It is impossible to give a comprehensive account of the lives of these
personages, because to do so would be to write a history of Japan of the
last half century. I will, however, give you the chief points.
Marquis Ito is considered by common consent of the Japanese as the
greatest statesman of Japan at this moment; there is scarcely a single
political institution of modern Japan in which he has not shared the
initiation. Many people in the West call him the 'Maker of New Japan,'
and it is not far from fact. In other words, I may say that the greatest
service which he has rendered to Japan is her Europeanisation, for it
has been done more by his efforts than by those of any other. It is,
however, a remarkable fact that he was in his youth one of the most
ardent participators of the anti-foreign party. Not quite fifty years
ago, when but a young man of seventeen or eighteen, Japan was in a state
of internal commotion; the country was divided into two camps of
opinion, one pro-foreign, and the other anti-foreign. The Prince of
Chosiu belonged to the latter. There were many young men in Chosiu who
were ardent in the anti-foreign propaganda, and young Ito was one of
them. It was they who occasionally tried to attack foreigners, and on
one occasion actually set fire to the buildings just completed to be
used as foreign legations. Most of these young men were pupils of
Yoshida Shoin, who was known as a pioneer of the new Imperial régime
which resulted in the unification of Japan under one single sovereign,
and therefore is sometimes compared with Mazzini of Italy. Shoin held
anti-foreign sentiments and imbued the men of his day with his views.
But it must not be understood that Shoin was an anti-foreign _à
outrance_, because we can see from his writings that his views were not
opposed to foreign intercourse altogether, but he did not like the
manner in which the Europeans forced their way into the Far East in
those days. In one of his essays he states 'let us first consolidate the
empire and then let us send our ambassador, say, for example, to San
Francisco, and there conclude a treaty.'
His primary object was to restore the Imperial authority to its ancient
condition, and thus consolidate the empire. However it may be, the fact
remains that Chosiu was the foremost of the feudal clans who adopted the
anti-foreign action. Even at that time, however, there were some even in
Chosiu who had the foresight to make some 'live machines,' as they
called the young men of talent who were to meet future necessities when
the empire might ultimately be opened to the West, and some of the young
men referred to above also saw the necessity of making of themselves
such machines. In consequence of this, five young men of Chosiu sailed
to England contrary to the then existing prohibition of the Shogun
government Two of these five were the present Marquis Ito and Count
Inouyé. They got on board an English ship at Yokohama, with some
difficulty and risk, of course. At Shanghai they separated. Ito and
Inouyé went on board one sailing vessel and the other three on board
another. They knew little English then. One of the words they knew was
navigation. On board the English ship Ito and Inouyé told the captain of
the vessel that they wished to learn navigation, and he set them to work
as common sailors. They all reached London after several months' voyage
round the Cape of Good Hope. I may here mention that Yoshida Shoin, when
Commodore Perry came to the coast of Uraga, had tried to get on board
one of his ships and be taken to America in order that he might
personally see the Western countries, but was refused, and in
consequence he suffered imprisonment on account of his venturesome
attempt. It is, however, mentioned in _Perry's Expedition_, commenting
on Shoin's attempt very favourably, that 'a nation which produces such a
youth had a great future before it.' Of course, Yoshida's name was not
then known to Americans, and they, therefore, knew nothing of his
character. Regarding this incident, we may say that the five youths who
left Japan in the above manner were in a measure fulfilling the
cherished desire of Shoin.
Ito and Inouyé soon perceived what kind of people the Western nations
were and what kind of civilisation they possessed. In the meantime the
internal commotion of Japan accelerated to a very acute degree. The
troops of Chosiu bombarded several European merchantmen in the strait of
Shimonoseki from their fortifications, and soon afterwards some troops
were sent from Chosiu to Kioto, where much political complication
prevailed at the time, between the partisans of the Shogunate and
Chosiu. When the news of the bombardment of Shimonoseki reached England,
Ito and Inouyé thought that anti-foreign policy would be futile, and
that it would be better to devote the national energy more to the
internal consolidation of the empire. To this end they determined to go
back to Japan in order to persuade their Prince and government to their
newly acquired views, and on leaving the other three behind in England,
they told them to finish their education so that they might realise
their hope of becoming 'live machines.'
The history of what they did when they reached Japan is recorded in the
contemporary diplomatic documents of England and some other countries,
and also in some English books on Japan, so I need not dwell upon it
here. I may, however, state that they ultimately reached Chosiu with
much difficulty, having been first conveyed to an island near Chosiu by
an English man-of-war. Just at that time the troops of Chosiu, which had
been stationed in the neighbourhood of Kioto for some months, fought
against the troops under the Shogunate and were defeated. In the
meantime, the combined fleets of England, France, the United States, and
Holland, made their entry into the straits of Shimonoseki. Before the
youthful Ito and Inouyé had succeeded in persuading their Prince and
compatriots to adopt pro-foreign policy, Shimonoseki was bombarded.
Peace was concluded, which was greatly due to the endeavours of Ito and
Inouyé and their bosom friend Takasugi. Soon after the Shogun government
decided on an invasion of Chosiu, and surrounded it on all sides with
the troops of the Shogunate under its immediate command, and also those
of the feudal lords who were partisans of the Shogunate. The government
of Chosiu underwent a crisis, and a more moderate party, which did not
approve the daring policy of the previous government, came into power.
Many members and supporters of the previous government were ordered to
put an end to their lives, and submission was made to the Shogunate.
Inouyé had been attacked by assassins shortly before, and lay in a dying
condition resulting from several wounds which he had received. Takasugi,
who was on the point of being arrested, fled to Chikuzen. Ito remained
in Shimonoseki, where his services were indispensable to the government
of the town on account of the constant calls of foreign vessels, but he
was daily in danger of assassination.
In the meantime there arose some difference amongst the partisans of the
Shogunate, by reason of one section thinking that the terms imposed upon
Chosiu for its submission were too lenient, and therefore would be
injurious to the prestige of the Shogunate, and they insisted on
recommencing war operations.
It was a critical time for Chosiu. It was then that Takasugi returned
from Chikuzen and determined to revolt openly against the government of
Chosiu. At that moment Kawasé had a group of voluntary soldiers under
his command. Ito also had a certain number of like troops stationed in
the neighbourhood of Shimonoseki, and these three with their troops
uniting in one common cause, took possession of Shimonoseki in open
defiance of the government. Almost simultaneously Yamagata and others,
who had each a similar troop of soldiers under their command, openly
revolted against the government. The leaders soon effected a junction
and quickly defeated the partisans of the government, and thus Chosiu
was made once more an open foe of the Shogunate. At that time Inouyé
recovered from his wounds, and he also, putting himself at the head of a
large band of volunteer troops, took part in the civil strife within the
clan which has just been mentioned. A little after this the forces of
the Shogunate once more surrounded Chosiu, but they were all defeated by
the spirited troops of Chosiu. The Shogunate now found its position very
precarious. Before the war it had thought itself all-powerful, and had
been of the opinion that Chosiu would simply be frightened at the sight
of its troops, or if any battle were to be fought, one coup de main
would be enough to crush the whole of Chosiu. But as events turned out,
it was quite the contrary. There was much hesitation on the part of the
Shogunate whether to push on the war or to make peace. It was powerless
to continue fighting, but at the same time thought they would lose
prestige by asking for peace. Affairs were then allowed to drift, which
brewed discontent among its own partisans. In the meantime many powerful
feudal clans, which the Shogunate regarded as friends and supporters,
began to sympathise with Chosiu on account of its singleness of purpose
and fidelity to chivalry. Among others, Satsuma went so far as to
conclude a secret understanding with Chosiu against the Shogunate. In
the course of a few years the Shogunate came to an end, after the battle
of Fushimi, which was fought between the Imperialists and the partisans
of the Shogunate. In this engagement Chosiu and Satsuma took the most
important parts on the Imperial side. War still continued in the eastern
and northern parts of Japan for some time, the Imperialists being always
triumphant. Thus the Imperial régime of our days was inaugurated.
During this state of transition, Ito, Inouyé, and Yamagata played their
parts in different capacities, the latter more as a soldier and the two
former as politicians and diplomatists, I may here add a few words.
Takasugi died a little before the battle of Fushimi, without seeing the
consummation of his cherished ideal, being not quite thirty years of
age. Yoshida Shoin was the same age as his distinguished disciple when
he was put to death some years before. Young men did wonderful things in
those days. At the very beginning of the new government Ito was governor
of Hiogo (Kobe), which was then with Yokohama the centre of foreign
relations. It was then that he formulated and presented to the Imperial
Government his plan for the future policy of the empire, the chief
object of which was the unification of all systems, namely military,
educational, economical, and suchlike. His views were regarded as being
too radical at the time, but created some sensation and gave rise to the
term 'Hiogo opinion.' Ito has continued practically ever since to occupy
one or another, or even several high positions simultaneously in the
Government. He made several trips to Europe and America. It was in 1871
that he went to America chiefly to investigate the banking systems of
America, because it was thought that the economical system adopted by
America after its civil war might be utilised by Japan. Later on, in the
same year, he visited America and Europe as one of the ambassadors
headed by Iwakura. On their return to Japan the Korean question was at a
climax. Most of the statesmen who had remained at home were for war,
while those who had returned from Europe were for peace. As the result
of this difference of opinion the formation of the cabinet was modified.
The great Saigo and some others resigned, while Ito was appointed a
cabinet minister with the _portefeuille_ of public works. It was the
first great trial which the new Government had to undergo, but it
managed to tide over the difficulties. Okubo was now the backbone of the
new Government, and Ito his chief collaborator. The administration of
the Japanese Government was now carried on more and more on the lines of
Western enlightenment. In 1875 a Japanese gunboat was fired at off the
Korean coast. Early next year an embassy, with the late Count Kuroda as
chief and Count Inouyé as second, was sent to Korea to settle the
matter. It was then that I accepted for the first time governmental
service, and went to Korea as a member of the staff. We concluded a
treaty of peace with Korea and made her open the country to foreign
trade: we preferred peace to war.
In 1877 the civil war of Satsuma broke out, in which the great Saigo
was made by the rebels their chief. During the struggle Okubo and Ito
were the strong supports of the Government, whilst the command of the
Imperial troops at the front was chiefly in the hands of Yamagata. I may
perhaps mention that during the first half of the war I contributed my
services to the Government in a pure civil capacity, and during the
latter half of the war was attached to Yamagata's staff. The war lasted
nearly nine months, with the result that the rebellion was suppressed
and the new régime of the progressive administration was placed on a
firmer basis.
In 1878 Okubo, who was then Minister of the Interior, was assassinated,
and Ito succeeded to his place, not only as Minister of the Interior,
but in his capacity of being the moving factor of the Government.
In 1882 Ito was despatched to Europe to study the constitutional systems
of the various governments, with a view to preparing a constitution for
Japan; he returned home the next year. In 1884 another difficulty arose
with regard to Korea and China. Early in 1885 Count Inouyé was
despatched to Korea, where he concluded a new treaty, and soon after Ito
was despatched to China, where he concluded the well-known Tientsin
treaty, which had a very important bearing upon Korea. In the latter
part of that year a great reform was made in the administrative system,
and Ito was appointed Minister President of the State. In 1888 Privy
Council was instituted, and Ito was appointed its President and his
former office was taken by Count Kuroda. The first and most important
task the council had before it was the elaboration of the Imperial
Constitution. The materials which it had to work upon was chiefly those
which Ito had brought back from Europe, and which he had been maturing
ever since his return. Early next year the Imperial Constitution and the
Imperial House Law, together with several other laws in connection with
the constitutional régime then in contemplation, were promulgated, with
all solemnity and to the great joy of the whole nation. In 1890 the
first session of the new Diet instituted by the Constitution met in
Tokio, and Ito was appointed the first President of the House of Peers.
Since then he has held the post of Minister President of the State
several times. It was during his premiership that the Sino-Japanese war
took place ten years ago. Ito's present post is President of the Privy
Council. It may be said here that even when he is out of the cabinet,
his influence is felt and his services are rendered to the state. There
are a few persons who are called 'elder statesmen,' At present they are
Ito, Inouyé, Yamagata, Oyama, and Matsukata. Elder statesmanship is not
an institution recognised by a written law. It is a unique position,
more of a personal nature, and therefore it cannot be called a council
or assembly, but the members are collectively or individually taken into
the emperor's confidence. The privilege to this honour may only be
looked for by those whose meritorious services to the state stand out
above others, and the fact of their occupying such a position is
contentedly acquiesced in by the general public. Ito is the principal of
these elder statesmen. Another of Ito's great services, was his constant
endeavour during many years to keep harmony, in other words, prevent the
oft-threatened conflict between men of different clans, especially those
of Sutsuma and Chosiu, though few people are aware of that fact.
Such, as I have given it, is a brief sketch of Marquis Ito's life, which
necessarily brings in some of the general history of the time.
Particulars it would be impossible to give, owing to the fact that that
period of our history being so eventful, they are far too numerous.
From what I have narrated above, glimpses of Yamagata and Inouyé may be
gathered. I would, however, add a little more.
Yamagata is also a Chosiu man, and was at one time also a pupil of
Yoshida Shoin. He is more of a soldier, though he ranks also very high
as a statesman. He fought the battle of Shimonoseki at the head of a
band of voluntary soldiers of Chosiu, when bombarded by the combined
fleets of the four powers. He took a very important part in the civil
war in Chosiu, and in the war which took place when Chosiu was
surrounded by the Shogun troops. After the battle of Fushimi, when the
Imperialists made the expedition to the northern and eastern part of
Japan, he commanded the troops of Chosiu in the province of Echigo.
After that war he visited Europe, and on his return initiated the
adoption of the European system of universal service. At first, of
course, there was much difficulty in the matter, but his energy and
sagacity won the point Since that time he has almost always occupied
some position connected with the army, with the exception of occasional
intervals when he fulfilled some civil offices. He has been Minister of
War, Chief of the General Staff, and suchlike. Roughly speaking, we may
say that the completion of the organisation of the Japanese army is due
to him. At the time of the civil war of Satsuma he held the chief
direction of the campaign, though the title of Commander-in-Chief was
intrusted to a prince of the Imperial family. In that war it was proved
that the new troops formed on the system of universal service were more
efficient with regard to discipline and cohesive power than the Samurai
force of one of the strongest feudal clans. In the Sino-Japanese war he
commanded an army in the Liaotung Peninsula, though he had in the middle
of the war to return home on account of illness by a pressing order of
the emperor.
At present he is once more the Chief of the General Staff. His
predecessor was Marquis Oyama, but as the latter's presence as
Commander-in-Chief in Manchuria became necessary, Yamagata took his
place. I may also add that Yamagata was Prime Minister several times,
besides holding from time to time other ministerial portfolios.
Count Inouyé is also a Chosiu man, but he was not a pupil of Shoin, as
he was born in Yamaguchi and not in Hagi, where Shoin lived. He was in
his early age attached to the court of the Prince of Chosiu, as a sort
of companion to the heir of the Prince. When, however, the political
atmosphere became heated, he was one of the youths who formed the bands
of the anti-foreign party, and as such became a bosom friend of Takasugi
and Ito. He was one of those who set fire to the new buildings for the
legation. We have already seen how he visited England with Ito and
others, and in what circumstances he went home. Their experience after
returning to Chosiu was of the most exciting and varied character. It is
often most thrilling to recount the incidents connected therewith. But
of course I cannot describe them in the space of this article. I may,
however, say that the political part of the affairs in connection with
Chosiu which resulted in turning the attitude of Chosiu against the
Shogun and at last effecting an alliance with Satsuma, with the results
of the overthrow of the Shogunate, are greatly due to Takasugi, Ito, and
Inouyé, who were eventually supported by Kido, the great Chosiu
statesman. The decision which brought about the decisive battle of
Fushimi, though the Imperialists were inferior in number to the
Shogunate troops, was chiefly due to the determined counsel which Inouyé
offered at the Imperial court on behalf of Chosiu.
He held many high posts in the Government, but not so many as Ito or
Yamagata, which was perhaps due to his character being more impetuous
than the others. It was Ito who initiated the abolition of the feudal
system, which idea was taken up first by Kido and then by Okubo, both of
whom were the principal statesmen in the new Imperial régime; and it was
Inouyé who, when the system was finally abolished a few years
afterwards, carried out the measure and wound up the most complicated
and difficult affairs of all the governments of feudal lords, who
numbered several hundreds, thereby consolidating the new régime. Inouyé
was then the acting Minister of Finance, and the Minister of Finance of
those days had a far wider sphere of action than at the present time, as
there had not been instituted as yet the Ministry of the Interior. He
still exercises great influence in the political and economical affairs
of the empire, as one may see from the fact that he is one of the few
elder statesmen.
The life of Matsukata is not so striking as those of the preceding
figures, but he is also one of Japan's able statesmen. He is a Satsuma
man. He took up civil service from the early stage of the new Imperial
régime, and gradually advanced his position from a local governor to the
rank of cabinet minister. Distinguishing himself as a financier, he was
Minister of Finance for a long time, and it was he who succeeded in
adopting the gold-standard system in Japan. He also occupied premiership
several times, and has also been Minister of the Interior. He is now a
privy councillor and president of the Red Cross Society of Japan, and as
elder statesman is still rendering valuable services to the state.
I may here interpose some words about the present premier, Count
Katsura, who is a Chosiu man. He was a boy soldier at the time of the
civil war in Chosiu. When the Imperialists were sent to the north and
east of Japan to suppress the combinations of the feudal lords in those
parts who had arisen against the new Imperial régime, he, though under
age, was placed at the head of a detachment of the Chosiu troops which
escorted an Imperial envoy to persuade some of the lords to submit to
the Imperial summons. The lords, however, did not obey the summons; on
the contrary, they assumed an offensive attitude to the Imperial
messenger and harassed his escort. Katsura and his men, as well as men
of some other clans who were among the escort, had a very hard time,
having been obliged to fight their way out. At last reinforcements
arrived, and the fighting was turned in their favour. During that time
Katsura distinguished himself and was an object of admiration. After a
few years he was made a military attaché to our legation in Berlin,
where he devoted his energy to the study of military science and
organisation. He stayed there during many years, and therefore was
absent during the Satsuma war. On his return he devoted his services to
the organisation of the army, chiefly under Marquis Yamagata in the
ministry of war, in which he was made vice-minister in course of time.
He was, before the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war, chief of the
garrison at Nagoya, and in that war had the command of a division in
Liaotung, where he distinguished himself as a practical and strategical
general. He was at one time Governor-General of Formosa, at another
Minister of War, and on the resignation of the Ito cabinet in 1901 he
was appointed Minister President of State, which office he now holds.
I will now give an account of Count Okuma. He is a Hizen man: he talks
well and is possessed of a good memory. He is, no doubt, one of the
ablest Japanese in our day. His life has not been so striking as that of
Ito, Inouyé, or Yamagata in the pre-restoration period, because the clan
to which he belonged was a peaceful one in those days, and did not offer
any opportunities for adventurous youth. A little before the restoration
he was a student at Nagasaki, where he studied English to some extent.
There is no doubt, however, that he was considered clever among his
fellow-clansmen. It is to be remembered that the clans that did the
greatest work for the restoration, and produced most of the able men,
were Chosiu and Satsuma and then Tosa. Therefore we often say Satcho,
which is a term made by a combination of Satsuma and Chosiu, and
sometimes Satchoto, which is a term standing for Satsuma--Chosiu--Tosa
when Tosa is added to them. But we sometimes include Hizen, which is the
province to which Okuma belonged, and say Satchotohi. It came about in
this way. Saga in the province of Hizen was also one of the great feudal
clans. Soon after the restoration the Imperialist party, of which the
Satchoto were the important element, enlisted on their side the support
of Saga, which was only too glad to identify its cause with that of the
Imperialists. Besides, the Prince of Saga was an able man and was not
likely to let the chances slip. Hence Saga soon became a force in the
Imperial politics of Japan, and able men coming therefrom found their
way to the central political arena of Japan. It was thus that Count
Okuma was brought on to the political stage. His natural ability soon
made him conspicuous among politicians, and he rose to high positions.
The Prince of Saga had had a predilection for European civilisation even
before then, and European ideas had already been introduced in the clan
previously. Thus, for instance, an iron factory, though not successful,
was established in the province. Such surroundings, as well as his stay
at Nagasaki, had made young Okuma familiar with European ideas. He was a
great gain to men like Ito and Inouyé. They soon formed a sort of
combination among young statesmen of their own type, and thus they began
the work of introducing European ideas in Japan. The first railway
between Tokio and Yokohama, for instance, was constructed chiefly
through the efforts of Ito and Okuma, despite many prejudicial
objections which still existed.
Okuma is a man of great energy, and also a man who can stir up youth to
do that which he wishes to be done, thus qualifying himself as a good
party leader. He is also a good financier, and has done much for the
state for many years, side by side with Ito, though for consummate
ability and profound and constructive statesmanship greater credit is,
by common consent, given to Ito. In 1881 serious differences of
political opinions arose in the cabinet, in consequence of which Okuma
resigned. He then organised a political party called 'progressionists in
opposition to the Government on one hand, and on the other hand to the
Liberal party which had been organised by Count Itagaki two years
previously. Since then he has been out of office for many years, but has
kept his party together in a creditable manner. In 1888 he was appointed
Minister for Foreign Affairs in the Kuroda cabinet. In the next year, on
account of the revision of the treaties, an attempt was made against his
life, and he lost one of his legs by the explosion of a bomb thrown at
his carriage. He resigned office; his party remained and still remains
faithful to him, though he has never been a member of the Diet.
Since then he has once more occupied the position of Minister for
Foreign Affairs and also that of Premier, but the tenure of his office
on both occasions was short, and his official career not particularly
brilliant. He does not enjoy much popularity among other statesmen, and
his influence in the Government circle is not great. This was, perhaps,
the chief cause of his failure in recent years. He exercises, however,
great influence among the people at large, and his personal ability is
undoubted. His patriotism is also not to be questioned, because on any
occasion of emergency he gives up his personal prejudices and supports
the Government. It was so during the Sino-Japanese war, and also since
the beginning of the Russo-Japanese war. His memory is almost wonderful,
and his perception is very quick. Although he has never left Japan, he
knows Europe almost better than many who have made it their special
study. He can also remember figures very well. Regarded in the light of
sonorous tone and weighty argument, he is not a great orator, but he is
a very fluent speaker and an excellent conversationalist.
I will now give you a sketch of the life of Marquis Saionji, the leader
of the Constitutional party, which is the greatest political
organisation in and out of the Diet. His name also appears in the
Western papers from time to time. He succeeded Marquis Ito in the
leadership of that party when the latter had accepted the Presidency of
Privy Council, and was obliged to give up the leadership of the party
which owes its creation to him. Marquis Saionji was a companion in his
boyhood to the present emperor. At the time of the restoration, when but
fifteen years of age, he was despatched to the northern provinces of
Japan, at the head of an Imperial army, to subjugate those provinces. He
was afterwards a resident in Paris for many years, and, therefore, he
must be remembered by many Parisians. He was for some years our Minister
in Berlin, and was also Minister of Education, Minister for Foreign
Affairs, and President of Privy Council at different times. He was
Minister President of State _ad interim_ at one time. Though a scion of
a high court noble, his sentiments contain a strong democratic element,
side by side with refinement and nobleness of aristocracy.
In the above sketches I have employed the titles of nobility while
speaking of those celebrities, but it may be observed that they were,
except Saionji, originally men of comparatively insignificant origin,
and their titles are the gift of the emperor in recognition of the
services rendered to their Imperial master and their beloved country.
[1] The present Viscount Kawasé, who was Japanese Minister in London.
V