The historic merit of their enterprise aside, the virtue of the Pilgrim

Fathers was that they came not to despoil, but to build; that they

resolutely turned their backs on conditions of life that galled them,

and set out to make their own conditions in a strange and untried world,

at great hazard to life and limb and fortune; that they asked no favors

of God, but paid in advance for His miracles, by hewing and digging and

ploughing and fighting against odds; that they respected humankind,

believed in themselves, and pushed the business of the moment as if the

universe hung on the result.

The average immigrant of to-day, like the immigrant of 1620, comes to

build--to build a civilized home under a civilized government, which

diminishes the amount of barbarity in the world. He, too, like that

earlier newcomer, has rebelled against the conditions of his life,

and adventured halfway across the world in search of more acceptable

conditions, facing exile and uncertainty and the terrors of the untried.

He also pays as he goes along, and in very much the same coin as

did the Pilgrims; awaiting God's miracle of human happiness in the

grisly darkness of the mine, in the fierce glare of the prairie ranch,

in the shrivelling heat of coke-ovens, beside roaring cotton-gins,

beside blinding silk-looms, in stifling tailor-shops, in nerve-racking

engine-rooms,--in all those places where the assurance and pride of

the State come to rest upon the courage and patience of the individual

citizen.

There is enough of peril left in the adventure of emigration to mark him

who undertakes it as a man of some daring and resource. Has civilization

smoothed the sea, or have not steamships been known to founder as well

as sailing vessels? Does not the modern immigrant also venture among

strangers, who know not his ways nor speak his tongue nor worship his

God? If his landing is not threatened by savages in ambush, he has

to run the gauntlet of exacting laws that serve not his immediate

interests. The early New England farmer used to carry his rifle with him

in the fields, to be ready for prowling Indians, and the gutter-merchant

of New York to-day is obliged to carry about the whole armory of his

wits, to avert the tomahawk of competition. No less cruel than Indian

chiefs to their white captives is the greedy industrial boss to the

laborers whom poverty puts at his mercy; and how could you better match

the wolves and foxes that prowled about the forest clearings of our

ancestors than by the pack of sharpers and misinformers who infest the

immigrant quarters of our cities?

Measured by the exertions necessary to overcome them, the difficulties

that beset the modern immigrant are no less formidable than those

which the Pilgrims had to face. There has never been a time when it

was more difficult to get something for nothing than it is to-day, but

the unromantic setting of modern enterprises leads us to underestimate

the moral qualities that make success possible to-day. Undoubtedly the

pioneer with an axe over his shoulder is a more picturesque figure

than the clerk with a pencil behind his ear, but we who have stood up

against the shocks of modern life should know better than to confuse the

picturesque with the heroic. Do we not know that it takes a _man_ to

beat circumstances, to-day as in the days of the pioneers? And manliness

is always the same mixture of courage, self-reliance, perseverance, and

faith.

Inventions have multiplied since the days of the Pilgrims, but which

of our mechanical devices takes the place of the old-fashioned quality

of determination where obstacles are to be overcome? The New England

wilderness retreated not before the axe, but before the diligence

of the men who wielded the axe; and diligence it is which to-day

transmutes the city's refuse into a loaf for the ragpicker's children.

Resourcefulness--the ability to adjust the means to the end--enters

equally in the subtle enterprises of the business man and in the

hardy exploits of the settler; and it takes as much patience to wait

for returns on a petty investment of capital as it does to watch the

sprouting of an acre of corn.

Hardiness and muscle and physical courage were the seventeenth-century

manifestations of the same moral qualities which to-day are expressed

as intensity and nerve and commercial daring. Our country being in part

cultivated, in part savage, we need citizens with the endowment of the

twentieth century, and citizens with the pioneer endowment. The "new"

immigration, however interpreted, consists in the main of these two

types. Whether we get these elements in the proportion best suited to

our needs is another question, to be answered in its place. At this

point it is only necessary to admit that the immigrant possesses an

abundance of the homely virtues of the useful citizen in times of peace.

We arrived at this conclusion by a theoretical analysis of the qualities

that carry a man through life to-day; and that was fair reasoning,

since the great majority of aliens are known to make good, if not in

the first generation, then in the second or the third. Any sociologist,

any settlement worker, any census clerk will tell you that the history

of the average immigrant family of the "new" period is represented by

an ascending curve. The descending curves are furnished by degenerate

families of what was once prime American stock. I want no better

proof of these facts than I find in the respective vocabularies of

the missionary in the slums of New York and the missionary in the New

England hills. At the settlement on Eldridge Street they talk about

hastening the process of Americanization of the immigrant; the country

minister in the Berkshires talks about the rehabilitation of the Yankee

farmer. That is, the one assists at an upward process, the other seeks

to reverse a downward process.

Right here, in these opposite tendencies of the poor of the foreign

quarters and the poor of the Yankee fastnesses, I read the most

convincing proof that what we get in the steerage is not the refuse, but

the sinew and bone of all the nations. If rural New England to-day shows

signs of degeneracy, it is because much of her sinew and bone departed

from her long ago. Some of the best blood of New England answered to the

call of "Westward ho!" when the empty lands beyond the Alleghanies gaped

for population, while on the spent farms of the Puritan settlements too

many sons awaited the division of the father's property. Of those who

were left behind, many, of course, were detained by habit and sentiment,

love of the old home being stronger in them than the lure of adventure.

Of the aristocracy of New England that portion stayed at home which

was fortified by wealth, and so did not feel the economic pressure of

increased population; of the proletariat remained, on the whole, the

less robust, the less venturesome, the men and women of conservative

imagination.

It was bound to be so, because, wherever the population is set in

motion by internal pressure, the emigrant train is composed of the

stoutest, the most resourceful of those who are not held back by the

roots of wealth or sentiment. Voluntary emigration always calls for

the highest combination of the physical and moral virtues. The law of

analogy, therefore, might suffice to teach us that with every shipload

of immigrants we get a fresh infusion of pioneer blood. But theory is

a tight-rope on which every monkey of a logician can balance himself.

We practical Americans of the twentieth century like to feel the broad

platform of tested facts beneath our feet.

[Illustration: ROUGH WORK AND LOW WAGES FOR THE IMMIGRANT]

The fact about the modern immigrant is that he is everywhere continuing

the work begun by our pioneer ancestors. So much we may learn from a

bare recital of the occupations of aliens. They supply most of the

animal strength and primitive patience that are at the bottom of our

civilization. In California they gather the harvest, in Arizona they dig

irrigation ditches, in Oregon they fell forests, in West Virginia they

tunnel coal, in Massachusetts they plant the tedious crops suitable to

an exhausted soil. In the cities they build subways and skyscrapers and

railroad terminals that are the wonder of the world. Wherever rough work

and low wages go together, we have a job for the immigrant.

The prouder we grow, the more we lean on the immigrant. The Wall Street

magnate would be about as effective as a puppet were it not for the army

of foreigners who execute his schemes. The magic of stocks and bonds

lies in railroad ties and in quarried stone and in axle grease applied

at the right time. A Harriman might sit till doomsday gibbering at the

telephone and the stock exchange would take no notice of him if a band

of nameless "Dagos" a thousand miles away failed to repair a telegraph

pole. New York City is building an aqueduct that will surpass the works

of the Romans, and the average New Yorker will know nothing about it

until he reads in the newspapers the mayor's speech at the inauguration

of the new water supply.

Our brains, our wealth, our ambitions flow in channels dug by the hands

of immigrants. Alien hands erect our offices, rivet our bridges, and

pile up the proud masonry of our monuments. Ignoring in this connection

the fact that the engineer as well as the laborer is often of alien

race, we owe to mere muscle a measure of recognition proportionate to

our need of muscle in our boasted material progress. An imaginative

schoolboy left to himself must presently catch the resemblance between

the pick-and-shovel men toiling at our aqueducts and the heroes of

the axe and rifle extolled in his textbooks as the "sturdy pioneers."

Considered without prejudice, the chief difference between these two

types is the difference between jean overalls and fringed buckskins.

Contemporaneousness takes the romance out of everything; otherwise we

might be rubbing elbows with heroes. Whatever merit there was in hewing

and digging and hauling in the days of the first settlers still inheres

in the same operations to-day. Yes, and a little extra; for a stick

of dynamite is more dangerous to handle than a crowbar, and the steam

engine makes more widows in a year than ever the Indian did with bloody

tomahawk and stealthy arrow.

There is no contention here that every fellow who successfully passes

the entrance ordeals at Ellis Island is necessarily a hero. That there

are weaklings in the train of the sturdy throng of foreigners nobody

knows better than I. I have witnessed the pitiful struggles of the

unfit, and have seen the failures drop all around me. But no bold army

ever marched to the field of action without a fringe of camp-followers

on its flanks. The moral vortex created by the enterprises of the

resolute sucks in a certain number of the weak-hearted; and this is

especially true in mass movements, where the enthusiasm of the crowd

ekes out the courage of the individual. If it is not too impious

to suggest it, may there not have been among the passengers of the

Mayflower two or three or half a dozen who came over because their

cousins did, not because they had any zest for the adventure?

When we remember that the Pilgrim Fathers came with their families, we

may be very sure that that was the case, because the different members

of a family are seldom of the same moral fibre. No doubt the austere

ambitions of the voyagers of the Mayflower made them stern recruiting

masters, but our knowledge of men in the mass forbids the assumption

that they were all heroes of the first rank who stepped ashore on

Plymouth Rock.

I have little sympathy with declaimers about the Pilgrim Fathers,

who look upon them all as men of grand conceptions and superhuman

foresight. An entire ship's company of Columbuses is what the world

never saw.

It takes a wizard critic like Lowell to chip away the crust of historic

sentiment and show us our forefathers in the flesh. Lowell would agree

with me that the Pilgrims were a picked troop in the sense that there

was an immense preponderance of virtue among them. And that is exactly

what we must say of our modern immigrants, if we judge them by the sum

total of their effect on our country.

Not a little of the glory of the Pilgrim Fathers rests on their own

testimony. Our opinion of them is greatly enhanced by the expression we

find, in the public and private documents they have left us, of their

ideals, their aims, their expectations in the New World. Let us judge

our immigrants also out of their own mouths, as future generations will

be sure to judge them. And in seeking this testimony let us remember

that humanity in general does not produce one oracle in a decade. Very

few men know their own hearts, or can give an account of the impulses

that drive them in a particular direction. We put our ears to the lips

of the eloquent when we want to know what the world is thinking. And

what do we get when we sift down the sayings of the spokesmen among

the foreign folk? An anthem in praise of American ideals, a passionate

glorification of the principles of democracy.

Let it be understood that the men and women of exceptional intellect,

who have surveyed the situation from philosophical heights, are not

trumpeting forth their own high dreams alone. If they have won the ear

of the American nation and shamed the indifferent and silenced the

cynical, it is because they voiced the feeling of the inarticulate mob

that welters in the foreign quarters of our cities. I am never so clear

as to the basis of my faith in America as when I have been talking with

the ungroomed mothers of the East Side. A widow down on Division Street

was complaining bitterly of the hardships of her lot, alone in an alien

world with four children to bring up. In the midst of her complaints

the children came in from school. "Well," said the hard-pressed widow,

"bread isn't easy to get in America, but the children can go to school,

and that's more than bread. Rich man, poor man, it's all the same: the

children can go to school."

The poor widow had never heard of a document called the Declaration of

Independence, but evidently she had discovered in American practice

something corresponding to one of the great American principles,--the

principle of equality of opportunity,--and she valued it more than the

necessaries of animal life. Even so was it valued by the Fathers of the

Republic, when they deliberately incurred the dangers of a war with

mighty England in defense of that and similar principles.

[Illustration: THE UNGROOMED MOTHER OF THE EAST SIDE]

The widow's sentiment was finely echoed by another Russian immigrant,

a man who drives an ice-wagon for a living. His case is the more

impressive from the fact that he left a position of comparative opulence

in the old country, under the protection of a wealthy uncle who employed

him as steward of his estates. He had had servants to wait on him and

money enough to buy some of the privileges of citizenship which the

Russian Government doles out to the favored few. "But what good was

it to me?" he asked. "My property was not my own if the police wanted

to take it away. I could spend thousands to push my boy through the

Gymnasium, and he might get a little education as a favor, and still

nothing out of it, if he isn't allowed to be anything. Here I work like

a slave, and my wife she works like a slave, too,--in the old country

she had servants in the house,--but what do I care, as long as I know

what I earn I got it for my own? I got to furnish my house one chair at

a time, in America, but nobody can take it away from me, the little that

I got. And it costs me nothing to educate my family. Maybe they can,

maybe they can't go to college, but all can go through grammar school,

and high school, too, the smart ones. And all go together! Rich and

poor, all are equal, and I don't get it as a favor."

Better a hard bed in the shelter of justice than a stuffed couch under

the black canopy of despotism. Better a crust of the bread of the

intellect freely given him as his right than the whole loaf grudgingly

handed him as a favor. What nobler insistence on the rights of manhood

do we find in the writings of the Puritans?

Volumes might be filled with the broken sayings of the humblest among

the immigrants which, translated into the sounding terms of the

universal, would give us the precious documents of American history over

again. Never was the bread of freedom more keenly relished than it is

to-day, by the very people of whom it is said that they covet only the

golden platter on which it is served up. We may not say that immigration

to our country has ceased to be a quest of the ideal as long as the

immigrants lay so much stress on the spiritual accompaniment of economic

elevation in America. Nobly built upon the dreams of the Fathers, the

house of our Republic is nobly tenanted by those who cherish similar

dreams.

But dreams cannot be brought before a court of inquiry. A diligent

immigration commission with an appropriation to spend has little time to

listen to Joseph. A digest of its report is expected to yield statistics

rather than rhapsodies. The taxpayers want their money's worth of hard

facts.

But when the facts are raked together and boiled down to a summary that

the business man may scan on his way to the office, behold! we are

no wiser than before. For a host of interpreters jump into the seats

vacated by the extinct commission and harangue us in learned terms on

the merits and demerits of the immigrant, _as they conceive them_, after

studying the voluminous report. That is, the question is still what it

was before: a matter of personal opinion! The man with the vote realizes

that _he_ has to make up _his_ mind what instructions to send to his

representative in Congress on the subject of immigration. And where

shall he, a plain, practical man, unaccustomed to interpret dreams or

analyze statistics, find an index of the alien's worth that he can read

through the spectacles of common sense?

There is a phrase in the American vocabulary of approval that sums up

our national ideal of manhood. That phrase is "a self-made man." To

such we pay the tribute of our highest admiration, justly regarding our

self-made men as the noblest product of our democratic institutions.

Now let any one compile a biographical dictionary of our self-made men,

from the romantic age of our history down to the prosaic year 1914, and

see how the smell of the steerage pervades the volume! _There_ is a sign

that the practical man finds it easy to interpret. Like fruits grow

from like seeds. Those who can produce under American conditions the

indigenous type of manhood must be working with the same elements as the

native American who starts out a yokel and ends up a senator.

Focused under the microscope of theoretical analysis, or viewed through

the spectacles of common sense, the average immigrant of to-day still

shows the markings of virtue that have distinguished the best Americans

from the time of the landing at Plymouth to the opening of the Panama

Canal. But popular judgment is seldom based on a study of the norm,

especially in this age of the newspaper. The newspaper is devoted to the

portrayal of the abnormal--the shining example and the horrible example;

and most men think they have done justice when they have balanced the

one against the other, leaving out of account entirely the great mass

that lies between the two extremes. And even of the two extremes, it is

the horrible example that is more frequently brought to the attention

of the public. Half a dozen Italians draw knives in a brawl on a given

evening, and the morning newspapers are full of the story. On the

same evening hundreds of Italians were studying civics in the night

schools, inquiring for classics at the public library, rehearsing for a

historical pageant at the settlement--and not a word about them in the

newspapers. One Jewish gangster makes more "copy" than a hundred Jewish

boys and girls who win honors in college. So also it is the business of

the police to record the fact that a Greek was arrested for peddling

without a license, while it is nobody's business to report that a dozen

other Greeks chipped in their spare change to pay his fine. The reader

of newspapers is convinced that the foreigners as a whole are a violent,

vicious, lawless crowd, and the fewer we have of them the better.

Could the annual reports of libraries and settlements be circulated as

widely as the newspapers, the American public would not be guilty of

such errors of judgment. But who reads annual reports? The very name

of them is forbidding! It becomes necessary, therefore, to explain

the newspaper types that jump to the fore in every discussion of the

immigrant.

First of all we must get a good grip on our sense of proportion. To

speak of the immigrants as undesirable because a few of them throw bombs

or live by gambling is about as fair as it would be for the world to

call us Americans a nation of dissolute millionaires and industrial

pirates because a Harry Thaw drank himself into an insane asylum and a

Rockefeller swept a host of competitors to ruin.

But the bomb-thrower and the gambler are extremely undesirable. Look at

the Black Hand outrages, look at the Rosenthal case!

Aye, I have looked, and I see plainly that these horrible examples are

due to the same causes as any shining example that could be named. Each

is the product of the qualities the immigrant brought with him and the

opportunities he found here to exercise them. The law-abiding, ambitious

immigrant who came here a beggar and worked himself into the ranks

of the princes found his opportunity in our laws and customs, which

enable the common man to make the most of himself. The blackmailer's

opportunity was provided by the operation of corrupt politics, which

removes police commissioners and impeaches governors for trying to

enforce the law. The Rosenthal case brought forth Lieutenant Becker,

and an investigation of the spread of the Black Hand terror discovers

political bosses behind the scenes.(5) We have laws providing for the

deportation of alien criminals. Why are they not always enforced? When

we have found the broom that will sweep the political vermin from our

legislatures, we shan't need to look around for a shovel to keep back

the scum of Europe. The two will go together.

(5) See _The Outlook_, August 16, 1913; article by Frank Marshall

White.

In the whole catalogue of sins with which the modern immigrant is

charged, it is not easy to find one in which we Americans are not

partners,--we who can make and unmake our world by means of the ballot.

The immigrant is blamed for the unsanitary conditions of the slums, when

sanitary experts cry shame on our methods of municipal house-cleaning.

You might dump the whole of the East Side into the German capital and

there would be no slums there, because the municipal authorities of

Berlin know how to enforce building regulations, how to plant trees, and

how to clean the streets. The very existence of the slum is laid at the

door of the immigrant, but the truth is that the slums were here before

the immigrants. Most of the foreigners hate the slums, and all but the

few who have no backbone get out of them as fast as they rise in the

economic scale. To "move uptown" is the dearest ambition of the average

immigrant family.

If the slums were due to the influx of foreigners, why should London

have slums, and more hideous slums than New York? No, the slum is not

a by-product of the steerage. It is a sore on the social body in many

civilized countries, due to internal disorders of the economic system. A

generous dose of social reformation would do more to effect a cure than

repeated doses of restriction of immigration.

A whole group of phenomena due to social and economic causes have

been falsely traced, in this country, to the quantity and quality of

immigration. Among these are the labor troubles, such as non-employment,

strikes, riots, etc. England has no such immigration as the United

States, and yet Englishmen suffer from non-employment, from riots and

bitter strikes. Whom does the English workingman blame for his misery?

Let the American workingman quarrel with the same enemy. If wage-cutting

is a sin more justly laid at the door of the immigrant, a minimum wage

law might put a stop to that.

They Who Knock at Our Gates: A Complete Gospel of Immigration · 第 2 / 5 段