Such was the religion which was supposed by some to have won Paine's

heart at last, but which, when mirrored in the controversy over his

death, led to a tremendous reaction. The division in the Quaker Society

swiftly developed. In December, 1826, there was an afternoon meeting of

Quakers of a critical kind, some results of which led directly to the

separation. The chief speaker was Elias Hicks, but it is also recorded

that "Willet Hicks was there, and had a short testimony, which seemed to

be impressive on the meeting." He had stood in silence beside the grave

of the man whose chances in the next world he had rather take than those

of any man in New York; but now the silence is broken.*

* Curiously enough, Mary (Roscoe) Hinsdale turned up again.

She had broken down under the cross-examination of William

Cobbett, but he had long been out of the country when the

Quaker separation took place. Mary now reported that a

distinguished member of the Hicksite Society, Mary Lock

wood, had recanted in the same way as Paine. This being

proved false, the hysterical Mary sank and remained in

oblivion, from which she is recalled only by the Rev. Rip

Van Winkle. It was the unique sentence on Paine to recant

and yet be damned. This honor belies the indifference

expressed in the rune taught children sixty years ago:

"Poor Tom Paine! there he lies:

Nobody laughs and nobody cries:

Where he has gone or how he fares,

Nobody knows and nobody cares!"

I told Walt Whitman, himself partly a product of Hicksite Quakerism,

of the conclusion to which I had been steadily drawn, that Thomas Paine

rose again in Elias Hicks, and was in some sort the origin of our one

American religion. I said my visit was mainly to get his "testimony" on

the subject for my book, as he was born in Hicks' region, and mentions

in "Specimen Days" his acquaintance with Paine's friend, Colonel

Fellows. Walt said, for I took down his words at the time:

"In my childhood a great deal was said of Paine in our neighborhood, in

Long Island. My father, Walter Whitman, was rather favorable to Paine.

I remember hearing Elias Hicks preach; and his look, slender figure,

earnestness, made an impression on me, though I was only about eleven.

He died in 1830. He is well represented in the bust there, one of my

treasures. I was a young man when I enjoyed the friendship of Col.

Fellows,--then a constable of the courts; tall, with ruddy face,

blue eyes, snowy hair, and a fine voice; neat in dress, an old-school

gentleman, with a military air, who used to awe the crowd by his looks;

they used to call him 'Aristides.' I used to chat with him in Tammany

Hall. It was a time when, in religion, there was as yet no philosophical

middle-ground; people were very strong on one side or the other; there

was a good deal of lying, and the liars were often well paid for

their work. Paine and his principles made the great issue. Paine was

double-damnably lied about. Col. Fellows was a man of perfect truth

and exactness; he assured me that the stories disparaging to Paine

personally were quite false. Paine was neither drunken nor filthy; he

drank as other people did, and was a high-minded gentleman. I incline to

think you right in supposing a connection between the Paine excitement

and the Hicksite movement. Paine left a deep, clear-cut impression on

the public mind. Col. Fellows told me that while Paine was in New York

he had a much larger following than was generally supposed. After his

death a reaction in his favor appeared among many who had opposed him,

and this reaction became exceedingly strong between 1820 and 1830, when

the division among the Quakers developed. Probably William Cobbett's

conversion to Paine had something to do with it. Cobbett lived in the

neighborhood of Elias Hicks, in Long Island, and probably knew him.

Hicks was a fair-minded man, and no doubt read Paine's books carefully

and honestly. I am very glad you are writing the Life of Paine. Such a

book has long been needed. Paine was among the best and truest of men."

Paine's risen soul went marching on in England also. The pretended

recantation proclaimed there was exploded by William Cobbett, and the

whole controversy over Paine's works renewed. One after another deist

was sent to prison for publishing Paine's works, the last being Richard

Carlile and his wife. In 1819, the year in which William Cobbett

carried Paine's bones to England, Richard Carlile and his wife, solely

for this offence, were sent to prison,--he for three years, with fine of

L1,500, she for two years, with fine of L500,* This was a suicidal

victory for bigotry. When these two came out of prison they found that

wealthy gentlemen had provided for them an establishment in Fleet

Street, where these books were thenceforth sold unmolested. Mrs.

Carlile's petition to the House of Commons awakened that body and the

whole country. When Richard Carlile entered prison it was as a captive

deist; when he came out the freethinkers of England were generally

atheists.

* I have before me an old fly-leaf picture, issued by

Carlile in the same year. It shows Paine in his chariot

advancing against Superstition. Superstition is a snaky-

haired demoness, with poison-cup in one hand and dagger in

the other, surrounded by instruments of torture, and

treading on a youth. Behind her are priests, with mask,

crucifix, and dagger. Burning faggots surround them with a

cloud, behind which are worshippers around an idol, with a

priest near by, upholding a crucifix before a man burning at

the stake. Attended by fair genii, who uphold a banner

inscribed, "Moral Rectitude." Paine advances, uplifting in

one hand the mirror of Truth, in the other his "Age of

Reason." There are ten stanzas describing the conflict,

Superstition being described as holding

"in vassalage a doating World,

Till Paine and Reason burst upon the mind,

And Truth and Deism their flag unfurled."

But what was this atheism? Merely another Declaration of Independence.

Common sense and common justice were entering into religion as they were

entering into government. Such epithets as "atheism," "infidelity,"

were but labels of outlawry which the priesthood of all denominations

pronounced upon men who threatened their throne, precisely as "sedition"

was the label of outlawry fixed by Pitt on all hostility to George III.

In England, atheism was an insurrection of justice against any deity

diabolical enough to establish the reign of terror in that country

or any deity worshipped by a church which imprisoned men for their

opinions. Paine was a theist, but he arose legitimately in his admirer

Shelley, who was punished for atheism. Knightly service was done by

Shelley in the struggle for the Englishman's right to read Paine. If

any enlightened religious man of to-day had to choose between the

godlessness of Shelley and the godliness that imprisoned good men for

their opinions, he would hardly select the latter. The genius of Paine

was in every word of Shelley's letter to Lord Ellenborough on the

punishment of Eaton for publishing the "Age of Reason."*

* "Whence is any right derived, but that which power

confers, for persecution? Do you think to convert Mr. Eaton

to your religion by embittering his existence? You might

force him by torture to profess your tenets, but he could

not believe them except you should make them credible, which

perhaps exceeds your power. Do you think to please the God

you worship by this exhibition of your zeal? If so the

demon to whom some nations offer human hecatombs is less

barbarous than the Deity of civilized society.... Does

the Christian God, whom his followers eulogize as the deity

of humility and peace--he, the regenerator of the world, the

meek reformer--authorise one man to rise against another,

and, because lictors are at his beck, to chain and torture

him as an infidel? When the Apostles went abroad to convert

the nations, were they enjoined to stab and poison all who

disbelieved the divinity of Christ's mission?... The

time is rapidly approaching--I hope that you, my Lord, may

live to behold its arrival--when the Mahometan, the Jew, the

Christian, the Deist, and the Atheist will live together in

one community, equally sharing the benefits which arrive

from its association, and united in the bonds of charity and

brotherly love."

In America "atheism" was never anything but the besom which again and

again has cleared the human mind of phantasms represented in outrages on

honest thinkers. In Paine's time the phantasm which was called Jehovah

represented a grossly ignorant interpretation of the Bible; the

revelation of its monstrous character, represented in the hatred,

slander, falsehood, meanness, and superstition, which Jarvis represented

as crows and vultures hovering near the preachers kicking Paine's dead

body, necessarily destroyed the phantasm, whose pretended power was

proved nothing more than that of certain men to injure a man who

out-reasoned them. Paine's fidelity to his unanswered argument was

fatal to the consecrated phantasm. It was confessed to be ruling without

reason, right, or humanity, like the King from whom "Common Sense,"

mainly, had freed America, and not by any "Grace of God" at all, but

through certain reverend Lord Norths and Lord Howes. Paine's peaceful

death, the benevolent distribution of his property by a will affirming

his Theism, represented a posthumous and potent conclusion to the "Age

of Reason."

Paine had aimed to form in New York a Society for Religious Inquiry,

also a Society of Theophilan-thropy. The latter was formed, and his

posthumous works first began to appear, shortly after his death, in an

organ called _The Theophilanthropist_.

But his movement was too cosmopolitan to be contained in any local

organization. "Thomas Paine," said President Andrew Jackson to Judge

Hertell, "Thomas Paine needs no monument made by hands; he has erected

a monument in the hearts of all lovers of liberty." The like may be

said of his religion: Theophilanthropy, under a hundred translations and

forms, is now the fruitful branch of every religion and every sect. The

real cultivators of skepticism,--those who ascribe to deity biblical

barbarism, and the savagery of nature,--have had their day.

The removal and mystery of Paine's bones appear like some page of Mosaic

mythology.* An English caricature pictured Cobbett seated on Paine's

coffin, in a boat named Rights of Man, rowed by Negro Slaves.

* The bones of Thomas Paine were landed in Liverpool

November 21, 1819. The monument contemplated by Cobbett was

never raised. There was much parliamentary and municipal

excitement. A Bolton town-crier was imprisoned nine weeks

for proclaiming the arrival. In 1836 the bones passed with

Cobbett's effects into the hands of a Receiver (West). The

Lord Chancellor refusing to regard them as an asset, they

were kept by an old day-laborer until 1844, when they passed

to B. Tilley, 13 Bedford Square, London, a furniture dealer.

In 1849 the empty coffin was in possession of J. Chennell,

Guildford. The silver plate bore the inscription "Thomas

Paine, died June 8, 1809, aged 72." In 1854, Rev. R. Ainslie

(Unitarian) told E. Truelove that he owned "the skull and

the right hand of Thomas Paine," but evaded subsequent

inquiries. The removal caused excitement in America. Of

Paine's gravestone the last fragment was preserved by his

friends of the Bayeaux family, and framed on their wall. In

November, 1839, the present marble monument at New Rochelle

was erected.

"A singular coincidence [says Dr. Francis] led me to pay a visit to

Cobbett at his country seat, within a couple of miles of the city, on

the island, on the very day that he had exhumed the bones of Paine, and

shipped them for England. I will here repeat the words which Cobbett

gave utterance to at the friendly interview our party had with him. 'I

have just performed a duty, gentlemen, which has been too long delayed:

you have neglected too long the remains of Thomas Paine. I have done

myself the honor to disinter his bones. I have removed them from New

Rochelle. I have dug them up; they are now on their way to England. When

I myself return, I shall cause them to speak the common sense of

the great man; I shall gather together the people of Liverpool and

Manchester in one assembly with those of London, and those bones will

effect the reformation of England in Church and State.'"

Mr. Badeau, of New Rochelle, remembers standing near Cobbett's workmen

while they were digging up the bones, about dawn. There is a legend that

Paine's little finger was left in America, a fable, perhaps, of his once

small movement, now stronger than the loins of the bigotry that refused

him a vote or a grave in the land he so greatly served. As to his bones,

no man knows the place of their rest to this day. His principles rest

not. His thoughts, untraceable like his dust, are blown about the world

which he held in his heart. For a hundred years no human being has been

born in the civilized world without some spiritual tincture from that

heart whose every pulse was for humanity, whose last beat broke a fetter

of fear, and fell on the throne of thrones.

APPENDIX A. THE COBBETT PAPERS.

In the autumn of 1792 William Cobbett arrived in America. Among the

papers preserved by the family of Thomas Jefferson is a letter from

Cobbett, enclosing an introduction from Mr. Short, U. S. Secretary

of Legation at Paris. In this letter, dated at Wilmington, Delaware,

November 2, 1792, the young Englishman writes: "Ambitious to become

the citizen of a free state I have left my native country, England, for

America. I bring with me youth, a small family, a few useful literary

talents, and that is all."

Cobbett had been married in the same year, on February 5th, and visited

Paris, perhaps with an intention of remaining, but becoming disgusted

with the revolution he left for America. He had conceived a dislike of

the French revolutionary leaders, among whom he included Paine. He

thus became an easy victim of the libellous Life of Paine, by George

Chalmers, which had not been reprinted in America, and reproduced the

statements of that work in a brief biographical sketch published in

Philadelphia, 1796. In later life Cobbett became convinced that he had

been deceived into giving fresh currency to a tissue of slanders.

In the very year of this publication, afterwards much lamented, Paine

published in Europe a work that filled Cobbett with admiration. This was

"The Decline and Fall of the English System of Finance," which predicted

the suspension of gold payments by the Bank of England that followed the

next year. The pamphlet became Cobbett's text-book, and his _Register_

was eloquent in Paine's praise, the more earnestly, he confessed,

because he had "been one of his most violent assailants." "Old age

having laid his hand upon this truly great man, this truly philosophical

politician, at his expiring flambeau I lighted my taper."

A sketch of Thomas Paine and some related papers of Cobbett are

generously confided to me by his daughter, Eleanor Cobbett, through her

nephew, William Cobbett, Jr., of Woodlands, near Manchester, England.

The public announcement (1818) by Cobbett, then in America, of his

intention to write a Life-of Paine, led to his negotiation with

Madame Bonneville, who, with her husband, resided in New York. Madame

Bonneville had been disposing of some of Paine's manuscripts, such as

that on "Freemasonry," and the reply to Bishop Watson, printed in

_The Theophilanthropist_ (1810). She had also been preparing, with her

husband's assistance, notes for a biography of Paine, because of the

"unjust efforts to tarnish the memory of Mr. Paine"; adding, "_Et

l'indignation ma fait prendre la plume_." Cobbett agreed to give her

a thousand dollars for the manuscript, which was to contain important

letters from and to eminent men. She stated (September 30, 1819)

her conditions, that it should be published in England, without any

addition, and separate from any other writings. I suppose it was one or

all of these conditions that caused the non-completion of the bargain.

Cobbett re-wrote the whole thing, and it is now all in his writing

except a few passages by Madame Bonneville, which I indicate by

brackets, and two or three by his son, J. P. Cobbett. Although Madame

Bonneville gave some revision to Cobbett's manuscript, most of the

letters to be supplied are merely indicated. No trace of them exists

among the Cobbett papers. Soon afterward the Bonnevilles went to Paris,

where they kept a small book shop. Nicolas died in 1828. His biography

in Michaud's Dictionary is annotated by the widow, and states that

in 1829 she had begun to edit for publication the Life and posthumous

papers of Thomas Paine. From this it would appear that she had retained

the manuscript, and the original letters. In 1833 Madame Bonneville

emigrated to St. Louis, where her son, the late General Bonneville,

lived. Her Catholicism became, I believe, devout with advancing years,

and to that cause, probably also to a fear of reviving the old scandal

Cheetham had raised, may be due the suppression of the papers, with

the result mentioned in the introduction to this work. She died in St.

Louis, October 30, 1846, at the age of 79. Probably William Cobbett

did not feel entitled to publish the manuscript obtained under such

conditions, or he might have waited for the important documents that

were never sent. He died in 1835. The recollections are those of both M.

and Madame Bonneville. The reader will find no difficulty in making out

the parts that represent Madame's personal knowledge and reminiscences,

as Cobbett has preserved her speech in the first person, and, with

characteristic literary acumen, her expressions in such important

points. His manuscript is perfect, and I have little editing to do

beyond occasional correction of a date, supplying one or two letters

indicated, which I have found, and omitting a few letters, extracts,

etc., already printed in the body of this work, where unaccompanied by

any comment or addition from either Cobbett or the Bonnevilles.

At the time when this Cobbett-Bonneville sketch was written New York was

still a provincial place. Nicolas Bonneville, as Irving describes him,

seated under trees at the Battery, absorbed in his classics, might have

been regarded with suspicion had it been known that his long separation

from his family was due to detention by the police. Madame Bonneville is

reserved on that point. The following incident, besides illustrating the

characters of Paine and Bonneville, may suggest a cause for the rigor

of Bonneville's surveillance. In 1797, while Paine and Bonneville were

editing the _Bien Informe_, a "suspect" sought asylum with them. This

was Count Barruel-Beauvert, an author whose writings alone had caused

his denunciation as a royalist. He had escaped from the Terror, and now

wandered back in disguise, a pauper Count, who knew well the magnanimity

of the two men whose protection he asked. He remained, as proof-reader,

in the Bonneville house for some time, safely; but when the conspiracy

of 18 Fructidor (September 4, 1797) exasperated the Republic against

royalists, the Count feared that he might be the means of compromising

his benefactors, and disappeared. When the royalist conspiracy against

Bonaparte was discovered, Barruel-Beauvert was again hunted, and

arrested (1802). His trial probably brought to the knowledge of the

police his former sojourn with Paine and Bonneville. Bonaparte sent by

Fouche a warning to Paine that the eye of the police was upon him,

and that "on the first complaint he would be sent to his own country,

America." Whether this, and the closer surveillance on Bonneville, were

connected with the Count, who also suffered for a time, or whether due

to their anti-slavery writings on Domingo, remains conjectural. Towards

the close of life Bonneville received a pension, which was continued to

his widow. So much even a monarchy with an established church could do

for a republican author, and a freethinker; for Bonneville had published

heresies like those of Paine.

THOMAS PAINE, A SKETCH OF HIS LIFE AND CHARACTER.

[More exactly than any other author Thomas Paine delineates every

Circumstantial Events, private or Public in his Writings; nevertheless,

since many pretended Histories of the Life of T. P. have been published,

tracing him back to the day of his]* birth, we shall shortly observe,

that, as was never denied by himself, he was born at Thetford, in the

County of Norfolk, England on the 29. January, in the year 1737; that

his father Joseph Paine was a stay-maker, and by religion a Quaker; that

his mother was the daughter of a country attorney, and that she belonged

to the Church of England; but, it appears, that she also afterwards

became a Quaker; for these parents both belonged to the Meeting in 1787,

as appears from a letter of the father to the son.

* The bracketed words, Madame Bonneville's, are on a

separate slip. An opening paragraph by Cobbett is crossed

out by her pen: "The early years of the life of a Great Man

are of little consequence to the world. Whether Paine made

stays or gauged barrels before he became a public character,

is of no more importance to us than whether he was swaddled

with woollen or with linen. It is the man, in conjunction

with those labours which have produced so much effect in the

world, whom we are to follow and contemplate. Nevertheless,

since many pretended histories of the life of Paine have

been published, etc."

The above-mentioned histories relate (and the correctness of the

statement has not been denied by him), that Paine was educated at the

free-school of Thetford; that he left it in 1752, when he was fifteen

years of age, and then worked for some time with his father: that in a

year afterwards, he went to London: that from London he went to Dover:

that about this time he was on the eve of becoming a sailor: that he

afterwards did embark on board a privateer: that, between the years 1759

and 1774 he was a stay maker, an excise officer, a grocer, and an usher

to a school; and that, during the period he was twice married, and

separated by mutual consent, from his second wife.*

* The dates given by Cobbett from contemporary histories

require revision by the light of the careful researches made

by myself and others, as given at the beginning of this

biography.

In this year 1774 and in the month of September, Paine sailed from

England for Philadelphia, where he arrived safe; and now we begin his

history; for here we have him in connection with his literary labours.

It being an essential part of our plan to let Thomas Paine speak in his

own words, and explain himself the reason for his actions, whenever

we find written papers in his own hand, though in incomplete notes or

fragments, we shall insert such, in order to enable the reader to judge

for himself, and to estimate the slightest circumstances. _Sauvent d'un

grand dessin un mot nous fait juger_. "A word often enables us to judge

of a great design."

"I happened to come to America a few months before the breaking out of

hostilities. I found the disposition of the people such that they might

have been led by a thread and governed by a reed. Their suspicion was

quick and penetrating, but their attachment to Britain was obstinate,

and it was at that time a kind of treason to speak against it. They

disliked the Ministry, but they esteemed the Nation. Their idea of

grievance operated without resentment, and their single object was

reconciliation. Bad as I believed the Ministry to be, I never conceived

them capable of a measure so rash and wicked as the commencing of

hostilities; much less did I imagine the Nation would encourage it.

I viewed the dispute as a kind of law-suit, in which I supposed the

parties would find a way either to decide or settle it. I had no

thoughts of independence or of arms. The world could not then have

persuaded me that I should be either a soldier or an author. If I had

any talents for either they were buried in me, and might ever have

continued so had not the necessity of the times dragged and driven them

into action. I had formed my plan of life, and conceiving myself happy

wished everybody else so. But when the country, into which I had just

set my foot, was set on fire about my ears, it was time to stir. It was

time for every man to stir."*

* From Crisis vii., dated Philadelphia, November 21, 1778.

In Cobbett's MS. the extract is only indicated.

His first intention at Philadelphia was to establish an Academy for

young ladies, who were to be taught many branches of learning then

little known in the education of young American ladies. But, in 1775, he

undertook the management of the Pennsylvania Magazine.

About this time he published, in Bradford's journal, an essay on the

slavery, of the negroes, which was universally well received; and also

stanzas on the death of General Wolfe.

In 1776, January 10, he published Common Sense. In the same year he

joined the army as aid-de-camp to General Greene. Gordon, in his history

of the Independence of the United States (vol. ii. p. 78), says:

[Wanting]--Ramsay (Lond. ed. i. p. 336) says: [Wanting!] Anecdote of

Dr. Franklin preserved by Thomas Paine: [Wanting, but no doubt one

else-where given, in the Hall manuscripts]

When Washington had made his retreat from New York Thomas Paine

published the first number of the Crisis, which was read to every

corporal's guard in the camp. It revived the army, reunited the members

of the [New York] Convention, when despair had reduced them to nine in

number, while the militia were abandoning their standards and flying in

all directions. The success of the army at Trenton was, in some degree,

owing to this first number of the Crisis. In 1778 he discovered the

robberies of Silas Deane, an agent of the United States in France.

He gave in his resignation as Secretary, which was accepted by the

Congress. In 1779 he was appointed-Clerk to the General Assembly of

Pennsylvania, which office he retained until 1780. In 1780 he departed

for France with Col. John Laurens, commissioned especially by the

Congress to the Court at Versailles to obtain the aid that was wanted.

(See Gordon's Hist., v. iii., p. 154.) After his return from France he

received the following letter from Col. Laurens:

"Carolina, April 18, 1782.--I received the letter wherein you mention

my horse and trunk, (the latter of which was left at Providence).

The misery which the former has suffered at different times, by

mismanagement, has greatly distressed me. He was wounded in service, and

I am much attached to him. If he can be of any service to you, I entreat

your acceptance of him, more especially if you will make use of him in

bringing you to a country (Carolina) where you will be received with

open arms, and all that affection and respect which our citizens are

anxious to testify to the author of Common Sense, and the Crisis.

"Adieu! I wish you to regard this part of America (Carolina) as your

particular home--and everything that I can command in it to be in common

between us."

On the 10th of April, 1783, the definitive treaty of peace was received

and published. Here insert the letter from Gen. Nathaniel Greene:

"Ashley-Rives (Carolina), Nov. 18, 1782.--Many people wish to get you

into this country.

"I see you are determined to follow your genius and not your fortune.

I have always been in hopes that Congress would have made some handsome

acknowledgement to you for past services. I must confess that I think

you have been shamefully neglected; and that America is indebted to few

characters more than to you. But as your passion leads to fame, and

not to wealth, your mortification will be the less. Your fame for

your writings, will be immortal. At present my expenses are great;

nevertheless, if you are not conveniently situated, I shall take a pride

and pleasure in contributing all in my power to render your situation

happy."'

Then letter from his father.--"Dear Son, &c." [Lost.]

The following letter from William Livingston (Trenton, 4 November, 1784)

will show that Thomas Paine was not only honored with the esteem of the

most famous persons, but that they were all convinced that he had been

useful to the country.**

At this time Thomas Paine was living with Colonel Kirk-bride,

Bordentown, where he remained till his departure for France. He had

bought a house [in], and five acres of marshy land over against,

Bordentown, near the Delaware, which overflowed it frequently. He sold

the land in 1787.

Congress gave an order for three thousand dollars, which Thomas Paine

received in the same month.

Early in 1787 he departed for France. He carried with him the model of

a bridge of his own invention and construction, which he submitted, in

a drawing, to the French Academy, by whom it was approved. From Paris he

went to London on the 3 September 1787; and in the same month he went

to Thetford, where he found his father was dead, from the small-pox; and

where he settled an allowance on his mother of 9 shillings a week.

* This and the preceding letter supplied by the author.

* Not found. Referred to in this work, vol. i., p. 200.

A part of 1788 he passed in Rotherham, in Yorkshire, where his bridge

was cast and erected, chiefly at the expense of the ingenious Mr.

Walker. The experiment, however, cost Thomas Paine a considerable sum.

When Burke published his _Reflexions on the French Revolution_, Thomas

Paine answered him in his First Part of the Rights of Man. In January,

1792, appeared the Second Part of the Rights of Man. The sale of the

Rights of Man was prodigious, amounting in the course of one year to

about a hundred thousand copies.

In 1792 he was prosecuted for his Rights of Man by the Attorney General,

McDonald, and was defended by Mr. Erskine, and found guilty of libel.

But he was now in France, and could not be brought up for judgment.

Each district of France sent electors to the principal seat of the

Department, where the Deputies to the National Assembly were chosen. Two

Departments appointed Thomas Paine their Deputy, those of Oise and

of Pas de Calais, of which he accepted the latter. He received the

following letter from the President of the National Assembly, Herault de

Sechelles:

"To Thomas Paine:

"France calls you, Sir, to its bosom, to perform one of the most useful

and most honorable functions, that of contributing, by wise legislation,

to the happiness of a people, whose destinies interest all who think and

are united with the welfare of all who suffer in the world.

"It becomes the nation that has proclaimed the Rights of Many to desire

among her legislators him who first dared to estimate the consequences

of those Rights, and who has developed their principles with that

Common Senset which is the only genius inwardly felt by all men, and the

conception of which springs forth from nature and truth.

"The National Assembly gave you the title of Citizen, and had seen

with pleasure that its decree was sanctioned by the only legitimate

authority, that of the people, who had already claimed you, even before

you were nominated.

"Come, Sir, and enjoy in France the most interesting of scenes for an

observer and a philosopher,--that of a confiding and generous people

who, infamously betrayed for three years, and wishing at last to end the

struggle between slavery and liberty, between sincerity and perfidy, at

length arises in its resolute and gigantic force, gives up to the sword

of the law those guilty crowned things who betrayed them, resists the

barbarians whom they raised up to destroy the nation. Her citizens

turned soldiers, her territory into camp and fortress, she yet calls and

collects in congress the lights scattered through the universe. Men of

genius, the most capable for their wisdom and virtue, she now calls to

give to her people a government the most proper to insure their liberty

and happiness.

"The Electoral Assembly of the Department of Oise, anxious to be the

first to elect you, has been so fortunate as to insure to itself that

honour; and when many of my fellow citizens desired me to inform you of

your election, I remembered, with infinite pleasure, having seen you at

Mr. Jefferson's, and I congratulated myself on having had the pleasure

of knowing you.

"Herault,

"President of the National Assembly."

At the trial of Louis XVI. before the National Convention Thomas Paine

at the Tribune, with the deputy Bancal for translator and interpreter,

gave his opinion, written, on the capital sentence on Louis:--That,

though a Deputy of the National Convention of France, he could not

forget, that, previous to his being that, he was a citizen of the United

States of America, which owed their liberty to Louis, and that gratitude

would not allow him to vote for the death of the benefactor of America.

On the 21st of January, 1793, Louis XVI was beheaded in the Square of

Louis XV. (Letter to Marat.)

Thomas Paine was named by the Assembly as one of the Committee of

Legislation, and, as he could not discuss article by article without the

aid of an interpreter, he drew out a plan of a constitution.**

* Both missing. Possibly the second should be to Danton.

See ii., p. 53.

** See ii., p. 37 sec., of this work.

The reign of terror began on the night of the 10th of March!793, when

the greatest number and the best part of the real friends to freedom had

retired [from the Convention]. But, as the intention of the conspiracy

against the Assembly had been suspected, as the greatest part of the

Deputies they wished to sacrifice had been informed of the threatening

danger, as, moreover, a mutual fear [existed] of the cunning tyranny of

some usurper, the conspirators, alarmed, could not this night consummate

their horrible machinations. They therefore, for this time, confined

themselves to single degrees of accusation and arrestation against the

most valuable part of the National Convention. Robespiere had placed

himself at the head of a conspiring Common-Hall, which dared to dictate

_laws of blood_ and proscription to the Convention. All those whom he

could not make bend under a Dictatorship, which a certain number of

anti-revolutionists feigned to grant him, as a tool which they could

destroy at pleasure, were guilty of being suspected, and secretly

destined to disappear from among the living. Thomas Paine, as his marked

enemy and rival, by favour of the decree on the suspected was classed

among the suspected, and, as a foreigner, was imprisoned in the

Luxembourg in December 1793. (See Letter to Washington.) |

From this document it will be seen, that, while in the prison, he was,

for a month, afflicted with an illness that deprived him of his memory.

It was during this illness of Thomas Paine that the fall of Robespierre

took place. Mr. Monroe, who arrived at Paris some days afterwards, wrote

to Mr. Paine, assuring him of his friendship, as appears from the letter

to Washington. Fifteen days afterwards Thomas Paine received a letter

from Peter Whiteside.** In consequence of this letter Thomas Paine wrote

a memorial to Mr. Monroe. Mr. Monroe now claimed Thomas Paine, and he

_came out of the prison on the 6th of November, 1794, after ten months

of imprisonment_. He went to live with Mr. Monroe, who had cordially

offered him his house. In a short time after, the Convention called

him to take his seat in that Assembly; which he did, for the reasons he

alleges in his letter to Washington.

The following two pieces Thomas Paine wrote while in Prison: "Essay on

Aristocracy." "Essay on the character of Robespierre." [Both missing.]

* This is the bitter letter of which when it appeared

Cobbett had written such a scathing review.

** The letter telling him of the allegations made by some

against his American citizenship.

Thomas Paine received the following letter from Madame Lafayette, whose

husband was then a prisoner of war in Austria:

"19 Brumaire, Paris.--I was this morning so much agitated by the kind

visit from Mr. Monroe, that I could hardly find words to speak; but,

however, I was, my dear Sir, desirous to tell you, that the news of your

being set at liberty, which I this morning learnt from General Kilmaine,

who arrived here at the same time with me, has given me a moment's

consolation in the midst of this abyss of misery, where I shall all my

life remain plunged. Gen. Kilmaine has told me that you recollected

me, and have taken great interest in my situation; for which I am

exceedingly grateful.

"Accept, along with Mr. Monroe, my congratulations upon your being

restored to each other, and the assurances of these sentiments from

her who is proud to proclaim them, and who well deserved the title of

citizen of that second country, though I have assuredly never failed,

nor shall ever fail, to the former. Salut and friendship.

"With all sincerity of my heart,

"N. Lafayette."

On the 27 January, 1794, Thomas Paine published in Paris, the First Part

of the "Age of Reason."

Seeing the state of things in America, Thomas Paine wrote a letter to

Gen. Washington 22 February 1795. Mr. Monroe entreated him not to

send it, and, accordingly it was not sent to Washington; but it was

afterwards published.

A few months after his going out of prison, he had a violent fever. Mrs.

Monroe showed him all possible kindness and attention. She provided him

with an excellent nurse, who had for him all the anxiety and assiduity

of a sister. She neglected nothing to afford him ease and comfort, when

he was totally unable to help himself. He was in the state of a helpless

child who has its face and hands washed by its mother. The surgeon was

the famous Dessault, who cured him of an abscess which he had in his

side. After the horrible 13 Brumaire, a friend of Thomas Paine being

very sick, he, who was in the house, went to bring his own excellent

nurse to take care of his sick friend: a fact of little account

in itself, but a sure evidence of ardent and active friendship and

kindness.

The Convention being occupied with a discussion of the question of what

Constitution ought to be adopted, that of 1791 or that of 1793, Thomas

Paine made a speech (July 7, 1795) as a member of the [original]

Committee [on the Constitution] and Lanthenas translated it and read

it in the Tribune. This speech has been translated into English, and

published in London; but, the language of the author has been changed

by the two translations. It is now given as written by the author.

[Missing.]

In April, 1796, he wrote his _Decline and Fail of the British System of

Finance _; and, on the 30th of July of that year he sent his letter to

Washington off for America by Mr.-------- who sent it to Mr. Bache, a

newspaper printer of Philadelphia, to be published, and it was published

the same year. The name of the gentleman who conveyed the letter, and

who wrote the following to Thomas Paine, is not essential and therefore

we suppress it. [Missing.]

We here insert a letter from Talleyrand, the Minister of Foreign

Affairs, to show that Thomas Paine was always active and attentive in

doing every thing which would be useful to America. [Missing.]

Thomas Paine after he came out of prison and had reentered the

Convention wrote the following letter. [Missing.]

The following is essentially connected with the foregoing: "Paris,

October 4, 1796." [Missing.]

In October, 1796, Thomas Paine published the Second Fart of the Age of

Reason.

This year Mr. Monroe departed from France, and soon after Thomas Paine

went to Havre de Grace, to embark for the United States. But, he did

not, upon inquiry, think it prudent to go, on account of the great

number of English vessels then cruizing in the Channel. He therefore

came back to Paris; but, while at Havre, wrote the following letter, 13

April 1797, to a friend at Paris. [Missing.]

The following letter will not, we hope, seem indifferent to the reader:

"Dear Sir, I wrote to you etc." [Missing.]

At this time it was that Thomas Paine took up his abode at Mr.

Bonneville's, who had known him at the Minister Roland's, and as Mr. B.

spoke English, Thomas Paine addressed himself to him in a more familiar

and friendly manner than to any other persons of the society. It was a

reception of Hospitality which was here given to Thomas Paine for a

week or a fortnight; but, the visit lasted till 1802, when he and Mr.

Bonneville parted,--alas never to meet again!

Our House was at No. 4 Rue du Theatre Francois. All the first floor was

occupied as a printing office. The whole house was pretty well filled;

and Mr. Bonneville gave up his study, which was not a large one, and a

bed-chamber to Thomas Paine. He was always in his apartments excepting

at meal times. He rose late. He then used to read the newspapers, from

which, though he understood but little of the French language when

spoken, he did not fail to collect all the material information relating

to politics, in which subject he took most delight. When he had his

morning's reading, he used to carry back the journals to Mr. Bonneville,

and they had a chat upon the topicks of the day.

If he had a short jaunt to take, as for instance, to Puteaux just by

the bridge of Neuilly, where Mr. Skipwith lived, he always went on

foot, after suitable preparations for the journey in that way. I do not

believe he ever hired a coach to go out on pleasure during the whole of

his stay in Paris. He laughed at those who, depriving themselves of a

wholesome exercise, could make no other excuse for the want of it than

that they were able to take it whenever they pleased. He was never idle

in the house. If not writing he was busily employed on some mechanical

invention, or else entertaining his visitors. Not a day escaped without

his receiving many visits. Mr. Barlow, Mr. Fulton, Mr. Smith [Sir

Robert] came very often to see him. Many travellers also called on him;

and, often, having no other affair, talked to him only of his great

reputation and their admiration of his works. He treated such visitors

with civility, but with little ceremony, and, when their conversation

was mere chit-chat, and he found they had nothing particular to say to

him, he used to retire to his own pursuits, leaving them to entertain

themselves with their own ideas.

He sometimes spent his evenings at Mr. Barlow's, where Mr. Fulton lived,

or at Mr. Smith's [Sir Robert], and sometimes at an Irish Coffee-house

in Conde Street, where Irish, English, and American people met. He here

learnt the state of politics in England and America. He never went out

after dinner without first taking a nap, which was always of two or

three hours length. And, when he went out to a dinner of _parade_, he

often came home for the purpose of taking his accustomed sleep. It was

seldom he went into the society of French people; except when, by

seeing some one in office or power, he could obtain some favour for his

countrymen who might be in need of his good offices. These he always

performed with pleasure, and he never failed to adopt the most likely

means to secure success. But in one instance he failed. He wrote as

follows to Lord Cornwallis; but, he did not save Napper Tandy. Letter to

Lord Cornwallis. Letter 27 Brumaire, 4 year. Letter 23 Germinal 4 year.

[The three letters missing.]

C. Jourdan made a report to the Convention on the re-establishment

of Bells, which had been suppressed, and, in great part melted. Paine

published, on this occasion, a letter to C. Jourdan.*

* The words "which will find a place in the Appendix" are

here crossed out by Madame Bonneville. See ii., p. 258

concerning Jourdan.

He had brought with him from America, as we have seen, a model of a

bridge of his own construction and invention, which model had been

adopted in England for building bridges under his own direction. He

employed part of his time, while at our house, in bringing this model to

high perfection, and this accomplished to his wishes. He afterwards,

and according the model, made a bridge of lead, which he accomplished b/

moulding different blocks of lead, which, when joined together, made the

form that he required. This was most pleasant amusement for him. Though

he fully relied on the strength of his new bridge, and would produce

arguments enough in proof of its infallible strength, he often

demonstrated the proof by blows of the sledge-hammer, not leaving anyone

in doubt on the subject. One night he took off the scaffold of his

bridge and seeing that it stood firm under the repeated strokes of

hammer, he was so ravished that an enjoyment so great was not to be

sufficiently felt if confined to his own bosom. He was not satisfied

without admirers of his success. One night we had just gone to bed, and

were surprised at hearing repeated strokes of the hammer. Paine went

into Mr. Bonneville's room and besought him to go and see his bridge:

come and look, said he, it bears all my blows and stands like a rock.

Mr. Bonneville arose, as well to please himself by seeing a happy man as

to please him by looking at his bridge. Nothing would do, unless I saw

the sight as well as Mr. Bonneville. After much exultation: "nothing, in

the world," said he, "is so fine as my bridge"; and, seeing me standing

by without uttering a word, he added, "except a woman!" which happy

compliment to the sex he seemed to think, a full compensation for the

trouble caused by this nocturnal visit to the bridge.

A machine for planing boards was his next invention, which machine he

had executed partly by one blacksmith and partly by another. The machine

being put together by him, he placed it on the floor, and with it planed

boards to any number that he required, to make some models of wheels.

Mr. Bonneville has two of these wheels now. There is a specification

of the wheels, given by Mr. Paine himself. This specification, together

with a drawing of the model, made by Mr. Fulton, were deposited at

Washington, in February 1811; and the other documents necessary to

obtain a patent as an invention of Thomas Paine, for the benefit of

Madam Bonneville. To be presented to the Directory of France, a memorial

on the progress and construction of iron bridges. On this subject the

two pieces here subjoined will throw sufficient light. (Memoir upon

Bridges.--Upon Iron Bridges.--To the Directory.--Memoir on the Progress

and Construction &c.)

Preparations were made, real or simulated, for a Descent upon England.

Thomas Paine was consulted by B. 8. who was then in the house of

Talma, and he wrote the following notes and instructions. Letter at

Brussells.--The Ca-ira of America.--To the Consul Lepeaux.*

* This paragraph is in the writing of Madame Bonneville. "B.

8." means Bonaparte, and seems to be some cipher. All of the

pieces by Paine mentioned are missing; also that addressed

"To the Directory," for the answer to which see p. 296 of

this volume.

Chancellor Livingston, after his arrival in France, came a few times to

see Paine. One morning we had him at breakfast, Dupuis, the author of

the Origin of Worship, being of the party; and Mr. Livingston, when he

got up to go away, said to Mr. Paine smiling, "Make your Will; leave

the mechanics, the iron bridge, the wheels, etc. to America, and your

religion to France."

Thomas Paine, while at our house, published in Mr. Bonneville's journal

(the _Bien Informe_) several articles on passing events.*

* The following words are here crossed out: "Also several

pieces of poetry, which will be published hereafter, with

his miscellaneous prose."

A few days before his departure for America, he said, at Mr. Smith's

[Sir Robert] that he had nothing to detain him in France; for that he

was neither in love, debt, nor difficulty. Some lady observed, that it

was not, in the company of ladies, gallant to say he was not in love.

Upon this occasion he wrote the New Covenant, from the Castle in the Air

to the Little Corner of the World, in three stanzas, and sent it with

the following words: "As the ladies are better judges of gallantry

than the men are, I will thank you to tell me, whether the enclosed be

gallantry. If it be, it is truly original; and the merit of it belongs

to the person who inspired it." The following was the answer of Mrs.

Smith. "If the usual style of gallantry was as clever as your new

covenant, many a fair ladies heart would be in danger, but the Little

Corner of the World receives it from the Castle in the Air; it is

agreeable to her as being the elegant fancy of a friend.--C. Smith."

[Stanzas missing.']

At this time, 1802, public spirit was at end in France. The real

republicans were harrassed by eternal prosecutions. Paine was a truly

grateful man: his friendship was active and warm, and steady. During the

six years that he lived in our house, he frequently pressed us to go to

America, offering us all that he should be able to do for us, and saying

that he would bequeath his property to our children. Some affairs of

great consequence made it impracticable for Mr. Bonneville to quit

France; but, foreseeing a new revolution, that would strike, personally,

many of the Republicans, it was resolved, soon after the departure

of Mr. Paine for America, that I should go thither with my children,

relying fully on the good offices of Mr. Paine, whose conduct in America

justified that reliance.

In 1802 Paine left France, regretted by all who knew him. He embarked

at Havre de Grace on board a stout ship, belonging to Mr. Patterson, of

Baltimore, he being the only passenger. After a very stormy passage, he

landed at Baltimore on the 30th of October, 1812. He remained there but

a few days, and then went to Washington, where he published his Letters

to the Americans.

A few months afterwards, he went to Bordentown, to his friend Col.

Kirkbride, who had invited him, on his return, by the following letter

of 12 November, 1802. [Missing.]

He staid at Bordentown about two months, and then went to New York,

where a great number of patriots gave him a splendid dinner at the City

Hotel. In June, 1803, he went to Stonington, New England, to see some

friends; and in the autumn he went to his farm at New Rochelle. (The

letter of Thomas Paine to Mr. Bonneville, 20 Nov., 1803.) [Missing.]

An inhabitant of this village offered him an apartment, of which he

accepted, and while here he was taken ill. His complaint was a sort of

paralytic affection, which took away the use of his hands. He had had

the same while at Mr. Monroe's in Paris, after he was released from

prison. Being better, he went to his farm, where he remained a part of

the winter, and he came to New York to spend the rest of it; but in the

spring (1804) he went back to his farm. The farmer who had had his farm

for 17 or 18 years, instead of paying his rent, brought Mr. Paine a bill

for fencing, which made Paine his debtor! They had a law-suit by which

Paine got nothing but the right of paying the law-expenses! This and

other necessary expenses compelled him to sell sixty acres of his land.

He then gave the honest farmer notice to quit the next April (1805).

Upon taking possession of the farm himself, he hired Christopher Derrick

to cultivate it for him. He soon found that Derrick was not fit for his

place, and he, therefore, discharged him. This was in the summer; and,

on Christmas Eve ensuing, about six o'clock, Mr. Paine being in his

room, on the ground floor, reading, a gun was fired a few yards from the

window. The contents of the gun struck the bottom part of the window,

and all the charge, which was of small shot, lodged, as was next day

discovered, in the window sill and wall. The shooter, in firing the gun,

fell; and the barrel of the gun had entered the ground where he fell,

and left an impression, which Thomas Paine observed the next morning.

Thomas Paine went immediately to the house of a neighboring farmer, and

there (seeing a gun, he took hold of it, and perceived that the

muzzle of the gun was filled with fresh earth.) And then he heard that

Christopher Derick had borrowed the gun about five o'clock the evening

before, and had returned it again before six o'clock the same evening.

Derick was arrested, and Purdy, his brother farmer, became immediately

and voluntarily his bail. The cause was brought forward at New Rochelle;

and Derick was acquitted.*

* See p. 343 of this volume. Several paragraphs here are in

the writing of J. P. Cobbett, then with his father in New

York.

In 1806 Thomas Paine offered to vote at New Rochelle for the election.

But his vote was not admitted; on the pretence only of his not being

a citizen of America; whereon he wrote the following letters. [_The

letters are here missing, but no doubt the same as those on pp. 379-80

of this volume_..]

This case was pleaded before the Supreme Court of New York by Mr.

Riker, then Attorney General, and, though Paine lost his cause, I as

his legatee, did not lose the having to pay for it. It is however, an

undoubted fact, that Mr. Paine was an American Citizen.

He remained at New Rochelle till June 1807; till disgust of every kind,

occasioned by the gross and brutal conduct of some of the people there,

made him resolve to go and live at New York.

On the 4th of April, 1807, he wrote the following letter to Mr.

Bonneville [in Paris]:

"My dear Bonneville: Why don't you come to America Your wife and two

boys, Benjamin and Thomas, are here, and in good health. They all speak

English very well; but Thomas has forgot his French. I intend to provide

for the boys, but, I wish to see you here. We heard of you by letters by

Madget and Captain Hailey. Mrs. Bonneville, and Mrs. Thomas, an English

woman, keep an academy for young ladies.

"I send this by a friend, Mrs. Champlin, who will call on Mercier at the

Institute, to know where you are. Your affectionate friend."

And some time after the following letter:

"My dear Bonneville: I received your letter by Mrs. Champlin, and also

the letter for Mrs. Bonneville, and one from her sister. I have written

to the American Minister in Paris, Mr. Armstrong, desiring him to

interest himself to have your surveillance taken off on condition of

your coming to join your family in the United States.

"This letter, with Mrs. Bonneville's, come to you under cover to the

American Minister from Mr. Madison, Secretary of State. As soon as you

receive it I advise you to call on General Armstrong and inform him of

the proper method to have your surveillance taken off. Mr. Champagny,

who succeeds Talleyrand, is, I suppose, the same who was Minister of the

Interior, from whom I received a handsome friendly letter, respecting

the iron bridge. I think you once went with me to see him.

"Call on Mr Skipwith with my compliments. He will inform you what

vessels will sail for New York and where from. Bordeaux will be the best

place to sail from. I believe Mr. Lee is American Consul at Bordeaux.

When you arrive there, call on him, with my compliments. You may

contrive to arrive at New York in April or May. The passages, in the

Spring, are generally short; seldom more than five weeks, and often

less.

"Present my respects to Mercier, Bernardin St. Pierre, Dupuis,

Gregoire.--When you come, I intend publishing all my works, and those I

have yet in manuscript, by subscription. They will make 4 or 5 vol. 4 deg.,

or 5 vol. 8 deg., about 400 pages each. Yours in friendship.--T. P."*

* This letter is entirely in the writing of Madame

Bonneville. Beneath it is written: "The above is a true

copy of the original; I have compared the two together.

James P. Cobbett." The allusion to Champagny is either a

slip of Madame's pen or Paine's memory. The minister who

wrote him about his bridge was Chaptal. See ii., p. 296. The

names in the last paragraph show what an attractive literary

circle Paine had left in France, for a country unable to

appreciate him.

While Paine was one day taking his usual after-dinner nap, an old woman

called, and, asking for Mr. Paine, said she had something of great

importance to communicate to him. She was shown into his bed-chamber;

and Paine, raising himself on his elbow, and turning towards the woman,

said: "What do you want with me?" "I came," said she, "from God, to

tell you, that if you don't repent, and believe in Christ, you 'll be

dammed." "Poh, poh, it's not true," said Paine; "you are not sent with

such an impertinent message. Send her away. Pshaw! God would not send

such a foolish ugly old woman as you. Turn this messenger out. Get away;

be off: shut the door." And so the old woman packed herself off.

After his arrival Paine published several articles in the newspapers of

New York and Philadelphia. Subsequent to a short illness which he had

in 1807, he could not walk without pain, and the difficulty of walking

increased every day. On the 21st of January, 1808, he addressed a

memorial to the Congress of the United States, asking remuneration for

his services; and, on the 14th of February, the same year, another on

the same subject. These documents and his letter to the Speaker are as

follows.*

* "Are as follows" in Madame B.'s writing, after striking

oat Cobbett's words, "will be found in the Appendix." The

documents and letters are not given, but they are well

known. See ii., p. 405.

The Committee of Claims, to which the memorial had been submitted,

passed the following resolution: "Resolved, that Thomas Paine has leave

to withdraw his memorial and the papers accompanying the same." He

was deeply grieved at this refusal; some have blamed him for exposing

himself to it. But, it should be recollected, that his expenses were

greatly augmented by his illness, and he saw his means daily diminish,

while he feared a total palsy; and while he expected to live to a

very great age, as his ancestors had before him. His money yielded no

interest, always having been unwilling to place money out in that way.

He had made his will in 1807, during the short illness already noticed.

But three months later, he assembled his friends, and read to them

another will; saying that he had believed such and such one to be his

friend, and that now having altered his belief in them, he had also

altered his will. From motives of the same kind, he, three months before

his death, made another will, which he sealed up and directed to me, and

gave it me to keep, observing to me, that I was more interested in it

than any body else.

He wished to be buried in the Quaker burying ground, and sent for a

member of the committee [Willett Hicks] who lived in the neighborhood.

The interview took place on the 19th of March, 1809. Paine said, when we

were looking out for another lodging, we had to put in order the affairs

of our present abode. This was precisely the case with him; all his

affairs were settled, and he had only to provide his burying-ground;

his father had been a Quaker, and he hoped they would not refuse him a

grave; "I will," added he, "pay for the digging of it."

The committee of the Quakers refused to receive his body, at which

he seemed deeply moved, and observed to me, who was present at the

interview, that their refusal was foolish. "You will," said I, "be

buried on your farm" "I have no objection to that," said he "but the

farm will be sold, and they will dig my bones up before they be half

rotten." "Mr. Paine," I replied, "have confidence in your friends. I

assure you, that the place where you will be buried, shall never be

sold." He seemed satisfied; and never spoke upon this subject again. I

have been as good as my word.

Last December (1818) the land of the farm having been divided between

my children, I gave fifty dollars to keep apart and to myself, the place

whereon the grave was.

Paine, doubtless, considered me and my children as strangers in America.

His affection for us was, at any rate, great and sincere. He anxiously

recommended us to the protection of Mr. Emmet, saying to him, "when I

am dead, Madam Bonneville will have no friend here." And a little time

after, obliged to draw money from the Bank, he said, with an air of

sorrow, "you will have nothing left."*

* Paine's Will appoints Thomas Addis Emmet, Walter Morton

(with $200 each), and Madame Bonneville executors; gives a

small bequest to the widow of Elihu Palmer, and a

considerable one to Rickman of London, who was to divide

with Nicholas Bonneville proceeds of the sale of the North

part of his farm. To Madame Bonneville went his manuscripts,

movable effects, stock in the N. Y. Phoenix Insurance

Company estimated at $1500, and money in hand. The South

part of the New Rochelle farm, over 100 acres, were given

Madame Bonneville in trust for her children, Benjamin and

Thomas, "their education and maintenance, until they come to

the age of twenty-one years, in order that she may bring them

well up, give them good and useful learning, and instruct

them in their duty to God, and the practice of morality." At

majority they were to share and share alike in fee simple.

He desires to be buried in the Quaker ground,--"my father

belonged to that profession, and I was partly brought up in

it,"--but if this is not permitted, to be buried on his

farm. "The place where I am to be buried to be a square of

twelve feet, to be enclosed with rows of trees, and a stone

or post and railed fence, with a head-stone with my name and

age engraved upon it, author of "Common Sense." He confides

Mrs. Bonneville and her children to the care of Emmet and

Morton. "Thus placing confidence in their friendship, I

herewith take my final leave of them and of the world. I

have lived an honest and useful life to mankind; my time

has been spent in doing good; and I die in perfect

composure and resignation to the will of my Creator God."

The Will, dated January 18, opens with the words,

"The last Will and Testament of me, the subscriber, Thomas

Paine, reposing confidence in my Creator God, and in no

other being, for I know of no other, and I believe in no

other." Mrs. Paine had died July 27th, 1808.

Mr. William Fayel, to whom I am indebted for much

information concerning the Bonnevilles in St. Louis, writes

me that so little is known of Paine's benefactions, that

"an ex-senator of the United States recently asserted that

Gen. Bonneville was brought over by Jefferson and a French

lady; and a French lady, who was intimate with the

Bonnevilles, assured me that General Bonneville was sent to

West Point by Lafayette."

He was now become extremely weak. His strength and appetite daily

departed from him; and in the day-time only he was able, when not in

bed, to sit up in his arm-chair to read the newspapers, and sometimes

write. When he could no longer quit his bed, he made some one read the

newspapers to him. His mind was always active. He wrote nothing for the

press after writing his last will, but he would converse, and took

great interest in politics. The vigour of his mind, which had always

so strongly characterized him, did not leave him to the last moment. He

never complained of his bodily sufferings, though they became excessive.

His constitution was strong. The want of exercise alone was the cause of

his sufferings. Notwithstanding the great inconveniences he was obliged

to sustain during his illness, in a carman's house [Ryder's] in a small

village [Greenwich], without any bosom friend in whom he could repose

confidence, without any society he liked, he still did not complain of

his sufferings. I indeed, went regularly to see him twice a week;

but, he said to me one day: "I am here alone, for all these people are

nothing to me, day after day, week after week, month after month, and

you don't come to see me."

In a conversation between him and Mr. [Albert] Gallatin, about this

time, I recollect his using these words: "_I am very sorry that I ever

returned to this country_." As he was thus situated and paying a high

price for his lodgings he expressed a wish to come to my house. This

must be a great inconvenience to me from the frequent visits to Mr.

Thomas Paine; but, I, at last, consented; and hired a house in the

neighborhood, in May 1809, to which he was carried in an arm-chair,

after which he seemed calm and satisfied, and gave himself no trouble

about anything. He had no disease that required a Doctor, though

Dr. Romaine came to visit him twice a week. The swelling, which had

commenced at his feet, had now reached his body, and some one had been

so officious as to tell him that he ought to be tapped. He asked me if

this was necessary. I told him, that I did not know; but, that, unless

he was likely to derive great good from it, it should not be done. The

next [day] Doctor Romaine came and brought a physician with him, and

they resolved that the tapping need not take place.

He now grew weaker and weaker very fast. A very few days before his

death, Dr. Romame said to me, "I don't think he can live till night."

Paine, hearing some one speak, opens his eyes, and said: "'T is

you Doctor: what news?" "Mr. such an one is gone to France on such

business." "He will do nothing there," said Paine. "Your belly

diminishes," said the Doctor. "And yours augments," said Paine.

* The sentence thus far is struck out by Madame Bonno he had

not seen for a long while. He was overjoyed at seeing him;

but, this person began to speak upon religion, and Paine

turned his head on the other side, and remained silent, even

to the adieu of the person.

When he was near his end, two American clergymen came to see him, and

to talk with him on religious matters. "Let me alone," said he; "good

morning." He desired they should be admitted no more. One of his friends

came to New York; a person for whom he had a great esteem, and whom

seeing his end fast approaching, I asked him, in presence of a friend,

if he felt satisfied with the treatment he had received at our house,

upon which he could only exclaim, O! yes! He added other words, but

they were incoherent It was impossible for me not to exert myself to

the utmost in taking care of a person to whom I and my children owed

so much. He now appeared to have lost all kind of feeling. He spent

the night in tranquillity, and expired in the morning at eight o'clock,

after a short oppression, at my house in Greenwich, about two miles from

the city of New York. Mr. Jarvis, a Painter, who had formerly made a

portrait of him, moulded his head in plaster, from which a bust was

executed.

He was, according to the American custom, deposited in a mahogany

coffin, with his name and age engraved on a silver-plate, put on the

coffin. His corpse was dressed in a shirt, a muslin gown tied at neck

and wrists with black ribbon, stockings, drawers; and a cap was put

under his head as a pillow. (He never slept in a night-cap.) Before the

coffin was placed on the carriage, I went to see him; and having a rose

in my bosom, I took it out, and placed on his breast. Death had not

disfigured him. Though very thin, his bones were not protuberant. He was

not wrinkled, and had lost very little hair.

His voice was very strong even to his last moments. He often exclaimed,

oh, lord help me! An exclamation the involuntary effect of pain. He

groaned deeply, and when a question was put to him, calling him by his

name, he opened his eyes, as if waking from a dream. He never answered

the question, but asked one himself; as, what is it o'clock, &c.

On the ninth of June my son and I, and a few of Thomas Paine's friends,

set off with the corpse to New Rochelle, a place 22 miles from New York.

It was my intention to have him buried in the Orchard of his own farm;

but the farmer who lived there at that time said, that Thomas Paine,

walking with him one day, said, pointing to another part of the land, he

was desirous of being buried there. "Then," said I, "that shall be

the place of his burial." And, my instructions were accordingly put in

execution. The head-stone was put up about a week afterwards with the

following inscription: "Thomas Paine, Author of "Common Sense," died

the eighth of June, 1809, aged 72 years." According to his will, a wall

twelve feet square was erected round his tomb. Four trees have been

planted outside the wall, two weeping willows and two cypresses. Many

persons have taken away pieces of the tombstone and of the trees, in

memory of the deceased; foreigners especially have been eager to obtain

these memorials, some of which have been sent to England.* They have

been put in frames and preserved. Verses in honor of Paine have been

written on the head stone. The grave is situated at the angle of the

farm, by the entrance to it.

This interment was a scene to affect and to wound any sensible heart.

Contemplating who it was, what man it was, that we were committing to an

obscure grave on an open and disregarded bit of land, I could not help

feeling most acutely. Before the earth was thrown down upon the coffin,

I, placing myself at the east end of the grave, said to my son Benjamin,

"stand you there, at the other end, as a witness for grateful America."

Looking round me, and beholding the small group of spectators, I

exclaimed, as the earth was tumbled into the grave, "Oh! Mr. Paine! My

son stands here as testimony of the gratitude of America, and I, for

France!" This was the funeral ceremony of this great politician and

philosopher!**

* The breaking of the original gravestone has been

traditionally ascribed to pious hatred. A fragment of it,

now in New York, is sometimes shown at celebrations of

Paine's birthday as a witness of the ferocity vented on

Paine's grave. It is satisfactory to find another

interpretation.

** Paine's friends, as we have said, were too poor to leave

their work in the city, which had refused Paine a grave. The

Rev. Robert Bolton, in his History of Westchester County,

introduces Cheetham's slanders of Paine with the words: "as

his own biographer remarks." His own! But even Cheetham

does not lie enough for Bolton, who says: "His [Paine's]

body was brought up from New York in a hearse used for

carrying the dead, to Potter's Field; a white man drove the

vehicle, accompanied by a negro to dig the grave." The whole

Judas legend is in that allusion to Potter's Field. Such

is history, where Paine is concerned!

The eighty-eight acres of the north part were sold at 25 dollars an

acre. The half of the south (the share of Thomas de Bonneville) has been

sold for the total sum of 1425 dollars. The other part of the south,

which was left to Benjamin de Bonneville, has just (1819) been sold in

lots, reserving the spot in which Thomas Paine was buried, being a piece

of land 45 feet square.

_Thomas Paine's posthumous works_. He left the manuscript of his answer

to Bishop Watson; the Third Part of his Age of Reason; several pieces

on Religious subjects, prose and verse. The great part of his posthumous

political works will be found in the Appendix. Some correspondences

cannot be, as yet, published.*

In _Mechanics_ he has left two models of wheels for carriages, and of

a machine to plane boards. Of the two models of bridges, left at the

Philadelphia Museum, only one has been preserved, and that in great

disorder, one side being taken entirely off. But, I must say here, that

it was then out of the hands of Mr. Peale.'

Though it is difficult, at present, to make some people believe that,

instead of being looked on as a deist and a drunkard, Paine ought to be

viewed as a philosopher and a truly benevolent man, future generations

will make amends for the errors of their forefathers, by regarding

him as a most worthy man, and by estimating his talents and character

according to their real worth.

Thomas Paine was about five feet nine inches high, English measure, and

about five feet six French measure. His bust was well proportioned;

and his face oblong. Reflexion was the great expression of his face;

in which was always seen the calm proceeding from a conscience void of

reproach. His eye, which was black, was lively and piercing, and told

us that he saw into the very heart of hearts [of any one who wished to

deceive him].***

* All except the first two MSS., of which fragments exist,

and some poems, were no doubt consumed at St. Louis, as

stated in the Introduction to this work.

** I have vainly searched in Philadelphia for some relic of

Paine's bridges.

*** Bracketed words marked out. In this paragraph and some

that follow the hand of Nicolas Bonneville is, I think,

discernible.

A most benignant smile expressed what he felt upon receiving an

affectionate salutation, or praise delicately conveyed. His leg and

foot were elegant, and he stood and walked upright, without stiffness or

affectation. [He never wore a sword nor cane], but often walked with

his hat in one hand and with his other hand behind his back. His

countenance, when walking, was generally thoughtful. In receiving

salutations he bowed very gracefully, and, if from an acquaintance, he

did not begin with "how d' ye do?" but, with a "what news?" If they had

none, he gave them his. His beard, his lips, his head, the motion of his

eye-brow, all aided in developing his mind.

Was he where he got at the English or American newspapers, he hastened

to over-run them all, like those who read to make extracts for their

paper. His first glance was for the funds, which, in spite of

jobbing and the tricks of government, he always looked on as the

sure thermometer of public affairs. Parliamentary Debates, the Bills,

concealing a true or sham opposition of such or such orators, the secret

pay and violent theatrical declamation, or the revelations of public or

private meetings at the taverns; these interested him so much that he

longed for an ear and a heart to pour forth all his soul. When he

added that he knew the Republican or the hypocrite, he would affirm,

beforehand, that such or such a bill, such or such a measure, would

take place; and very seldom, in such a case, the cunning politic or the

clear-sighted observer was mistaken in his assertions; for they were not

for him mere conjectures. He spoke of a future event as of a thing past

and consummated. In a country where the slightest steps are expanded to

open day, where the feeblest connexions are known from their beginning,

and with all the views of ambition, of interest or rivalship, it is

almost impossible to escape the eye of such an observer as Thomas Paine,

whom no private interest could blind or bewitch, as was said by the

clear-sighted Michael Montaigne.

His writings are generally perspicuous and full of light, and often they

discover the sardonic and sharp smile of Voltaire. One may see that he

wishes to wound to the quick; and that he hugs himself in his success.

But Voltaire all at once overruns an immense space and resumes his

vehement and dramatic step: Paine stops you, and points to the place

where you ought to smile with him at the ingenious traits; a gift to

envy and stupidity.

Thomas Paine did not like to be questioned. He used to say, that he

thought nothing more impertinent, than to say to any body: "What do

you think of that?" On his arrival at New York, he went to see General

Gates. After the usual words of salutation, the General said: "I have

always had it in mind, if I ever saw you again, to ask you whether you

were married, as people have said." Paine not answering, the General

went on: "Tell me how it is." "I never," said Paine, "answer impertinent

questions."

Seemingly insensible and hard to himself, he was not so to the just

wailings of the unhappy. Without any vehement expression of his sorrow,

you might see him calling up all his powers, walking silently, thinking

of the best means of consoling the unfortunate applicant; and never did

they go from him without some rays of hope. And as his will was firm and

settled, his efforts were always successful. The man hardened in vice

and in courts [of law], yields more easily than one imagines to the

manly entreaties of a disinterested benefactor.

* At this point are the words: "Barlow's letter [i. e. to

Cheetham] we agreed to suppress."

Thomas Paine loved his friends with sincere and tender affection.

His simplicity of heart and that happy kind of openness, or rather,

carelessness, which charms our hearts in reading the fables of the good

Lafontaine, made him extremely amiable. If little children were near him

he patted them, searched his pockets for the store of cakes, biscuits,

sugarplums, pieces of sugar, of which he used to take possession as of

a treasure belonging to them, and the distribution of which belonged to

him.* His conversation was unaffectedly simple and frank; his language

natural; always abounding in curious anecdotes. He justly and fully

seized the characters of all those of whom he related any singular

traits. For his conversation was satyrick, instructive, full of

witticisms. If he related an anecdote a second time, it was always in

the same words and the same tone, like a comic actor who knows the place

where he is to be applauded. He neither cut the tale short nor told it

too circumstantially. It was real conversation, enlivened by digressions

well brought in. The vivacity of his mind, and the numerous scenes

of which he had been a spectator, or in which he had been an actor,

rendered his narrations the more animated, his conversation more

endearing. His memory was admirable. Politics were his favorite subject

He never spoke on religious subjects, unless pressed to it, and never

disputed about such matters. He could not speak French: he could

understand it tolerably well when spoken to him, and he understood it

when on paper perfectly well. He never went to the theatre: never spoke

on dramatic subjects. He rather delighted in ridiculing poetry. He did

not like it: he said it was not a serious thing, but a sport of the

mind, which often had not common sense. His common reading was the

affairs of the day; not a single newspaper escaped him; not a political

discussion: he knew how to strike while the iron was hot; and, as he

was always on the watch, he was always ready to write. Hence all his

pamphlets have been popular and powerful. He wrote with composure and

steadiness, as if under the guidance of a tutelary genius. If, for an

instant, he stopped, it was always in the attitude of a man who

listens. The Saint Jerome of Raphael would give a perfect idea of his

contemplative recollection, to listen to the voice from on high which

makes itself heard in the heart.

[It will be proper, I believe, to say here, that shortly after the Death

of Thomas Paine a book appeared, under the Title of: The Life of Thomas

Paine, by Cheethatn. In this libel my character was calumniated. I cited

the Author before the Criminal Court of New York, He was tried and in

spite of all his manoeuvres, he was found guilty.--M. B. de Bonneville.]

This last paragraph, in brackets, is in the writing of Madame

Bonneville.

I am indebted to Mr. Robert Waters, of Jersey City, a biographer

of Cobbett, for the suggestion, made through a friend, and so amply

justified, that information concerning Paine might be derived from the

Cobbett papers.

APPENDIX B. THE HALL MANUSCRIPTS

In 1785, John Hall, an able mechanician and admirable man, emigrated

from Leicester, England, to Philadelphia, He carried letters to Paine,

who found him a man after his own heart I am indebted to his relatives,

Dr. Dutton Steele of Philadelphia and the Misses Steele, for Hall's

journals, which extend over many years. It will be seen that the papers

are of historical importance apart from their records concerning Paine.

Hall's entries of his daily intercourse with Paine, which he never

dreamed would see the light, represent a portraiture such as has rarely

been secured of any character in history. The extent already reached by

this work compels me to omit much that would impress the reader with the

excellent work of John Hall himself, who largely advanced ironwork in

New Jersey, and whose grave at Flemmington, surrounded by those of the

relatives that followed him, and near the library and workshop he left,

merits a noble monument.

* Letter. Philadelphia, August 30, 1785.

"I went a day or two past with the Captain and his lady to see the

exhibition of patriotic paintings. Paine the author of Common Sense is

amongst them. He went from England (had been usher to a school) on board

the same vessel that our Captain [Coltman] went in last time; their

acquaintance then commenced and has continued ever since. He resides

now in Bordentown in the Jerseys, and it is probable that I may see him

before it be long as when he comes to town the Captain says he is

sure to call on him. It is supposed the various States have made his

circumstances easy--General Washington, said if they did not provide for

him he would himself. I think his services were as useful as the sword."

Journal, 1785.

Nov. 16th. Received a Letter from Mr. Pain by his Boy, informing us

of his coming this day. Between 3 and 4 Mr. Pain, Col. Kerbright

[Kirkbride], and another gentleman came to our door in a waggon.

17th. At dinner Mr. Pain told us a tale of the Indians, he being at a

meeting of them with others to settle some affairs in 1776. The Doctor

visited Mr. Pain.

19th. Performed a trifling operation for Mr. Pain.

22d. A remark of Mr. Pain's--not to give a deciding opinion between

two persons you are in friendship with, lest you lose one by it; whilst

doing that between two persons, your supposed enemies, may make one your

friend.

24th. This evening pulled Mr. Pain's Boy a tooth out.

Dec, 12. With much pain drawd the Board in at Hanna's chamber window to

work Mr. Pain's bridge on. I pinned 6 more arches together which makes

the whole 9. I sweat at it; Mr. Pain gives me some wine and water as I

was very dry. Past 9 o'clock Dr. Hutchinson called in on Mr. Paine.

[The December journal is mainly occupied with mention of Paine's

visitors Franklin, Gouverneur Morris, Dr. Rush, Tench Francis, Robert

Morris, Rittenhouse, Redman. A rubber of whist in which Paine won is

mentioned.]

Sunday Jan. 1st 1786. Mr. Paine went to dine with Dr. Franklin today;

staid till after tea in the evening. They tried the burning of our

candles by blowing a gentle current through them. It greatly improved

the light. The draught of air is prevented by passing through a cold

tube of tallow. The tin of the new lamp by internal reflections is

heated and causes a constant current This is the Doctor's conjecture.

[Concerning Paine's candle see i., p. 214.]

Feb. 25th. Mr. Paine not returned. We sent to all the places we could

suppose him to be at and no tidings of him. We became very unhappy

fearing his political enemies should have shown him foul play. Went to

bed at 10 o.c, and about 2 o.c. a knocking at the door proves Mr. Paine.

March 10th. Before 7 o'c a brother saint-maker came with a model of

machine to drive boats against stream.* He had communicated his scheme

to H. who had made alterations and a company had taken it and refused

saint-maker partnership. He would fain have given it to Mr. Paine or me,

but I a stranger refused and Mr. Paine had enough hobbys of his own. Mr.

Paine pointed out a mode to simplify his apparatus greatly. He gave him

5s. to send him one of his maps.

* Hall calls inventions "saints." This saint-maker is John

Fitch, the "H." being Henry of Lancaster. This entry is of

much interest. (See ii. p. 281.) The first steamer seems

to have gone begging!

April 15th. Mr. Paine asked me to go and see Indian Chiefs of Sennaka

Nation, I gladly assented. They have an interpreter. Mr. Paine wished

to see him and made himself known to him by past remembrance as Common

Sense, and was introduced into the room, addressed them as "brothers"

and shook hands cordially Mr. Paine treated them with 2s. bowl of punch.

Bordentown Letter, May 28. Colonel Kirkbride is the gentleman in whose

family I am. My patron [Paine] is likewise a boarder and makes his home

here I am diligently employed in Saint making, now in Iron that I had

before finished in wood, with some improvements, but you may come and

see what it is.

Letter, June 4. Skepticism and Credulity are as general here as

elsewhere, for what I see. In this town is a Quaker meeting and one of

another class--I suppose of the Baptist cast--And a person in town a

Tailor by trade that goes about a-soulmending on Sundays to various

places, as most necessary, or I suppose advantageous, to himself; for by

one trade or the other he has built himself a very elegant frame house

in this town. This man's way to Heaven is somewhat different to the

other. I am informed he makes publick dippings &c. My Employer has

_Common Sense enough_ to disbelieve most of the Common Systematic

Theories of Divinity but does not seem to establish any for himself. The

Colonel [Kirkbride] is as Free as John Coltman.

[Under date of New York, July 31st, Hall writes an account of a journey

with Paine to Morrisania, to visit Gen. Morris, and afterwards to the

farm at New Rochelle, of which he gives particulars already known to my

reader.]

Letter of Paine to John Hall, at Capt. Coltman's, in Letitia Court,

Market St, between Front and Second St. Philadelphia:

"Bordentown, Sep. 22, 1786.--Old Friend: In the first place I have

settled with Mr. Gordon for the time he has been in the house--in the

second I have put Mrs. Read who, you know has part of our house Col.

Kirkbride's but is at this time at Lancaster, in possession by putting

part of her goods into it.* By this means we shall have room at our

house (Col. Kirkbride) for carrying on our operations. As Philadelphia

is so injurious to your health and as apartments at Wm. Foulke's would

not be convenient to you, we can now conveniently make room for you

here. Mrs. Kirkbride mentioned this to me herself and it is by the

choice of both her and Col. K. that I write it to you. I wish you could

come up to-morrow (Sunday) and bring the iron with you. I shall be

backward and forward between here and Philadelphia pretty often until

the elections are over, but we can make a beginning here and what more

iron we may want we can get at the Delaware Works, and if you should

want to go to Mount hope you can more conveniently go from here than

from Philadelphia--thus you see I have done your business since I

have been up. The enclosed letter is for Mr. Henry who is member for

Lancaster County. I do not know where he lodges, but if William will

be so good as to give it to the door keeper or Clerk of the Assembly it

will be safe. Bring up the walnut strips with you.

* Mrs. Read was thus transferred to Paine's own house. Her

husband died next year and Paine declined to receive any

rent.

Your coming here will give an opportunity to Joseph to get acquainted

with Col. K. who will very freely give any information in his power.

Compts. in the family. Your friend and Hbl. servt"

Undated letter of Paine to John Hall, in Philadelphia:

"Fryday Noon.--Old Friend: Inclosed (as the man said by the horse) I

send you the battau, as I wish to present it as neat and clean as can be

done; I commit it to your care. The sooner it is got on Board the vessel

the better. I shall set off from here on Monday and expect to be in New

York on Tuesday. I shall take all the tools that are here with me and

wish you would take some with you, that if we should get on a working

fit we may have some to work with. Let me hear from you by the Sunday's

boat and send me the name of the vessel and Captain you go with and what

owners they belong to at New York, or what merchants they go to. I wrote

to you by the last boat, and Peter tells me he gave the letter to Capt.

Haines, but Joe says that he enquired for letters and was told there was

none--wishing you an agreeable voyage and meeting at New York, I am your

friend, and humble servant. Present my compliments to Capt. and Mrs.

Coltman and William. Col. and Mrs. Kirkbride's and Polly's compt."

Note of Hall, dated Oct. 3 (1786) "Dashwood Park, of Captain Roberts: On

Thursday morning early Sept. 28th I took the stage wagon for Trenton. Jo

had gone up by water the day before to a sale of land and a very capital

iron works and nailing with a large corn mill. It was a fair sale there

was a forge and rolling and slitting mill upon an extensive scale the

man has failed--The works with about 60 or 70 acres of land were sold

for L9000 currency. Then was put up about 400 acres of land and sold for

L2700 currency and I believe a good bargain; and bought by a friend of

mine called Common Sense--Who I believe had no idea of purchasing it

when he came there. He took Jo to Bordentown with him that night and

they came to look at it the next day; then Jo went into the Jerseys

to find a countryman named Burges but was disappointed Came back to

Bordentown and on Saturday looked all over Mr. Paine's purchase along

with him and believes it bought well worth money.

Nov. 21st Mr. Paine told us an anecdote of a French noble's applying to

Dr. Franklin, as the Americans had put away their King, and that nation

having formerly chosen a King from Normandy, he offered his service and

wished him to lay his letter before Congress. Mr. Paine observed that

Britain is the most expensive government in the world. She gives a King

a million a year and falls down and worships him. I put on Mr. Paine's

hose yesterday. Last night he brought me in my room a pair of warm cloth

overshoes as feel very comfortable this morning Had a wooden pot stove

stand betwixt my feet by Mr. Paine's desire and found it kept my feet

warm.

November 24. As soon as breakfast was over mounted Button [Paine's

horse] and set off for Philadelphia. I brought Mr. Paine $120 in gold

and silver.

Bordentown 27 th, Monday. Day was devoted to rivetting the bars, and

punching the upper bar for the bannisters [of the bridge]. Mr. Kirkbride

and Polly went to hear a David Jones preach a rhodomontade sermon about

the Devil, Mary Magdalen, and against deists, etc.

December 14. This day employed in raising and putting on the abutments

again and fitting them. The smith made the nuts of screws to go easier.

Then set the ribs at proper distance, and after dinner I and Jackaway [?

] put on some temporary pieces on the frame of wood to hold it straight,

and when Mr. Pain came they then tied it on its wooden frame with strong

cords. I then saw that it had bulged full on one side and hollow on the

other. I told him of it, and he said it was done by me--I denied that

and words rose high. I at length swore by God that it was straight when

I left it, he replied as positively the contrary, and I think myself ill

used in this affair.

Philadelphia. Dec. 22nd. Bridge packed and tied on the sled. We arrived

in town about 5 o.clock took our bags to Capt Coltmans, and then went

down to Dr. Franklin's, and helped unload the bridge. Mr. Paine called

on me; gave us an anecdote of Dr. Franklin. On Mr. Paine asking him of

the value of any new European publication; he had not been informed of

any of importance. There were some religious posthumous anecdotes of

Doctor Johnson, of resolves he had made and broken though he had prayed

for power and strength to keep them; which showed the Doctor said that

he had not much interest there. And such things had better be suppressed

as nobody had anything to do betwixt God and man.

December 26. Went with Glentworth to see the Bridge at Dr. Franklin's.

Coming from thence met Mr. Pain and Mr. Rittenhouse; returned with them

and helped move it for all three to stand upon, and then turned it to

examine. Mr. Rittenhouse has no doubt of its strength and sufficiency

for the Schuylkill, but wished to know what quantity of iron [it would

require,] as he seemed to think it too expensive.

December 27. Walk to the State House. The Bank bill called but postponed

until tomorrow. Mr. Pain's letter read, and leave given to exhibit the

Bridge at the State House to be viewed by the members. Left the House

and met Mr. Pain, who told me Donnalson had been to see and [stand]

upon his Bridge, and admitted its strength and powers. Then took a walk

beyond Vine street, and passed by the shop where the steamboat apparatus

is. Mr. Pain at our house, and talking on the Bank affair brought on a

dispute between Mr. Pain and the Captain [Coltman] in which words were

very high. A reflection from Captain C. on publications in favour of the

Bank having lost them considerable, he [Paine] instantly took that as a

reflection on himself, and swore by G--d, let who would, it was a lie.

I then left the room and went up stairs. They quarrelled a considerable

time, but at length parted tolerably coolly. Dinner being ready I went

down; but the Captain continued talking about politics and the Bank, and

what he thought the misconduct of Mr. Pain in his being out and in with

the several parties. I endeavoured to excuse Mr. Pain in some things

relating thereto, by saying it was good sense in changing his ground

when any party was going wrong,--and that he seemed to delight in

difficulties, in Mechanics particularly, and was pleased in them. The

Captain grew warm, and said he knew now he could not eat his dinner.

[Here followed a sharp personal quarrel between Hall and Coltman.] In

the evening Mr. Paine came in and wished me to be assisting in carrying

the model to the State House. We went to Dr. Franklin's and fetched the

Bridge to the Committee Room.

1787. Jan. 1. Our Saint I have assisted in moving to the State House and

there placed in their Committee room, as by a letter addressed to this

Speaker they admitted. And by the desire of my patron (who is not an

early riser) I attended to give any information to inquiries until

he came. And then I was present when the Assembly with their Speaker

inspected it and many other persons as philosophers, Mechanics Statesmen

and even Tailors. I observed their sentiments and opinions of it were as

different as their features. The philosopher said it would add new

light to the great utility. And the tailor (for it is an absolute truth)

remarked it cut a pretty figure. It is yet to be laid (or by the by

stand) before the Council of State. Then the Philosophical Society and

all the other Learned Bodies in this city. And then to be canonised by

an Act of State which is solicited to incorporate a body of men to adopt

and realise or Brobdinag this our Lilliputian handywork, that is now 13

feet long on a Scale of one to 24. And then will be added another to the

world's present Wonders.

January 4. Mr. Pain called in and left me the intended Act of Assembly

for a Bridge Company, who are to subscribe $33,330 50/99 then are to

be put in possession of the present Bridge and premises to answer the

interest of their money until they erect a new one; and after they have

erected a new one, and the money arising from it amounts to more

than pays interest, it is to become a fund to pay off the principal

stockholders, and then the Bridge to become free. Mr. Pain called in;

I gave him my Bill--told him I had charged one day's work and a pair of

gloves.

March 15th Mr. Paine's boy called on time to [inquire] of the money

spent. Mr. Paine called this evening; told me of his being with Dr.

Franklin and about the chess player, or Automaton, and that the Dr.

had no idea of the mode of communication. Mr. Paine has had several

visitors, as Mr. Jowel, Rev. Dr. Logan, &c.

Sunday April 16th Prepared to attend Mr. Paine up to Bordentown. Mr.

Paine's horse and chair came, mounted and drove through a barren sandy

country arrived at Bordentown at half past one-o'clock for dinner. This

is the pleasantest situation I have seen in this country.

Trenton, April 20. Sitting in the house saw a chair pass down the street

with a red coat on, and going out after it believed it to be Mr. Paine,

so followed him up to Collins's, where he was enquiring where I boarded.

I just then called to him, and went with him to Whight's Tavern, and

there he paid me the money I had laid down for him. He is now going

for England by way of France in the French packet which sails the 25th

instant. He asked me to take a ride, and as the stage was not come in

and he going the road I gladly took the opportunity, as I could return

on meeting the stage. On the journey he told me of the Committee's

proceedings on Bridges and Sewers; anecdotes of Dr. Franklin, who had

sent a letter by him to the president, or some person, to communicate to

the Society of Civil Architects, who superintend solely over bridges in

France. The model is packed up to go with him. The Doctor, though full

of employ from the Vice President being ill, and the numerous visitors

on State business, and others that his fame justly procures him,

could hardly be supposed to pay great attention to trifles; but as he

considers Mr. Paine his adopted political Son he would endeavor to

write by him to his friends, though Mr. Paine did not press, for reasons

above. In 2 or 3 days he sent him up to Bordentown no less than a dozen

letters to his acquaintance in France.--He told me many anecdotes of the

Doctor, relating to national and political concerns, and observations of

many aged and sensible men of his acquaintance in that country. And the

treaty that he the Doctor made with the late King of Prussia by adding

an article that, should war ever break out, (though never a probability

of it) Commerce should be left free. The Doctor said he showed it to the

French minister, Vergennes, who said it met his idea, and was such as he

would make even with England, though he knew they would not,--they were

so fond of robbing and plundering. And the Doctor had gathered a hint

from a Du Quesney that no nation could properly expect to gain by

endeavoring to suppress his neighbor, for riches were to be gained from

amongst the rich and not from poor neighbors; and a National reciprocity

was as much necessary as a domestic one, or [inter] national trade as

necessary to be free as amongst the people of a country. Such and many

more hints passed in riding 2 or 3 miles, until we met the stage. I then

shook hands and wished him a good voyage and parted.

Letter from Flemmington, N. J., May 16, 1788, to John Coltman,

Leicester, England:

"Friend John: Tell that disbelieving sceptical Infidel thy Father that

he has wounded my honor, What! Bought the Coat at a rag shop--does he

think I would palm such a falsity both upon Gray and Green heads! did

not I send you word it was General Washington's. And does he think I

shall slanderously brook such a slanderous indignity--No! I tell him

the first Ink that meanders from my pen, which shall be instantly on my

setting foot on Brittains Isle, shall be to call him to account. I 'll

haul out his Callous Leaden soul with its brother!

"In the late revolution the provincial army lying near Princeton New

Jersey one Sunday General Washington and Common Sense each in their

chairs rode down there to Meeting Common Sense put up his at a friend's

one Mrs. Morgan's and pulling off his great coat put it in the care of

a servant man, and as I remember he was of the pure Irish Extraction;

he walked then to meeting and then slipped off with said great coat and

some plate of Mr. Morgan. On their return they found what had been done

in their absence and relating it to the General his answer was it was

necessary to watch as well as pray--but told him he had two and would

lend or give him one--and that is the Coat I sent and the fact as

related to me and others in public by said [Common Sense.] Nor do I

believe that Rome or the whole Romish Church has a better attested

miracle in her whole Catalogue than the above--though I dont wish to

deem it a miracle, nor do I believe there is any miracle upon record for

these 18 hundred years so true as that being General Washington's great

coat.--I, labouring hard for said Common Sense at Bordentown, the said

coat was hung up to keep snow out of the room. I often told him I should

expect that for my pains, but he never would say I should; but having

a chest there I took care and locked it up when I had finished my work,

and sent it to you. So far are these historical facts--Maybe sometime

hence I may collect dates and periods to them--But why should they be

disputed? has not the world adopted as true a-many affairs without date

and of less moment than this, and even pay what is called a holy regard

to them?

"If you communicate this to your Father and he feels a compunction for

the above crime and will signify the same by letter, he will find I

strictly adhere to the precepts of Christianity and shall forgive.--If

not------

"My best wishes to you all,

"John Hall."

Letter of Paine, London, Nov. 25, 1791, to "Mr. John Hall, at Mr. John

Coltman's, Shambles Lane, Leicester, England."

"My old Friend: I am very happy to see a letter from you, and to hear

that our Friends on the other side the water are well. The Bridge has

been put up, but being on wood butments they yielded, and it is now

taken down. The first rib as an experiment was erected between two steel

furnaces which supported it firmly; it contained not quite three tons of

iron, was ninety feet span, height of the arch five feet; it was loaded

with six tons of iron, which remained upon it a twelve month. At present

I am engaged on my political Bridge. I shall bring out a new work

(Second part of the Rights of Man) soon after New Year. It will produce

something one way or other. I see the tide is yet the wrong way, but

there is a change of sentiment beginning. I have so far got the ear of

John Bull that he will read what I write--which is more than ever was

done before to the same extent. Rights of Man has had the greatest

run of anything ever published in this country, at least of late

years--almost sixteen thousand has gone off--and in Ireland above forty

thousand--besides the above numbers one thousand printed cheap are now

gone to Scotland by desire from some of the [friends] there. I have been

applied to from Birmingham for leave to print ten thousand copies, but

I intend, after the next work has had its run among those who will have

handsome printed books and fine paper, to print an hundred thousand

copies of each work and distribute them at sixpence a-piece; but this I

do not at present talk of, because it will alarm the wise mad folks at

St. James's. I have received a letter from Mr. Jefferson who mentioned

the great run it has had there. It has been attacked by John Adams, who

has brought an host about his ears from all parts of the Continent. Mr.

Jefferson has sent me twenty five different answers to Adams who wrote

under the signature of Publicola. A letter is somewhere in the city for

me from Mr. Laurens of S. Carolina. I hope to receive it in a few days.

I shall be glad at all times to see, or hear from you. Write to me

(under cover) to Gordon, Booksellers N: 166 Fleet Street, before

you leave Leicester. How far is it from thence to Rotherham? Yours

sincerely.

"P. S. I have done you the compliment of answering your favor the inst.

I rec'd. it which is more than I have done by any other--were I to ans.

all the letters I receive--I should require half a dozen clerks."

Extracts from John Hall's letters from London, England: London, January

1792 Burke's publication has produced one way or other near 50 different

answers and publications. Nothing of late ever has been so read as

Paine's answer. Sometime shortly he will publish a second part of the

Rights of Man. His first part was scrutinized by the Privy Council

held on purpose and through fear of making him more popular deemed too

contemptible for Government notice. The sale of it for a day or two was

rather retarded or not publickly disposed of until it was known by the

printers that it would not be noticed by Government.

John Hall to a friend in England:

"London, Nov. 6, 1792. I dined yesterday with the Revolution Society at

the London Tavern. A very large company assembled and after dinner

many truly noble and patriotic toasts were drank. The most prominent

were--The Rights of Man--with 3 times &c.--The Revolution of France--The

Revolution of the World--May all the armies of tyrants learn the

Brunswick March--May the tree of Liberty be planted in every tyrant

city, and may it be an evergreen. The utmost unanimity prevailed through

the company, and several very excellent songs in favor of Liberty

were sung. Every bosom felt the divine glow of patriotism and love

of universal freedom. I wish you had been there. For my part I was

transported at the scene. It happened that a company of Aristocratic

french and Spanish merchants were met in the very room under, and

Horne Tooke got up and sarcastically requested the company not to wound

the tender feelings of the gentlemen by too much festivity. This sarcasm

was followed by such a burst of applause as I never before heard."

From J. Redman, London, Tuesday Dec. 18, 5 p. m. to John Hall,

Leicester, England: "Mr. Paine's trial is this instant over. Erskine

shone like the morning-Star. Johnson was there. The instant Erskine

closed his speech the venal jury interrupted the Attorney General, who

was about to make a reply, and without waiting for any answer, or any

summing up by the Judge, pronounced him guilty. Such an instance of

infernal corruption is scarcely upon record. I have not time to express

my indignant feelings on this occasion. At this moment, while I write,

the mob is drawing Erskine's carriage home, he riding in triumph--his

horses led by another party. Riots at Cambridge, Manchester, Bridport

Dorset &c. &c. O England, how art thou fallen! I am just now told that

press warrants are issued today. February, make haste. Mrs R's respects

and mine. Yours truly."

[John Hall's London Journal (1792) records frequent meetings there with

Paine. "March 5. Met Mr. Paine going to dress on an invitation to dine

with the Athenians. He leaves town for a few days to see his aunt."

"April 20. Mr. Paine goes out of town tomorrow to compose what I call

Burke's Funeral Sermon." "Aug. 5. Mr. Paine looking well and in high

spirits." "Sept. 6. Mr. Paine called in a short time. Does not seem to

talk much, rather on a reserve, of the prospect of political affairs.

He had a letter from G. Washington and Jefferson by the ambassador

[Pinckney]." The majority of entries merely mention meeting Paine, whose

name, by the way, after the prosecution was instituted, Hall prudently

writes "P------n." He also tells the story of Burke's pension.]

"April 19, 1803. Had a ride to Bordentown to see Mr. Paine at Mr.

Kirkbride's. He was well and appeared jollyer than I had ever known him.

He is full of whims and schemes and mechanical inventions, and is to

build a place or shop to carry them into execution, and wants my help."

APPENDIX C. PORTRAITS OF PAINE

At the age of thirty Paine was somewhat stout, and very athletic; but

after his arrival in America (1774) he was rather slender. His height

was five feet, nine inches. He had a prominent nose, somewhat like that

of Ralph Waldo Emerson. It may have impressed Bonaparte, who insisted,

it is said, that a marshal must have a large nose. Paine's mouth was

delicate, his chin also; he wore no whiskers or beard until too feeble

with age to shave. His forehead was lofty and unfurrowed; his head

long, the occiput feeble. His complexion was ruddy,--thoroughly English.

Charles Lee, during the American revolution, described him as "the man

who has genius in his eyes;" Carlyle quotes from Foster an observation

on the brilliancy of Paine's eyes, as he sat in the French Convention.

His figure, as given in an early French portrait, is shapely; its

elegance was often remarked. A year or so after his return to America he

is shown in a contemporary picture as somewhat stout again, if one may

judge by the face. This was probably a result of insufficient exercise,

on which he much depended. He was an expert horseman, and, in health, an

unwearied walker. He loved music, and could join well in a chorus.

There are eleven original portraits of Thomas Paine, besides a

death-mask, a bust, and the profile copied in this work from a seal used

on the release at Lewes, elsewhere cited (i., p. 33). That gives some

idea of the head and face at the age of thirty-five. I have a picture

said to be that of Paine in his youth, but the dress is an anachronism.

The earliest portrait of Paine was painted by Charles Willson Peale, in

Philadelphia, probably in some early year of the American Revolution,

for Thomas Brand Hollis, of London,--the benefactor of Harvard

University, one of whose halls bears his name. The same artist painted

another portrait of Paine, now badly placed in Independence Hall. There

must have been an early engraving from one of Peale's pictures, for John

Hall writes October 31, 1786: "A print of Common Sense, if any of my

friends want one, may be had by sending to the printshops in London,

but they have put a wrong name to it, his being Thomas."* The Hollis

portrait was engraved in London, 1791, underlined "by Peel [sic] of

Philadelphia," and published, July 25th, by J. Ridgway, York Street, St.

James's Square. Paine holds an open book bearing the words, "Rights of

Man," where Peale probably had "Common Sense." On a table with inkstand

and pens rests Paine's right elbow, the hand supporting his chin. The

full face appears--young, handsome, gay; the wig is frizzed, a bit of

the queue visible. In all of the original portraits of Paine his dress

is neat and in accordance with fashion, but in this Hollis picture it

is rather fine: the loose sleeves are ornamentally corded, and large

wristbands of white lace fall on the cuffs.

* This is puzzling. The only engraving I have found with

"Toia" was published in London in 1800. Can there be a

portrait lost under some other name?

While Paine and Jefferson were together in Paris (1787) Paine wrote him

a note, August 18th, in which he says: "The second part of your letter,

concerning taking my picture, I must feel as an honor done to me, not

as a favor asked of me--but in this, as in other matters, I am at the

disposal of your friendship." As Jefferson does not appear to have

possessed such a portrait, the request was probably made through him. I

incline to identify this portrait with an extremely interesting one, now

in this country, by an unknown artist. It is one of twelve symmetrical

portraits of revolutionary leaders,--the others being Marat,

Robespierre, Lafayette, Mirabeau, Danton, Brissot, Petion, Camille

Desmoulins, Billaud de Varennes, Gensonne, Clermont Tonnere. These

pictures were reproduced in cheap woodcuts and distributed about France

during the Revolution. The originals were secured by Col. Lowry, of

South Carolina, and brought to Charleston during the Revolution. At

the beginning of the civil war they were buried in leaden cases at

Williamstown, South Carolina. At the end of the war they were conveyed

to Charleston, where they remained, in the possession of a Mrs. Cole,

until purchased by their present owner, Mr. Alfred Ames Howlett, of

Syracuse, New York. As Mirabeau is included, the series must have been

begun at an early phase of the revolutionary agitation. The face of

Paine here strongly resembles that in Independence Hall. The picture

is about two feet high; the whole figure is given, and is dressed in an

elegant statesmanlike fashion, with fine cravat and silk stockings from

the knee. The table and room indicate official position, but it is the

same room as in nine of the other portraits. It is to be hoped that

further light may be obtained concerning these portraits.

Well-dressed also, but notably unlike the preceding, is the "Bonneville

Paine," one of a celebrated series of two hundred engraved portraits,

the publication of which in quarto volumes was begun in Paris in

1796. "F. Bonneville del. et sculpsit" is its whole history. Paine is

described in it as "Ex Depute a la Convention Nationale," which would

mean strictly some time between his expulsion from that assembly

in December, 1793, and his recall to it a year later. It could not,

however, have been then taken, on account of Paine's imprisonment and

illness. It was probably made by F. Bonneville when Paine had gone to

reside with Nicolas Bonneville in the spring of 1797. It is an admirable

picture in every way, but especially in bringing out the large and

expressive eyes. The hair is here free and flowing; the dress identical

with that of the portrait by Jarvis in this work.

The best-known picture of Paine is that painted by his friend George

Romney, in 1792. I have inquired through London _Notes and Queries_

after the original, which long ago disappeared, and a claimant turned up

in Birmingham, England; but in this the hand holds a book, and Sharp's

engraving shows no hand. The face was probably copied from the Romney.

The large engraving by W. Sharp was published April 20, 1793, and the

smaller in 1794. A reproduction by Illman were a fit frontispiece for

Cheetham (what satirical things names are sometimes), but ought not

to have got into Gilbert Vale's popular biography of Paine. That and

a reproduction by Wright in the Mendum edition of Paine's works, have

spread through this country something little better than a caricature;

and one Sweden has subjected Truelove's edition, in England, to a

like misfortune. Paine's friends, Rickman, Constable, and others, were

satisfied by the Romney picture, and I have seen in G. J. Holyoake's

library a proof of the large engraving, with an inscription on the back

by Paine, who presented it to Rickman. It is the English Paine, in all

his vigor, and in the thick of his conflict with Burke, but, noble as

it is, has not the gentler and more poetic expression which Bonneville

found in the liberated prisoner surrounded by affectionate friends.

Romney and Sharp were both well acquainted with Paine.

A picturesque Paine is one engraved for Baxter's "History of England,"

and published by Symonds, July 2, 1796. Dressed with great elegance,

Paine stands pointing to a scroll in his left hand, inscribed "Rights

of Man." Above his head, on a frame design, a pen lies on a roll marked

"Equality." The face is handsome and the likeness good

A miniature by H. Richards is known to me only as engraved by K.

Mackenzie, and published March 31, 1800, by G. Gawthorne, British

Library, Strand, London. It is the only portrait that has beneath it

"Tom Paine." It represents Paine as rather stout, and the face broad.

It is powerful, but the least pleasing of the portraits. The picture in

Vale resembles this more than the Romney it professes to copy.

I have in my possession a wood engraving of Paine, which gives no trace

of its source or period. It is a vigorous profile, which might have

been made in London during the excitement over the "Rights of Man," for

popular distribution. It has no wig, and shows the head extraordinarily

long, and without much occiput It is pre-eminently the English radical

leader.

Before speaking of Jarvis' great portrait of Paine, I mention a later

one by him which Mr. William Erving, of New York, has added to my

collection. It would appear to have been circulated at the time of his

death. The lettering beneath, following a facsimile autograph, is: "J.

W. Jarvis, pinx. 1805. J- R. Ames, del.--L'Homme des Deux Mondes. Born

at Thetford, England, Jan. 29, (O. S.) 1737. Died at Greenwich, New

York, June 8, 1809." Above the cheap wood-cut is: "A tribute to Paine."

On the right, at the top, is a globe, showing the outlines of the

Americas, France, England, and Africa. It is supported by the wing of a

dove with large olive-branch. On the left upper corner is an open book

inscribed: "Rights of Man. Common Sense. Crisis": supported by a scroll

with "Doing justice, loving mercy. Age of Reason." From this book rays

break out and illumine the globe opposite. A lower corner shows the

balances, and the liberty-cap on a pole, the left being occupied by the

United States flag and that of France. Beneath are the broken chain,

crown, sword, and other emblems of oppression. A frame rises showing a

plumb line, at the top of which the key of the Bastille is crossed by

a pen, on Paine's breast. The portrait is surrounded by a "Freedom's

Wreath" in which are traceable the floral emblems of all nations. The

wreath is bound with a fascia, on which appear, by twos, the following

names: "Washington, Monroe; Jefferson, Franklin; J. Stewart, E. Palmer;

Barlow, Rush; M. Wollstone-craft, M. B. Bonneville; Clio Rickman, J.

Home Tooke; Lafayette, Brissot."

The portrait of Paine represents him with an unusually full face,

as compared with earlier pictures, and a most noble and benevolent

expression. The white cravat and dress are elegant. What has become of

the original of this second picture by the elder Jarvis? It might easily

have fallen to some person who might not recognize it as meant for

Paine, though to one who has studied his countenance it conveys the

impression of what he probably would have been at sixty-eight. About two

years later a drawing was made of Paine by William Constable, which I

saw at the house of his nephew, Dr. Clair J. Grece, Redhill, England. It

reveals the ravages of age, but conveys a vivid impression of the man's

power.

After Paine's death Jarvis took a cast of his face. Mr. Laurence

Hutton has had for many years this death-mask which was formerly in the

establishment of Fowler and Wells, the phrenologists, and probably used

by George Combe in his lectures. This mask has not the large nose of the

bust; but that is known to have been added afterwards. The bust is in

the New York Historical Society's rooms. In an article on Paine in the

_Atlantic Monthly_ (1856) it was stated that this bust had to be hidden

by the Historical Society to prevent its injury by haters of Paine. This

has been quoted by Mr. Robertson, of London, in his "Thomas Paine, an

Investigation." I am assured by Mr. Kelby, of that Society, that the

statement is unfounded. The Society has not room to exhibit its entire

collection, and the bust of Paine was for some time out of sight, but

from no such reason as that stated, still less from any prejudice. The

face is that of Paine in extreme dilapidation, and would be a dismal

misrepresentation if shown in a public place.

Before me are examples of all the portraits I have mentioned (except

that in Birmingham), and I have observed contemporary representations of

Paine in caricatures or in apotheosis of fly-leaves. Comparative studies

convince me that the truest portrait of Paine is that painted by John

Wesley Jarvis in 1803, and now in possession of Mr. J. H. Johnston, of

New York. The picture from which our frontispiece is taken appeared to

be a replica, of somewhat later date, the colors being fresher, but an

inscription on the back says "Charles W. Jarvis, pinxit, July, 1857."

From this perfect duplicate Clark Mills made his portrait-bust of Paine

now in the National Museum at Washington, but it has not hitherto been

engraved. Alas, that no art can send out to the world what colors only

can convey,--the sensibility, the candor, the spirituality, transfusing

the strong features of Thomas Paine. As I have sat at my long task, now

drawn to a close, the face there on the wall has seemed to be alive, now

flushed with hope, now shadowed with care, the eyes greeting me daily,

the firm mouth assigning some password--Truth, Justice.