Marquis Ito recently received from Mr. Hioki, Secretary of our legation
at Washington, a package containing interesting reminders of his sojourn
in the American capital thirty-four years ago, when he spent a few
months there for the study of the financial system of the Republic. In
his work of investigation he received most valuable assistance from Mr.
H.J. Saville, the Chief Clerk of the Treasury, and it was from this
gentleman that these interesting relics of the distinguished statesman's
visit were originally obtained by Mr. Hioki. Mr. Saville is still living
in Washington, and preserves a most vivid recollection of the Marquis's
visit. The documents relate to a farewell dinner given by Marquis Ito at
Welcker's, Fifteenth Street, on April 28, 1871. Among the guests on the
occasion, we find the names of President Grant, Vice-President Schuyler,
Speaker Blaine, Secretary Fish, and other members of the cabinet, and a
number of senators and congressmen. Among the Japanese present, besides
the host, were the late Count Mutsu, the late Viscount Mori (then our
Minister at Washington), the late Baron Nakashima, and Mr. Genichiro
Fukuchi. On that occasion the Marquis delivered a speech in English,
which, apart from the interest derived from the personality of the
speaker, deserves attention on account of the light it throws upon the
liberal aspirations of the makers of New Japan--aspirations which have
since been so successfully realised. We reproduce below the speech
exactly as it stands in the copy before us:--
'Taking advantage of the opportunity afforded me by the assembling here
of so many of the gentlemen who have assisted me to accomplish the
object of my coming, I desire to extend to them my sincere thanks for
the many courtesies received at their hands, and to assure them that I
return fully satisfied with the result of my mission, and with an
abiding faith that all they have taught me will bear good fruit in due
season.
'It seems to me that an examination of the past as well as the present
condition of the world will show that civilisation has not reached its
highest development, but that progress in that as in other things is
possible in the future. As an evidence of this I would instance the fact
that this nation, which less than one hundred years ago was unknown, now
ranks second to none in civilisation and in importance. This fact tends
strongly to encourage the oriental nations to efforts towards a higher
civilisation than they now possess.
'The inquiry naturally is: What is the reason the oriental peoples have
not reached the same degree of civilisation as the European? Are the
material resources of the oriental countries insufficient? Is the native
force of the people deficient? No: these questions we put aside, and we
find the explanation mainly in the character of the government. You ask
whence came this peculiar character? I can only answer, I think from
education. It seems to me that all the highest order in modern
civilisation derives its strength from the development of the intellect,
and the improvement of the scientific knowledge and accomplishments of
men. It is further strengthened by development of the inherent
principles of natural law, the encouragement in the people of a high
ideal of right and wrong, and the strong political organisation made
possible by such a foundation; so that we may conclude that the highest
degree of civilisation belongs to that nation which has most developed a
high order of general education and broad principles of political
liberty.
'I doubt if the question of strength materially influences the destiny
of nations. As an illustration of this we know that the civilisation of
Egypt, India, Greece, and Rome has not been lost, but has been merely
transferred from those countries to the West, as the star of the empire
travels. The loss of civilisation in these nations sprang not from the
fact that they were physically weak, but from the more subtle one that
within themselves they contain an inherent weakness.
'A more modern instance is the late Franco-Prussian war. None of us
doubt the strength of the French nation, the skill of its generals and
ability of its soldiers, and yet how have our hearts been wrung with
sympathy for poor France when brought in contact with the more superior
force of Prussia--superior not only in material strength, but in skilful
soldiers, in able generals, and in wise counsellors. So I say strength
has very little to do with the development of civilisation, strength is
merely relative; civilisation is the quality which is never lost, and
never can be conquered.
'I find very erroneous ideas prevail in America as well as in Europe in
relation to my country. The Empire of Japan consists of numerous islands
in the Oriental Sea, along the coast of the Asian continent. I think the
recorded existence of the nation extends over something more than two
thousand five hundred years, during which time its intercourse with
foreign nations has been exceedingly limited. In the seventeenth century
intercourse began with the Portuguese, Spanish, and some other European
nations, but the decline of these led to its decay. Our people have not
been ambitious. They have been satisfied when they have reached that
competency which gives support, and as a result they have not sought
foreign intercourse.
'Seventeen years ago the American Government sent an envoy to our
country, with instructions to advise us to open our ports to foreign
intercourse, and this advice so kindly given was acted on. Since that
time our intercourse with foreign nations has been growing, until at
present Japan bids fair to be as well known as America.
'With the commencement of this intercourse, the Japanese people began to
realise that they had not reached the highest stage of civilisation, and
they began the investigation of what constituted European and American
civilisation. Beginning by the introduction of some of the most useful
of the foreign arts, sciences, and mechanical inventions into their
country, they have so far progressed as to have at this time reached the
necessity for sending missions abroad to obtain a knowledge of the
foreign systems of finances, and we have come to America to study your
financial system as well as to obtain additional knowledge in other
branches of civilised government, which will be of benefit to us in our
efforts to reach that high estate which you have already attained. And
this we hold as strong evidence of the progress of Japan in civilised
ideas. I wish I could express to you how great that advancement has
been.
'But to return to the history of my country. About seven hundred years
ago the power of the commanding general became so great that he was
enabled to usurp the authority of the emperor proper; and from that
time, descending through father and son, this power became stronger,
until at last the government of Japan had virtually fallen into their
hands; and instead of the Government being spoken of as the Mikado's
government, it came to be known as the government of the Tycoon, who was
in reality the powerful ruler of the people.
'But no one family enjoyed the power of the Tycoonety in peace. During
the existence of what is known as the Tycoon's government six of the
principal ducal families of the empire contended for the position of
Tycoon, and each in his turn came into possession of the reins of
government.
'Out of the quarrels of these ducal families grew a system somewhat
resembling the feudal system of Europe. The constant fighting of these
antagonistic elements made this possible. About three hundred years ago
the Tokugawa family came into possession of the power and dignity of the
Tycoon. From this time the feudal system founded in the necessities and
strengthened by the wars of the many as aspirants for power came to be a
fixed institution, and the reign of the Tokugawa family proving to be a
peaceful one, its hold on the country became thoroughly well
established.
'Before the usurpation of the Tycoon the form of government was
absolutely monarchical, with no independent princes or powers.
'As a result of the Tycoon's rule, not alone the Tycoon's position
became hereditary, but also all the highest governmental
positions--generals, ministers, and princes, the latter being originally
merely governors. With the establishment of intercourse with foreign
countries, and the consequent development of the progressive people of
Japan, they began to realise their unsatisfactory form of government
under which they were living. They became dissatisfied with the rule of
an authority which did not encourage ability, and whose strength lay in
hereditary claims to power. This sentiment growing stronger and
stronger, they at last resolved to abolish the power and office of the
Tycoon and return the real power to the hands of the emperor. This
resolution on their part has given rise to the stories of revolution in
Japan, the revolution being in reality only the efforts of the better
people to form a stable and reliable Government with the proper and
respected power at its head, assisted in its control of affairs by
ability, integrity, and faithfulness wherever found.
'This came to be an accomplished fact four years ago, and to-day, as a
result, we have the former vassal and servant of the prince sitting in
the high seats by his side, and counselling with him in the affairs of
the nation.
'But the Japanese people do not mean to stop here. There is now a
growing sentiment in Japan which strongly favours constitutional
monarchy, a growing feeling against hereditary power, hereditary rank,
and hereditary possessions. It may be that the bright hopes of some of
my people will not be realised at once, but if the past is taken as an
index of what is to come, I am encouraged to say that the progress of
the future will find Japan, in a very few years, in the front rank of
advanced and civilised nations, with a Government as liberal in form and
generous to its citizens as that of any monarchy under the sun.
'In Japan, as in other parts of the world, there must necessarily be
differences of opinion. We have among our people radical and rapid
progressists; conservatives, always making haste slowly, always studying
the situation, always moving with great caution and circumspection,
often unwisely wasting their opportunities for advancement by too great
caution or timid fear; others timid because of the fear that they will
lose their property or position by any change; others, the selfish
Utopian, who builds an impossible castle, hoping that the foundation
stones may be precious jewels, resting in his land only; and, lastly,
there are yet a few who are opposed to foreign intercourse, and who
believe that its strength lies in closed ports and selfish sufficiency
unto themselves.
'To the outsider in Japan all these differences may appear as elements
of weakness, when in fact they are elements of strength; and, perhaps,
in no country can this be so well appreciated as America, where the
strength and success of the Government depends so much on the agitation
of questions by the people. The time is coming when Japan will stand
among the first in its civilisation and progress. The question with us
is: "How can we most rapidly reach this high state of development?" To
my mind the best answer is by educating the people and developing the
country.
'We are grateful to realise that the American people understand our
efforts, and more especially that the distinguished company of gentlemen
here assembled understand them. The prevailing sentiment in America, it
seems to me, is in favour of the brotherhood of nations; and feeling
this when we left Japan, we felt that we were coming among a people who
would encourage and assist us in every way possible. We have not been
deceived. Every assistance has been rendered us; every facility for
study afforded us, and we will return to our country freighted with
knowledge, and, as we hope, equal to the test, which we confess is a
great one, of putting in motion such reforms and improvements as shall
place us upon a footing equal to the best of nations.
'In the years to come it is to be hoped that the intercourse between
Japan and America, the sister nations on each side of the great Pacific
Ocean, may be founded upon that strong feeling of brotherly love which
so unite distant peoples, that through storm and sunshine they will ever
be true friends and earnest assistants--co-workers in the great cause of
humanity and the development of the world in its moral, social,
intellectual, and material aspects.
'In conclusion, I desire to extend to all of the gentlemen here present,
and to thousands who are unavoidably absent, my sincere thanks for the
great courtesy and kindness which I have received at their hands; and if
it shall ever be my pleasure to meet any of you in my country, it will
afford me the greatest happiness imaginable to extend to you the warm
hand of fellowship, and to give you such a reception as will prove how
entirely and truly I appreciate all you have done for me.'