1879--IN ZULULAND
A bibulous officer--The disaster on the Intombe River--Uhamu
joins me--We go to his district and bring in his 300 wives and
families, 1100 in all--Piet Uys and his sons--Redvers Buller’s
kindness of heart--Zulu woman’s rapid parturition--Officers
sent to Free State to purchase Transport--The Mounted Troops
bivouac under the Inhlobane--Piet Uys charges me to protect his
children if orphaned.
At some athletic sports held in February, I was strolling amongst the
competitors when I received a vigorous slap on the back, and, turning
round, was greeted effusively by an Officer with the exclamation: “How
are you, old boy?” He was not able to stand steady, and I sent him away
under arrest, in charge of Captain Ronald Campbell. Next day, when he
was brought before me, I asked: “What have you got to say?” Now, I have
had to deal with many similar offenders, but never before had such an
honest answer; most men attribute their inebriety to an incongruous
mixture with salad, or to the effects of a very small amount of alcohol
on an empty stomach under a hot sun, but my officer replied: “Drunk,
sir, drunk; nothing but drunk.” “This is very serious, and I should
like some hours to think over your case.” “Quite simple, sir; you
must either let me off, or try me by Court Martial.” When I saw him
again I said: “It is not the question of our safety only, but also of
our honour as soldiers; if you are in charge of the Piquets when this
happens again, you might cause a great disaster.” “In the language of
the soldiers, sir,” he replied, “if you give me a chance I shall never
be drunk again while under your command.” He kept his promise, showed
great courage in action some weeks later (for which, indeed, he had
been noted when tiger shooting on foot in India), and his reformation
was complete. A year later, when in Cape Town, I came across him one
day when I had arranged a dinner to many of my former comrades, the
Club being placed at my disposal for the purpose. Although the dinner
was convivial, and I invited my bibulous comrade, I should have been
doubtful of his reformation if he had abstained altogether, but he took
an ordinary amount of wine, and left about midnight perfectly sober.
Before he joined me in 1878 he was drinking heavily, while attached
to another regiment at Maritzburg. One day the Mess Sergeant said
to the officer managing the Mess: “Unless I get some relief, sir, I
must go back to duty.” “Why, what is wrong?” “So-and-so goes to sleep
every night on the sofa in the ante-room, and as he never wakes up
till between one and two o’clock, I cannot close the Mess.” “Sergeant,
don’t mind him,--lock it up, and go to bed,” the officer replied; and
so he did. Next morning about 2 a.m. the honorary member awoke, and,
rolling off the sofa, collided with the coal scuttle, and then fell
over a high fender guard. This alarmed him considerably, and crawling
away he clutched the legs of a centre table, which he overturned.
The crash aroused the Sergeant, who hurried in undressed, grasping a
lighted candle, when the officer exclaimed in a piteous tone: “Where
am I--in Hell?” The Sergeant, standing erect in his night-shirt, said:
“No, sir, Officers’ mess.” The Officer sat up, and at once asserted his
authority, saying decidedly: “Then, bring me a brandy and soda.”
During the night of the 12th-13th March I was awakened by a messenger
with the news of the disaster to a company of the 80th Regiment, which
was marching from Derby to Luneberg. Four companies crossing the
Intombe River, 5 miles from Luneberg, had camped at the station when
the water rose, and the 5th Company was unable to cross. A raft was
employed, and one-third of the company had reached the west side of the
stream of the river at nightfall. Half an hour before daylight next
day an attack was made by Umbeline, assisted by Manyoba’s[174] tribe.
Nearly every one on the east bank of the river was assegaied, many in
their tents, and the Zulus, taking to the water like otter hounds,
crossed and endeavoured to overwhelm the 34 men on the Western bank.
Some 10 of these, however, were not only skilfully but courageously
handled by Sergeant Booth, who successfully brought the party back. In
all 40 of our men were killed.
I went over at daylight to the scene--40 miles distant--to inquire into
the disaster, and to ensure our system for security being adopted for
the future, returning in the afternoon to camp, as I had arranged a
long ride for next day.
Uhamu, a brother of Cetewayo’s, came into our camp[175] in the Cape
cart which I sent for him, he being so enormously bulky that it was
difficult to find a horse to carry him. He had made many appointments,
but in the procrastinating Zulu fashion had failed for various reasons
to keep them, until Colonel Buller had ceased to believe in his being
willing to come over to us. Finally he went to my Assistant Political
Agent, Norman Macleod, in Swaziland. He was no sooner in our camp
than he asked me if I would be good enough to go after his wives.
“How many are there, Uhamu?” “I don’t know but about 300,” he replied
vaguely. “But you have got two now with you,” I urged. “These are only
slaves,--I should like to have the others.” “I am not willing to take
the responsibility of escorting all your wives unless you will come
with me.” “Oh, in such a case, Great Commander, I would sooner do
without them.”
Uhamu’s head Place was in a rugged country, 45 miles from our camp,
between the Black Umvolosi and Mkusi Rivers, and Ulundi being within 40
miles of the kraal, there was the possibility of our return being cut
off if either of Uhamu’s men let it be known, by Cetewayo’s adherents,
they were collecting the women in anticipation of our arrival.
Looking, however, to the Political effect of getting out the tribe,
I decided to go down, and on the 14th March started with 360 mounted
men under Buller, and 200 of Uhamu’s men, many of whom had fought
against No. 3 Column at Isandwhlana. Some of my officers objected to my
leaving Buller and the White men and accompanying Uhamu’s people, by
a short cut over the Zunguin Mountain, which would save three hours’
travelling. I argued that there was absolutely no danger while their
Chief was located in my camp, especially as the men looked forward to
bringing their wives and children back with them.
I took with me Captain Woodgate,[176] Mr. Llewellyn Lloyd,[177] my
interpreter, Lieutenants Bigge,[178] Bright,[177] and Lysons.[179] We
joined Colonel Buller under the Inhlobane, down the slopes of which
some aggressive Zulus came, and fired at us at long ranges. I allowed
two or three men to return the fire, and then had two shots myself,
and the bullets falling amongst the Makulusi--for they occupied the
mountain, silenced their fire.
About 2 p.m. we saw a few cattle to the south of us, and Piet Uys
despatched his two boys, aged fifteen and thirteen, with half a dozen
men to drive them to us. Master Dirks Uys shot a Zulu. When the father
heard the firing he tried to look unconcerned, and was too proud to
ask me (for his eyes were not as good as mine) if I could see what the
lad was doing. Lysons told me later that he kept on repeating, “Are
they coming back yet?” The men brought back about 100 head of cattle,
and I said to my friend Piet, “I am glad the lad has come back. I saw
that you were nervous.” “Yes,” he said, “I am always nervous if I am
not there myself,” a feeling which I understood. Nevertheless he risked
them in every skirmish, though the warmth of his affection for his
youngest born--Piet was a widower--was evident. In an argument he said
something which I thought unworthy of the bigness of his character, and
I remarked, “Why, you risk Dirks for us, you should not talk of farms
and property”; and he replied, his eyes filling, “You are quite right,
I would not give Dirks for all Zululand!” An hour or two later Piet
called out that he saw Zulus, and galloped off with his two boys, but
on this occasion nothing happened, for the Zulus he had sighted were
some of Uhamu’s men, who, taking advantage of our presence, were coming
to join us.
We marched steadily till sunset, when we off-saddled for an hour, to
let the horses graze, and, moving off again at dusk, at 9.30 p.m.
reached the spot I had arranged with Uhamu, having taken three hours to
pass over the last seven miles. We descended a mountain by a goat path,
and all the Europeans dismounted; but I, being tired from having been
touched by the sun in the forenoon, threw the reins on my pony’s neck
and let him choose, or rather feel, the path,--it was too dark to see,
and we got down without accident.
At sunset Uhamu’s 200 men who accompanied me had asked me to stop,
declaring they were tired. This I refused, and when we got down they
had nearly cooked their food, having passed down by a still steeper but
shorter path. Before I went to sleep I had some of the women, for whom
I came brought out of a cave three miles off, as I foresaw there would
be delay next morning, and every hour added to the chance of our being
caught by some of Cetewayo’s regiments. During the night I sent 6 miles
away to some caves where I heard there were more women, being unable to
sleep soundly, although greatly fatigued, for one troop of the Frontier
Light Horse, linked[180] in line, nearly walked over me, after they had
eaten all the grass within reach. Buller came and pulled them away;
indeed, every time I awoke in the night I saw him walking up and down,
for he felt we were in a precarious position.
At daylight we shook ourselves, and began to start--a long stream of
humanity. The Refugees numbered between 900 and 1000, men, women, and
children. Many of the latter, although only five years old, walked
from 6.30 a.m. till 9.30 p.m., when they had covered 30 miles. I
sent Captain Barton on in front, while Colonel Buller and I remained
behind. At 8.30 we were assured by Messrs. Calverley and Rorke--two
traders who had often been in the district--that we had got the whole
of the women and children. My engagement was that I would remain till
daylight,--that is, six o’clock. At 8.30 Colonel Buller marched, a
small Rear guard, remaining with me till 10.30, as even then stragglers
were coming in, the last few being shot at, and two assegaied in
our sight but too far off for us to save them. My friend Buller had
stoutly declared that he would have nothing to do with the verminous
children, nevertheless during the march I more than once saw him with
six little black bodies in front of and behind his saddle, children
under five years of age.
As we passed under the Inhlobane, the Makulusi tribe, which had been
reinforced by one of Cetewayo’s regiments from Ulundi, fired a few
shots at us without any effect, and we bivouaced at nightfall on a
small effluent of the White Umvolosi, where Vryheid now stands.
Next morning I started the procession at daylight, remaining myself
on the top of the Zungu in range to see the Rear guard into camp. I
had sent in for all mule waggons available, to save the children a
farther walk of 10 miles, and was waiting at the top of the pass, up
which we had climbed on the 22nd January, for a dozen women who were
loitering half up the mountain. It was past noon when I desired Piet
Uys to descend and hurry them up, holding his horse for him, for it
was too steep to ride down. When he returned he said, in his curious
mixture of Dutch, German, and English, “Kurnall, die vrow sie sagt now
too sick, presently have baby, then come quick.” “Piet,” I exclaimed,
“oughtn’t we to send some of these women back to see after her?”
“Not necessary, Kurnall, she come.” Calling Mr. Llewellyn Lloyd, my
interpreter, I apprised him of the situation, and said, “You are not
to go into camp until that woman gets there.” Finally, waiting for the
waggons longer than I expected, I did not reach camp till 5 p.m., and,
having had nothing to eat or drink since our morning cocoa at daylight,
I was annoyed to see Lloyd sitting in his tent with a cup of tea, and
observed in a somewhat irritable tone, “I thought I told you not to
come into camp until the woman who was about to bring a baby into the
world had arrived. “Yes, quite so,” he replied, “but she has been in
camp a long time. Half an hour after you told me, she passed me like
one of Waukenphast’s pictures, doing five miles an hour easily, and I,
suspecting that she had left her baby in the rocks, made her angry by
insisting on seeing it, but she had it right enough under her arm.”
Throughout the weeks of waiting for reinforcements I had frequent
letters of encouragement from the High Commissioner and Lord
Chelmsford; the latter writing to me frankly, said I had caused
irritation amongst the local Civil authorities by the insistent tone of
my communications. I have no doubt that this was accurate, but on the
other hand many were supine, some actually obstructive. I was unable
to induce the Field Cornet of Wesselstroom to take any effectual steps
to send back 400 men who had deserted, out of the 600 enlisted when we
crossed the border.
The Transvaal Boers rejoiced in our misfortune, and openly stated
that they intended to rise; some of the Natal authorities objected to
my sending any Refugees into the Colony, advancing the most absurd
reasons. The Political Agent, sent from Pretoria to Utrecht to assist
me, instead of doing so wrote at length that he was advised that the
action of the Administrator of the Transvaal, in putting the Commando
law in force for the Kafirs, was illegal. The Civil authorities on the
Natal and Transvaal border clamoured for protection, and urged me, but
in vain, to fall back to ensure the protection of certain villages.
The Utrecht Landdrost begged me to encamp close to that village, while
the Landdrost of Wesselstroom, the chief village of the Wakkerstroom
district, spent much time in endeavouring to persuade me to encamp
in front of his village. When I intimated that I was not interested
in Utrecht, as I had ample supplies at Balte Spruit, they expressed
anxiety for the safety of that depot, and importuned Lord Chelmsford on
the subject, who referred the correspondence to me, and to whom on the
3rd March I wrote in reply: “I have often considered your proposition
about the Zulus masking this position, and going on to attack Balte
Spruit and Utrecht. I do not believe they are equal to such a manœuvre,
and are incapable of remaining in presence of a Force without attacking
it or running away. If all our mounted men were absent I should feel
anxious, but so long as they are here I could always make the Zulus
attack us by sending the mounted men to follow them if they marched to
Balte Spruit. I doubt Cetewayo turning out more than 30,000 men; if he
does, he would do better to send 20,000 here and 10,000 against you.
Moreover, the moral effect of our being in Zululand is considerable,
both on the Swazis and the Boers.” I discussed fully in this letter a
scheme I had long considered about attacking the Inhlobane, but when
Colonel Buller burnt the Makulusi Kraals, bringing away 500 of their
cattle, the necessity was less apparent, and I did not recur to the
plan until asked to take pressure off the Force relieving Ekowe.
The Civil authorities were not, however, the only demoralised people.
The General, in deference to the apprehensions of the inhabitants,
sent a garrison to hold a village 30 miles behind our camp, and the
Commanding officer marched round by Newcastle, adding 12 miles to his
journey to avoid crossing a bit of Zululand 10 miles on the safe side
of Kambula, and on arrival pitched his men’s tents inside the cattle
laager, which was several feet deep in manure; he became sick in a few
days and went away. The next senior officer, on hearing of the disaster
to the Company of the 80th, on the Intombe 45 miles distant, recalled a
Company which was 10 miles behind our camp, at Kambula, for fear of its
being surprised, although there were still four companies 80th Regiment
at Luneberg, and another company from our camp, coal digging, all
between him and the enemy. Indeed, the overweening confidence felt by
many before the war had now changed into unreasoning apprehension.
The one great heroic figure throughout the time when men’s minds were
depressed was undoubtedly the High Commissioner, Sir Bartle Frere.
He spent many days and nights in supporting all my demands, and in
coercing unwilling and timorous Civil subordinates. With great address
and moral courage he prevented an outbreak of the Boers, projected
after the destruction of No. 3 Column.
On the 12th March I took the opportunity, when acknowledging the thanks
by the High Commissioner and the General, to point out how much I
owed to the Staff officers, Mr. Llewellyn Lloyd, my interpreter and
Assistant Political Agent, Captain Ronald Campbell of the Coldstream
Guards, Captain Vaughan, R.A., Director of Transport, and Mr. Hughes,
Assistant Commissary-General, who worked literally day and night to
carry out my wishes.
The difficulties of transport for the increased force, which was coming
out to reinforce Lord Chelmsford’s command, being always before me,
I wrote urging that we should purchase sufficient at once, as hiring
was not only extravagant but impracticable. The Chief replied on
the 14th March that he had handed my offer to provide waggons to the
Commissary-General, and was surprised that he did not jump at the
offer, but added, “I do not like to interfere with his arrangements;
please do as you like best yourself. I congratulate you on the
surrender of Uhamu, the entire credit of which belongs to you. You
can do anything you like with your column; if you like to attack the
Inhlobane, pray do so.”
I had previously asked permission to send officers to the Free State
to purchase mule transport, foreseeing that the final advance on
Ulundi might be delayed until the grass on the veldt would no longer
suffice for oxen, and thus render the movement impossible without mule
transport. After writing in vain repeated reminders for five weeks, I
decided to act on the qualified sanction of my Chief in his letter of
the 14th, “Please do as you like best yourself”; and on the 23rd sent
two officers to the Free State, giving the senior, Captain Bradshaw,
13th Light Infantry, a cheque for £56,000, drawn on the Standard Bank
of South Africa. They did very well indeed, enabling me to supply
the 2nd Division, without which, as Lord Chelmsford wrote later, the
advance would have been impossible.
The only comment made by the War Office on my action was to the effect
that, as the money could not be all expended at once, I ought to have
drawn two cheques, each for £28,000 at different dates, as I should
thus have saved the amount of interest unnecessarily paid to the Bank.
In my reply, while admitting my mistake, I remarked I had already spent
for the Government over £50,000 without the assistance of a Paymaster,
and it was therefore reasonable to debit the salary of such an officer
against the amount of interest I had unnecessarily incurred.
The day Captain Bradshaw left was one of some anxiety. I had arranged
a raid, by all the mounted men, in a North-Easterly direction to
the Southward of Luneberg, to destroy the crops of one of our most
troublesome foes. A convoy of 40 waggons was going in the opposite
direction, South-South West to Balte Spruit, escorted by Infantry,
and there was a working party, with an Infantry escort, employed in
removing Potter’s Store, which I had purchased and was moving from the
Pemvane River to Balte Spruit. When we stood to our arms an hour before
daylight the fog was so thick that we could not see 40 yards, and it
did not clear off till the forenoon. I decided, however, to let the
movement proceed as ordered, preferring the risk of surprise while I
was present, to any which might occur in my absence.
Next morning, when I saw the convoys safe back in camp, I started and,
overtaking Colonel Buller’s 300 men, and 500 of Wood’s Irregulars,
reached Luneberg at sunset on the 24th. Next day we spread out over the
basin of the Intombe River, cultivated by Umbiline’s tribe, who were
Zulus, although he was a renegade Swazi. We destroyed all the crops we
could, and after two long days’ work returned, on the evening of the
26th, to Kambula Hill.
In a letter dated the 19th Lord Chelmsford called my attention to a
paragraph in a Maritzburg newspaper, from a Correspondent with No. 4
Column, alleging that I was fretting at the inaction imposed on me by
the General, and wrote, “You can undertake any operations you like,
and I shall hear of it with pleasure. I hear all Cetewayo’s army will
be concentrated about Ekowe in a few days, so we shall have a hottish
encounter.” I replied on the 27th, “I do not often see the letters
of the Correspondent, and hold no communication with him. If I did I
should certainly tell him I am perfectly unfettered, your only action
being to support me in every way. Buller has started, and at 3 p.m. I
follow, to try to get up the Inhlobane at daylight to-morrow. I am not
very sanguine of success. We do not know how steep the Eastern end may
be, but I think we ought to make a stir here, to divert attention from
you, although, as you see by our last reports, it is asserted that you
have only Coast tribes against you, and that all Cetewayo’s people are
coming here.”
In the forenoon of the 27th March, the two columns which were to
attack the Inhlobane at daylight next morning marched; I followed in
the evening, intending to lie down 5 miles under the Western edge of
the Inhlobane. The more important part of the operation was intrusted
to Colonel Buller, under whose orders I placed the two battalions of
Wood’s regiment. The 1st battalion, under Major Leet, bivouacing near
the White Umvolosi, where Vryheid now stands, was intended to ascend
the Western end of the mountain; both columns were to get as high up as
they could before daylight on the 28th. In the orders I stated that, as
Cetewayo was said to be advancing with his whole army, scouts were to
be sent to the South and South-West, to watch the avenues of approach
from Ulundi.
I took with me Mr. Lloyd, Assistant Political Agent and Interpreter,
Captain the Honourable Ronald Campbell, Coldstream Guards, and
Lieutenant Lysons, 90th Light Infantry, Orderly officer, my personal
escort, eight mounted men of the battalion, and seven mounted Zulus
under Umtonga, a half-brother of Cetewayo’s, whom the father, Umpande,
had originally designated to succeed him. Before I went to sleep I
had a long talk with Piet Uys, who was to accompany Colonel Buller,
and had stayed behind to see me, while the Colonel had bivouacked 5
miles farther to the east. Mr. Potter, a Captain in the 1st Battalion,
Wood’s Irregulars, also came to me. Both men knew the Inhlobane, and
Potter had often been up on it. I asked whether, if we should have the
bad luck after taking the mountain to see Cetewayo’s army advancing,
we could get down on the North side, and Mr. Potter assured me that
we could,--by leading our horses. Piet Uys was confident that Colonel
Buller would get up, without serious loss, and we agreed that, except
in the probable contingency of the Zulu main army coming in sight,
our operation ought to be a success; then Piet turning to me, said,
“Kurnall, if you are killed I will take care of your children, and if I
am killed you do the same for mine.” We had heard, indeed, for several
days that Kambula was to be attacked, but were informed that the Zulu
Army could not leave till the 27th, as there had been a delay in
“doctoring” one of the largest regiments. This was inaccurate. It had
started on the 25th March.