criticising.--'You

are right,' answered he; 'one can only criticise what one is thoroughly

acquainted with.'--He now began to speak of Religion; and with eloquent

tongue to recount what mischief Scholastic Philosophy had brought upon

the world; then tried to prove 'That Creation was impossible.' At this

last point I stood out in opposition. 'But how can one create Something

out of Nothing?' said he. 'That is not the question,' answered I; 'the

question is, Whether such a Being as God can or cannot give existence to

what has yet none.' He seemed embarrassed, and added, 'But the Universe

is eternal.'--'You are in a circle,' said I; 'how will you get out of

it?'--'I skip over it" said he, laughing; and then began to speak of

other things.

"'What form of Government do you reckon the best?' inquired he,

among other things. 'The monarchic, if the King is just and

enlightened.'--'Very well,' answered he; 'but where will you find Kings

of that sort?' And thereupon went into such a sally upon Kings, as could

not in the least lead me to the supposition that he was one. In the

end he expressed pity for them, that they could not know the sweets

of friendship; and cited on the occasion these verses (his own, I

suppose):--

--'Amitie, plaisir des grandes ames;

Amitie, que les Rois, ces illustres ingrats,

Sont assez malheureux de ne connaitre pas!'--

'I have not the honor to be acquainted with Kings,' said I; 'but to

judge by what one has read in History of several of them, I should

believe, Monsieur, that you, on the whole, are right.'--'AH, OUI, OUI, I

am right; I know the gentlemen!'

"We now got to speak of Literature. The stranger expressed himself with

enthusiastic admiration of Racine. A droll incident happened during

our dialogue. My gentleman wanted to let down a little sash-window, and

could n't manage it. 'You don't understand that,' said I; 'let me

do that.' I tried to get it down; but succeeded no better than he.

'Monsieur,' said he, 'allow me to remark, on my side, that you, upon my

honor, understand as little of it as I!'--'That is true; and I beg your

pardon; I was too rash in accusing you of want of expertness.'--'Were

you ever in Germany?' he now asked me. 'No; but I should like to make

that journey: I am very curious to see the Prussian States, and their

King, of whom one hears so much.' And now I began to launch out on

Friedrich's actions; but he interrupted me rapidly, with the words:

'Nothing more of Kings, Monsieur! What have we to do with them? We will

spend the rest of our voyage on more agreeable and cheering objects.'

And now he spoke of the best of all possible worlds; and maintained

that, in our Planet Earth, there was more Evil than Good. I maintained

the contrary; and this dispute brought us to the end of our voyage.

"On quitting me, he said, 'I hope, Monsieur, you will leave me your

name: I am very glad to have made your acquaintance; perhaps we shall

see one another again.' I replied, as was fitting, to the compliment;

and begged him to excuse me for contradicting him a little. 'Ascribe

this,' I concluded, 'to the ill-humor which various little journeys I

had to make in these days have given me.' I then told him my name, and

we parted." [Laveaux,--Histoire de Frederic--(2d edition, Strasbourg,

1789, and blown now into SIX vols. instead of four; dead all, except

this fraction), vi. 365. Seyfarth, ii. 234, is right; ib. 170, wrong,

and has led others wrong.] Parted to meet again; and live together for

about twenty years.

Of this honest Henri de Catt, whom the King liked on this Interview,

and sent for soon after, and at length got as "LECTEUR DU ROI," we

shall hear again. ["September, 1755," sent for (but De Catt was ill and

couldn't); "December, 1757" got (Rodenbeck, i. 285).] He did, from 1757

onwards, what De Prades now does with more of noise, the old D'Arget

functions; faithfully and well, for above twenty years;--left a

Note-Book (not very Boswellian) about the King, which is latterly in

the Royal Archives at Berlin; and which might without harm, or even with

advantage, be printed, but has never yet been. A very harmless De

Catt. And we are surely obliged to him for this view of the Travelling

Gentleman "with the cinnamon-colored coat, snuffy nose and black wig,"

and his manner of talking on light external subjects, while the

inner man of him has weights enough pressing on it. Age still under

five-and-forty, but looks old for his years.

"June 23d, 1755:" it is in the very days while poor Braddock is

staggering down the Alleghanies; Braddock fairly over the top;--and the

Fates waiting him, at a Fortnight's distance. Far away, on the other

side of the World. But it is notable enough how Pitt is watching the

thing; and will at length get hand laid on it, and get the kingship over

it for above four years. Whereby the JENKINS'S-EAR QUESTION will

again, this time on better terms, coalesce with the SILESIAN, or

PARTITION-OF-PRUSSIA QUESTION; and both these long Controversies get

definitely closed, as the Eternal Decrees had seen good.