1873--ASHANTI
Elmina--Ex-Governors’ wives--Essaman, the first successful Bush
fight--The head of the road--Kossoos’ cruelty--A Fanti order of
battle.
The steamer in which Sir Garnet and his Staff left Liverpool on the
12th had been newly painted, which added to our discomfort. She rolled
so heavily as to throw a watch out of the waistcoat pocket of one of
the Staff overboard as he leant over the ship’s side, and on more than
one occasion we thought she had turned turtle as we were all tossed out
of our berths. We reached Cape Coast Castle on the morning of the 2nd
October. I was sent to Elmina, a Dutch fort, about 12 miles off, to the
west of the chief village[113] of the settlement.
There were six officers in the Fort, of whom three had fever, and the
other two startled us by the offer of “Square-face”[114] instead of
five-o’clock tea, and one of them still more so by drinking the glass
poured out for but declined by Arthur Eyre, after he had drunk his own.
It was, perhaps, more remarkable that they were alive than that they
were not well, but the climate at that season was, it must be admitted,
intensely depressing.
Amongst my instructions was an order impressing upon me the necessity
of exercising great care over the scanty supply of rain water, there
being no springs. All the potable water was collected from off the roof
of the Castle into iron tanks, so before daylight the next morning
I went to the issue place, and after a few West India soldiers had
been supplied, I was astonished by the approach of a long line of
elderly black women, each with a large earthen jar on her shoulder.
“Who are these people?” I asked the interpreter, “and why should they
consume our water?” To which he replied glibly, “Please, sir, all
ex-Governors[115] wives have liberty take water.” I allowed it for the
morning, but had the women informed that I could not recognise their
claim for the future.
The state of Elmina was peculiar. The Ashantis had attacked the loyal
part of the town, which was separated from that inhabited by Ashantis
and their friends by the Beyah backwater from the sea, and had been
repulsed by Colonel Festing, Royal Marines. The main body of the
Ashantis remained at villages about 15 miles from the Coast undisturbed
by us until after Sir Garnet Wolseley’s arrival.
I was instructed to summon the Chiefs of the villages who were
supplying the Ashantis. Those in the hamlets so close to us as to feel
insecure, obeyed my summons; but the Chief of Essaman wrote back,
“Come and fetch me if you dare;” the Chief of Ampeene, a village on
the Coast, sent no answer, but cut off the head of a loyal Native, and
exposed it to our view. The strangest answer came from another Head
man, who was evidently of a vacillating mind; for he wrote, “I have got
smallpox to-day, but will come to-morrow.”
I was ordered to punish these men, and without telling any of my
officers what I was about to do, collected sufficient Natives in the
loyal part of Elmina to carry our ammunition, and hammocks for wounded
men, into the Castle at sunset, and having had the gates locked, spent
the night in telling them off as carriers for their respective duties.
When Sir Garnet Wolseley and the Headquarter Staff, with some White and
Black troops, landed at daylight just under the Castle, we were able to
start within an hour--180 White men and 330 Black soldiers.
A small party of Haussas under Lieutenant Richmond led the Advance, and
then came a section of the West India Regiment under Lieutenant Eyre,
followed by Sailors and Marine Artillery, and two companies of Marines.
For an hour we marched across a marshy plain, often through water, and
in one place up to our knees for 100 yards. On each side, as we passed
away from the marsh, were wooded undulations, with shrubs bordering the
path, which was about a foot wide. Beautiful creepers, purple, red,
mauve-coloured sweetpeas, and bright yellow convolvuli met the eye at
every moment. Farther on, the Bush, which was in patches only close to
the plain, became denser, and occasionally we passed through defiles
which, if held by an enemy, must have cost us many lives. We were near
the village of Essaman at 7 a.m., when the Advance guard received a
volley fired at 100 yards distance; occasionally some brave men awaited
our approach until we were so close up that the slugs did not spread
in the body of the first of our men killed. The enemy stood around the
clearing on a hill upon which we formed up, and the 2nd West India
Regiment, with the hammocks, became enfolded in dense smoke.
The Special Service officers were serving under the eye of Sir Garnet
Wolseley, and apparently wishing to justify his choice in selecting
them, adventured their lives freely. Colonel M’Neill, Chief of the
Staff, led the advance. The command of the Column was entrusted to me,
and Sir Garnet, who was carried in a chair, had no definite duties,
which was also the case with his Staff, so that they were free to
enjoy themselves, which they did by leading the advance with a lively
audacity which, whilst it excited my admiration, caused me some
uneasiness when I reflected on what might happen if they fell. Led by
these Staff officers, the Column pressed on, and we never again during
the campaign advanced so rapidly on our foes.
The enemy left the village of Essaman as Captain Brackenbury[116] and
Lieutenant Charteris[117] reached it. The surprise of our foes was
complete, and we found the place stored with provisions and powder.
Having rested for an hour, we marched on to Ampeene, about 5 miles
off, situated on the beach. Its Chief fled with most of his people,
after firing a few shots. It was 12 noon, and the heat was intense as
we started, as it had been for the last four hours whenever the Bush
was clear enough for us to see the sun. All the Europeans had suffered
considerably, and Sir Garnet proposed that we should rest content with
what we had done; but I had undertaken to visit the Chief of Ampeene,
who had beheaded the loyal Native, and expressed my desire to fulfil
my promise. Sir Garnet, in the first instance, said I might go on with
the Native troops only, but the Sailors, with whom my relations were
always happy, wished to accompany me with their 7-pounder guns; then
the Marines were unwilling to be outdone by the Bluejackets, and thus
at two o’clock the whole party went on to the village, a toilsome march
of 5½ miles along the edge of the sea, through deep sand. We had no
casualties at Ampeene, where Sir Garnet and his Staff embarked in a
launch for the Commodore’s ship, returning to Cape Coast Castle, while
after destroying the village I turned back towards Elmina, which was
reached at 10 p.m. Some of the officers never recovered their health
during the campaign after this march. We covered 22 miles, most of the
time under a burning sun.[118]
This action, though not of much importance in itself, was the first
successful Bush fight in West Africa, and therefore not only the
experience but its result was valuable. All previous attempts had ended
disastrously from 1823 downwards. A few white men under the Governor
then sold their lives so dearly that the Ashantis quarrelled for his
heart, hoping they might assimilate with it his undaunted courage.
The details of this fifty-years-old story were remembered, and thus
the effect of the fight on the Ashantis, who had hitherto been the
attacking party, was great; but the effect on the Coast tribes was even
greater.
We had left them, although they were supposed to be under our
protection, to defend themselves, until they had ceased to believe
in our power or courage to oppose the foe. The orders issued before
Sir Garnet Wolseley’s arrival were in themselves demoralising; for
instance, an officer sent to Dunquah was directed to give “every moral
aid” to the Fantis, but he was “on no account to endanger the safe
concentration of the Haussas under his command.” The Chiefs of the
Fantis gave the same sort of order, for we learnt after the campaign
that a King who furnished a contingent of fighting men for our service
strictly enjoined his brother, who commanded them, not to venture under
fire on any account, whatever the white officers might say.
Sir Garnet Wolseley in his Despatch dwelt on the moral effect of the
Expedition into the Bush, and two months later received the approval of
Her Majesty.[119]
On the 26th October, leaving Elmina in charge of Captain Blake, and
Bluejackets of H.M.S. _Druid_, I marched at daybreak to Simio, which I
reached about eleven o’clock. I had with me half a company of the 2nd
West India Regiment, and 35 Elminas of No. 2 Company, and was joined by
a large party of Fantis from the neighbourhood of Abbaye. The latter
showed great disinclination to move farther north, and absolutely
refused to stop at Simio for the evening. They returned, therefore, to
Abbaye, but their Chiefs remained with me. I proposed to attack the
Ashantis at Mampon next morning, and sent to Captain Blake to ask him
to come up and help me; but I was not able to carry out my intention,
for I was ordered back to Elmina by the General, which, considering
what we learnt later of our Black Allies, was fortunate.
It was some weeks before I raised my (Wood’s) Regiment of four
companies, to something over 500 strong. The 1st Company was composed
of Fantis, enlisted near Cape Coast Castle, and it would be difficult
to imagine a more cowardly, useless lot of men. The 2nd Company, which
was the only one of fighting value, and which did practically all
the scouting work, started on a modest footing of 17 men, enlisted
generally in the disloyal part of Elmina, or that part sympathising
with the Ashantis, and some few Ashanti Haussa slaves that we took in
one of our first reconnaissance expeditions. The 3rd Company, Haussas,
had been brought from Lagos, and were described as the sweepings of
that Settlement, all the best men available having been previously
enlisted. They were first put under the command of Lieutenant Gordon,
who had been the moving spirit at Elmina before we landed, but he being
sent to the Hospital ship, they were commanded by Lieutenant Richmond,
until he in turn succumbed to the effects of the climate.
I was then in some difficulty, but Martial Law having been proclaimed,
the Civil prison was under my jurisdiction, in which there was a fine
stalwart Black, whom I asked for what he had been imprisoned. He said
for attempted murder. “What made you do it?” “I was drunk.” “Well, if
I let you out, and enlist you, will you undertake not to murder me,
drunk or sober?” He promised cheerfully, and I got the advantage of
that promise on Christmas Day, which we spent at Prahsu. The Sergeant
had been of great use, and maintained an iron discipline, in a way of
which I could not approve; for he kicked and cuffed every Black whom he
could reach, and who was not as brave and active as himself. The men
therefore hated him. He had remained quite sober until Christmas Day,
when I was sent for by one of the officers, who said the Sergeant had
got a loaded rifle, and had cleared the camp of No. 2 Company. When I
reached the spot he was dancing, and mad drunk, defying all and sundry.
I told off a dozen men to stalk him, and then approached him unarmed.
He recognised me, and did not offer to resist. I walked straight up to
the man, saying, “Stop this nonsense, and give me that gun;” and he
handed it over. It was no sooner out of his hands than three or four
of his men, who had doubtless suffered at his hands, jumped on him
from behind, and knocking him down, tied him. This was apparently a
sufficient lesson, for he gave no further trouble for the next three
months we spent in the country. The Haussa company was later withdrawn,
being replaced by 160 men from the Bonny and Opobo rivers, under
command of Prince Charles of Bonny, who had been educated in Liverpool.
The men were small, beautifully made, very clever at all basket-work,
but with no special aptitude for war.
The 4th Company enlisted in the Interior, east of Sierra Leone, were
Kossoos.[120] They came with a great reputation for courage, saying
they preferred to fight with swords, and we gave them Naval cutlasses;
but their only marked characteristic was intense cruelty. It is said
that they did charge on the 31st December under Lieutenant Clowes,
who was an excellent leader, after I had been wounded; but although
I credit them with the intention, the fighting could not have been
serious, as they had few or no casualties. Later on in the campaign, I
personally took an Ashanti prisoner, while scouting at the head of the
road, and knowing that he would not be safe away from me, had him put
outside my living hut, where he was fed for three days. I was out of
camp for half an hour, superintending the bridging of a stream, when
Arthur Eyre ran to me, crying, “Pray bring your pistol; I want you to
shoot one or two of these brutes of Kossoos. They have got the Ashanti
prisoner away, and are practising cutting him in two at one blow.” I
hastened to the spot, but the man was beyond human aid, his body having
been cut three parts through. I had the Haussa sentry who stood over
him brought before me as a prisoner, and called upon him to recognise
the Kossoos who had taken him away; but the man said he could not tell
one Kossoo from another, adding he took no notice, as several men
having come with a non-commissioned officer, he understood I wanted the
man killed. The Kossoos realised that Englishmen would disapprove of
their conduct, for when they were paraded within a few minutes of my
arrival, they had anticipated that I should inspect their swords, and
every cutlass was bright, and without a sign of the bloody use to which
it had been put. I learnt afterwards that they had told the Ashanti to
stand up, as they wanted to practise cutting him in two at a stroke,
and, with the stoicism of his race, the man made no difficulty.
A peculiarity of the battalion was that while the 1st or Cape Coast
Castle company could talk to those raised at Elmina, but never would
do so, as they were deadly foes, neither company could talk to the
Kossoos, or the Haussas, or indeed understand them. There was, however,
one advantage in this diversity of language and interests; for whereas
corporal punishment was our only deterring power, except execution, and
neither company would flog its own men, I made the Kossoos flog the
Haussas, and the Haussas flog the Kossoos, and so on all round.
During the month of December, Chiefs Quamina Essevie and Quacoe Andoo
came to offer me assistance. I had had a great deal to do with
Essevie when I first landed. Andoo was such a fluent orator that we
nicknamed him “Demosthenes”; and Essevie, though he said but little,
was evidently a man of determination. They both accompanied me on
our first expedition to Essaman and Ampeene, twelve days after we
landed, with the carriers. Andoo had brought carriers in for me, and
when I told him I was going out, he begged to be allowed to go home
and do fetish. I was somewhat inclined to refuse, but reflecting that
the man had come in on the understanding that he was a free agent, I
assented, and he returned at 1 a.m., four hours before we started, and
we are still on friendly terms. Essevie joined me early in December
with twenty-two sons of his own body begotten, all between the ages of
twenty and twenty-three, he himself being a man of about forty years of
age, and the finest of the family. He brought also about twenty of his
relations, but all his men were engaged on the following terms, which
were approved by Sir Garnet, “that we be discharged on the day upon
which Lieutenant-Colonel Wood, from any cause whatsoever, ceases to
command the Regiment.”
On the 6th November, in obedience to an urgent order from the General,
I made a long march, which lasted from 8 a.m. till 10 o’clock at night,
to join him at Abrakampa, which village, held by Major Baker Russell,
had been invested by the Ashantis, but whose attack was, however,
limited to a heavy expenditure of ammunition.
The morning after I arrived, 1000 Cape Coast Castle men, who had been
sent by Sir Garnet to fight under my command, joined me at Abrakampa,
and were paraded in the clearing facing the Bush. The order of battle
was extraordinary. In the British Army, officers and their men quarrel
for the post of honour, but here each company struggled, and edged away
to the west, where it was supposed there were fewer Ashantis than in
the front (north). The Fantis were fine men in stature, bigger than the
Ashantis, and all armed with Enfield rifles. Behind them stood their
Chiefs, handling whips, and yet again behind the Chiefs were Kossoos
with drawn swords. My warriors being ordered to advance, moved forward
a dozen paces, while their Chiefs belaboured all within reach, and in
time drove all the men into the Bush, remaining themselves, however,
in the clearing until some of Sir Garnet’s Staff assisted me by
using “more than verbal persuasion.” One gifted Officer used so much
persuasion to a Chief as to break a strong umbrella! With much shouting
and firing the warriors slowly advanced, followed closely by the
menacing Kossoos; but once in the Bush the Fantis got beyond control,
for 100 Kossoos could not drive on 1000 Fantis, and nothing more was
done, the Ashantis falling back until a party of Haussas and Cape Coast
Castle men cut off their retreat at the village of Ainsa, when a few of
them, taking the offensive, put the Cape Coast Castle men into such a
panic that they fired into each other, killing 20 of their own men, and
coming on the Haussas, who were in the act of crossing a stream, ran
over them so hastily as to drown one of the company. They ran on till
they reached Cape Coast Castle, 20 miles away, and there dispersed.
The General, writing of them, said: “Their duplicity and cowardice
surpasses all description.”
While the King of Akim told us frankly that their hearts were not big
enough to fight in the way the white men desired, yet individuals
behaved well enough to satisfy even exacting Englishmen. The personal
servants of the Staff Officers as a rule showed courage in action when
accompanying their masters, and the two Elmina Chiefs while with me
never showed signs of fear,--Essevie, the father of many children,
being remarkably courageous.
It should be recorded also that the Fantis, when deserting, never stole
their loads. Although they dropped them under the influence of fear
when fighting was going on, they took the opportunity as a rule of
leaving them close to a guard before they ran home.
The women had most of the qualities which are lacking in the men. They
were bright, cheerful, and hard-working, and even under a hot fire
never offered to leave the spot in which we placed them, and are very
strong. As I paid over £130 to women for carrying loads up to Prahsu,
I had many opportunities of observing their strength and trustworthy
character; for to my knowledge no load was ever broken open or lost.
They carried 50 or 60 lbs. from Cape Coast Castle to Prahsu, a distance
of 74 miles, for 10s.; and the greater number of them carried a baby
astride of what London milliners used to call a “dress improver.”
When I moved into the Bush with the few men I had enlisted, although I
was immune from fever I suffered considerably from exhaustion. In my
Diary for the 12th November is written: “When I got into the clearing
where we halted, I could only lie down and gasp.” My head, eyes, and
forehead ached, and I remained speechless until I was conscious of
being severely bitten, when I struggled up, and obtaining a lantern,
found my stretcher was placed on an ant-heap. All the officers, in
carrying out work which would only be that of an ordinary day in
Europe, were affected by the exhausting nature of the climate. Our
men behaved badly; but then, as I have explained, we could not talk
to them, and the command of the companies constantly changed hands,
from officers falling sick. The Haussa company commanded by Lieutenant
Gordon, after ten days was put under Lieutenant Richmond, who in his
turn became sick, and although he tried determinedly to remain at duty,
he never really recovered the exhausting march of the 14th October,
except for one week at the end of November, in which he rendered
us great assistance by his stoical demeanour under fire. Another
Lieutenant spent nearly all the campaign on board the _Simoom_, a
Hospital ship lying off Cape Coast Castle. He landed for duty eight
times, but only did one march, when he was obliged to return. The
climate affected our tempers, too, and most of the officers preceded
their words with blows. Eventually, after issuing several Orders
forbidding the practice of striking or kicking our soldiers, I wrote a
Memorandum, which I passed round to the officers, to the effect that I
would send back to Cape Coast Castle for passage to England the next
officer who struck a soldier in Wood’s Regiment.
Three days later a man came with a bleeding shin, and babbled out a
complaint of which I understood nothing but the words “Massa ----.”
Calling for the doctor, whose courage in action was only equalled by
his more than human kindness to all under his charge, for he never took
food or lay down to rest till he had seen all the officers, I said,
“Surgeon-Major, examine No.[121] ---- and report on his injury, and
how he came by it.” I did not venture to ask the company Commander,
for being as straightforward as he was brave, he would at once have
answered, “I kicked him,” and indeed there could be no doubt that he
had done so, for the man’s shin was marred with hobnails and mud.
The doctor reported in writing: “I have examined No. ----, and, his
statement to the contrary notwithstanding, am of opinion he injured his
shin by tumbling over a fallen tree.” I called the officer concerned
and read the two memoranda to him, observing, “If another man in your
company injures his shins in that way, you will go back to England.”
He saluted, and went back to his bivouac, when I said to my friend the
doctor, “How could you write such an untruth?” “To save you from a
great folly. I knew if I told the truth you would have sent him home.
You have not got a braver officer here, nor one more devoted to you,
and you will never be killed in this Expedition if he can save your
life; that is the reason I told a lie.” I was really very glad, for
the occurrence had the desired effect; although I do not pretend to
say that no officer struck another Black, yet they all realised that I
was in earnest in endeavouring to suppress the practice. I sympathised
fully with those who lost their temper! Our officers were brimming over
with energy, and had to deal with Races naturally indolent, and the
climate was, as I have said, very trying.
Ten days before I left Elmina, Captain Redvers Buller[122] came over
from Cape Coast Castle, carried in a hammock, and the moment he reached
the Castle, taking out his note-book, said, “Please order me a cup of
tea, and give me some information as quickly as you can.” I asked, “Why
this hurry?” “Because I feel I have got fever coming on, and I am not
certain how long my head will last.” He wrote down carefully all I had
to tell, and then, having drunk a cup of tea, started back. He soon
became delirious, and imagined that the Fanti carriers were Ashantis
surrounding him. Seizing his revolver, he fired three shots, but
fortunately in the air.
The General also suffered considerably, and when I went on board the
_Simoom_ to see him, I felt doubtful if he would ever get to Coomassie.
We lost touch with the Ashantis for three weeks in November. They were
moving back towards the Prah, and avoiding the main track running from
south to north until they got clear of our advanced post, which was
then near Sutah. I was now ordered to take charge here, the General
writing to me, “There has been a terrible want of energy lately at
the Head of the road, so I want you to go up there, for I expect very
different from you. I will send you some more officers when the next
mail comes in. Have the enemy’s position constantly under your scout’s
supervision, so that I may hear when he begins to cross the Prah, as I
may possibly come up with 500 Sailors and Marines, and attack him.”