Sir George Trevelyan has written a pregnant passage, reminding the world
of the moral burden which radicals in England had to bear a hundred
years ago.
"When to speak or write one's mind on politics is to obtain the
reputation, and render one's self liable to the punishment of a
criminal, social discredit, with all its attendant moral dangers,
soon attaches itself to the more humble opponents of a ministry. To be
outside the law as a publisher or a pamphleteer is only less trying to
conscience and conduct than to be outside the law as a smuggler or a
poacher; and those who, ninety years ago, placed themselves within the
grasp of the penal statutes as they were administered in England and
barbarously perverted in Scotland were certain to be very bold men,
and pretty sure to be unconventional up to the uttermost verge of
respectability. As an Italian Liberal was sometimes half a bravo, and
a Spanish patriot often more than half a brigand, so a British Radical
under George the Third had generally, it must be confessed, a dash of
the Bohemian. Such, in a more or less mitigated form, were Paine and
Cob-bett, Hunt, Hone, and Holcroft; while the same causes in part
account for the elfish vagaries of Shelley and the grim improprieties of
Godwin. But when we recollect how these, and the like of these, gave
up every hope of worldly prosperity, and set their life and liberty in
continual hazard for the sake of that personal and political freedom
which we now exercise as unconsciously as we breathe the air, it would
be too exacting to require that each and all of them should have lived
as decorously as Perceval, and died as solvent as Bishop Tomline."*
To this right verdict it may be added that, even at the earlier period
when it was most applicable, the radicals could only produce one rival
in profligacy (John Wilkes) to their aristocratic oppressors. It may
also be noted as a species of homage that the slightest failings of
eminent reformers become historic. The vices of Burke and Fox are
forgotten. Who remembers that the younger Pitt was brought to an
early grave by the bottle? But every fault of those who resisted his
oppression is placed under a solar microscope. Although, as Sir George
affirms, the oppressors largely caused the faults, this homage to the
higher moral standard of the reformers may be accepted.**
* "Early History of Charles James Fox," American ed., p. 44a
** The following document was found among the papers of Mr.
John Han, originally of Leicester, England, and has been
forwarded to me by his descendant, J. Dutton Steele, Jr., of
Philadelphia.
"A Copy of a Letter from the chairman of a meeting of the
Gentry and Qergy at Atherstone, written in consequence of an
envious schoolmaster and two or three others who informed
the meeting that the Excise Officers of Polesworth were
employed in distributing the Rights of Man; but which was
Very false.
"Sir: I should think it unnecessary to inform you, that the
purport of his Majesty's proclamation in the Month of May
last, and the numerous meetings which are daily taking place
both in Town and Country, are for the avowed purpose of
suppressing treasonable and seditious writings amongst which
Mr. Payne's Rights of Man ranks most conspicuous. Were I not
informed you have taken some pains in spreading that
publication, I write to say If you don't from this time
adopt a different kind of conduct you will be taken notice
of in such way as may prove very disagreeable.
"The Eyes of the Country are upon you and you will do well
in future to shew yourself faithful to the Master who
employs you.
"I remain,
"Your Hble servant,
"(Signed) Jos. Boultbee. Baxterby, 15th Deer., '92.
"N. B. The letter was written the next morning after the
Meeting where most of the Loyal souls got drunk to an
uncommon degree. They drank his Majesty's health so often
the reckoning amounted to 7s. 6d. each. One of the informers
threw down a shilling and ran away."
It was, indeed, a hard time for reformers in England. Among them were
many refined gentlemen who felt that it was no country for a thinker and
scholar to live in. Among the pathetic pictures of the time was that of
the twelve scholars, headed by Coleridge and Southey, and twelve ladies,
who found the atmosphere of England too impure for any but slaves
to breathe, and proposed to seek in America some retreat where their
pastoral "pantisocrasy" might be realized. Lack of funds prevented
the fulfilment of this dream, but that it should have been an object of
concert and endeavor, in that refined circle at Bristol, is a memorable
sign of that dreadful time. In the absence of means to form such
communities, preserving the culture and charm of a society evolved out
of barbarism, apart from the walls of a remaining political barbarism
threatening it with their ruins, some scholars were compelled, like
Coleridge, to rejoin the feudalists, and help them to buttress the
crumbling castle. They secured themselves from the social deterioration
of living on wild "honey-dew" in a wilderness, at cost of wearing
intellectual masks. Some fled to America, like Cobbett. But others fixed
their abode in Paris, where radicalism was fashionable and invested with
the charm of the _salon_ and the theatre.
Before the declaration of war Paine had been on friendly terms with some
eminent Englishmen in Paris: he dined every week with Lord Lauderdale,
Dr. John Moore, an author, and others in some restaurant. After most of
these had followed Lord Gower to England he had to be more guarded.
A British agent, Major Semple, approached him under the name of Major
Lisle. He professed to be an Irish patriot, wore the green cockade, and
desired introduction to the Minister of War. Paine fortunately knew too
many Irishmen to fall into this snare.* But General Miranda, as we have
seen, fared better. Paine was, indeed, so overrun with visitors and
adventurers that he appropriated two mornings of each week at the
Philadelphia House for levees. These, however, became insufficient to
stem the constant stream of visitors, including spies and lion-hunters,
so that he had little time for consultation with the men and women
whose co-operation he needed in public affairs. He therefore leased an
out-of-the-way house, reserving knowledge of it for particular friends,
while still retaining his address at the Philadelphia Hotel, where the
levees were continued.
* Rickman, p. 129.
The irony of fate had brought an old mansion of Madame de Pompadour
to become the residence of Thomas Paine and his half dozen English
disciples. It was then, and still is, No. 63 Faubourg St. Denis. Here,
where a King's mistress held her merry fetes, and issued the decrees
of her reign--sometimes of terror,--the little band of English
humanitarians read and conversed, and sported in the garden. In a little
essay on "Forgetfulness," addressed to his friend, Lady Smith, Paine
described these lodgings.
"They were the most agreeable, for situation, of any I ever had in
Paris, except that they were too remote from the Convention, of which I
was then a member. But this was recompensed by their being also remote
from the alarms and confusion into which the interior of Paris was then
often thrown. The news of those things used to arrive to us, as if we
were in a state of tranquillity in the country. The house, which was
enclosed by a wall and gateway from the street, was a good deal like an
old mansion farm-house, and the court-yard was like a farm yard, stocked
with fowls,--ducks, turkies, and geese; which, for amusement, we used
to feed out of the parlor window on the ground floor. There were some
hutches for rabbits, and a sty with two pigs. Beyond was a garden of
more than an acre of ground, well laid out, and stocked with excellent
fruit trees. The orange, apricot, and greengage plum were the best I
ever tasted; and it is the only place where I saw the wild cucumber. The
place had formerly been occupied by some curious person.
"My apartments consisted of three rooms; the first for wood, water,
etc.; the next was the bedroom; and beyond it the sitting room, which
looked into the garden through a glass door; and on the outside there
was a small landing place railed in, and a flight of narrow stairs
almost hidden by the vines that grew over it, by which I could descend
into the garden without going down stairs through the house.... I used
to find some relief by walking alone in the garden, after dark, and
cursing with hearty good will the authors of that terrible system that
had turned the character of the Revolution I had been proud to defend. I
went but little to the Convention, and then only to make my appearance,
because I found it impossible to join in their tremendous decrees,
and useless and dangerous to oppose them. My having voted and spoken
extensively, more so than any other member, against the execution of
the king, had already fixed a mark upon me; neither dared any of my
associates in the Convention to translate and speak in French for me
anything I might have dared to have written.... Pen and ink were then of
no use to me; no good could be done by writing, and no printer dared to
print; and whatever I might have written, for my private amusement,
as anecdotes of the times, would have been continually exposed to be
examined, and tortured into any meaning that the rage of party might fix
upon it. And as to softer subjects, my heart was in distress at the fate
of my friends, and my harp hung upon the weeping willows.
"As it was summer, we spent most of our time in the garden, and passed
it away in those childish amusements that serve to keep reflection from
the mind,--such as marbles, Scotch hops, battledores, etc., at which we
were all pretty expert. In this retired manner we remained about six or
seven weeks, and our landlord went every evening into the city to bring
us the news of the day and the evening journal."
The "we" included young Johnson, Mr. and Mrs. Christie, Mr. Choppin,
probably Mr. Shapworth, an American, and M. Laborde, a scientific
friend of Paine. These appear to have entered with Paine into
co-operative housekeeping, though taking their chief meals at the
restaurants. In the evenings they were joined by others,--the Brissots
(before the arrest), Nicholas Bonneville, Joel Barlow, Captain Imlay,
Mary Wollstonecraft, the Rolands. Mystical Madame Roland dreaded Paine's
power, which she considered more adapted to pull down than to build,
but has left a vivid impression of "the boldness of his conceptions,
the originality of his style, the striking truths he throws out bravely
among those whom they offend." The Mr. Shapworth alluded to is mentioned
in a manuscript journal of Daniel Constable, sent me by his nephew,
Clair J. Grece, LL.D. This English gentleman visited Baton Rouge and
Shapworth's plantation in 1822. "Mr. S.," he says, "has a daughter
married to the Governor [Robinson], has travelled in Europe, married a
French lady. He is a warm friend of Thomas Paine, as is his son-in-law.
He lived with Paine many months at Paris. He [Paine] was then a sober,
correct gentleman in appearance and manner." The English refugees,
persecuted for selling the "Rights of Man," were, of course, always
welcomed by Paine, and poor Rickman was his guest during this summer of
1793.* The following reminiscence of Paine, at a time when Gouverneur
Morris was (for reasons that presently appear) reporting him to his
American friends as generally drunk, was written by Rickman:
* Rickman appears to have escaped from England in 1792,
according to the following sonnet sent me by Dr. Grece. It
is headed: "Sonnet to my Little Girl, 1793. Written at
Calais, on being pursued by cruel prosecution and
persecution."
"Farewell, sweet babe! and mayst thou never know,
Like me, the pressure of exceeding woe.
Some griefs (for they are human nature's right)
On life's eventful stage will be thy lot;
Some generous cares to clear thy mental sight,
Some pains, in happiest hours, perhaps, begot;
But mayst thou ne'er be, like thy father, driven
From a loved partner, family, and home,
Snatched from each heart-felt bliss, domestic heaven!
From native shores, and all that's valued, roam.
Oh, may bad governments, the source of human woe,
Ere thou becom'st mature, receive their deadly blow;
Then mankind's greatest curse thou ne'et wilt know."
"He usually rose about seven. After breakfast he usually strayed an
hour or two in the garden, where he one morning pointed out the kind of
spider whose web furnished him with the first idea of constructing his
iron bridge; a fine model of which, in mahogany, is preserved in Paris.
The little happy circle who lived with him will ever remember those
days with delight: with these select friends he would talk of his boyish
days, played at chess, whist, piquet, or cribbage, and enliven the
moments by many interesting anecdotes: with these he would play at
marbles, scotch hops, battledores, etc.: on the broad and fine gravel
walk at the upper end of the garden, and then retire to his boudoir,
where he was up to his knees in letters and papers of various
descriptions. Here he remained till dinner time; and unless he visited
Brissot's family, or some particular friend, in the evening, which was
his frequent custom, he joined again the society of his favorites
and fellow-boarders, with whom his conversation was often witty and
cheerful, always acute and improving, but never frivolous. Incorrupt,
straightforward, and sincere, he pursued his political course in France,
as everywhere else, let the government or clamor or faction of the day
be what it might, with firmness, with clearness, and without a shadow of
turning."
In the spring of 1890 the present writer visited the spot. The lower
front of the old mansion is divided into shops,--a Fruiterer
being appropriately next the gateway, which now opens into a wide
thoroughfare. Above the rooms once occupied by Paine was the sign
"Ecrivain Publique,"--placed there by a Mademoiselle who wrote letters
and advertisements for humble neighbors not expert in penmanship. At the
end of what was once the garden is a Printer's office, in which was a
large lithograph portrait of Victor Hugo. The printer, his wife, and
little daughter were folding publications of the "Extreme Left." Near
the door remains a veritable survival of the garden and its living
tenants which amused Paine and his friends. There were two ancient
fruit trees, of which one was dying, but the other budding in the spring
sunshine. There were ancient coops with ducks, and pigeon-houses with
pigeons, also rabbits, and some flowers. This little nook, of perhaps
forty square feet, and its animals, had been there--so an old inhabitant
told me--time out of mind. They belonged to nobody in particular; the
pigeons were fed by the people around; the fowls were probably kept
there by some poultryman. There were eager groups attending every stage
of the investigation. The exceptional antiquity of the mansion had been
recognized by its occupants,--several families,--but without curiosity,
and perhaps with regret. Comparatively few had heard of Paine.
Shortly before I had visited the garden near Florence which Boccaccio's
immortal tales have kept in perennial beauty through five centuries. It
may be that in the far future some brother of Boccace will bequeath to
Paris as sweet a legend of the garden where beside the plague of blood
the prophet of the universal Republic realized his dream in microcosm.
Here gathered sympathetic spirits from America, England, France,
Germany, Holland, Switzerland, freed from prejudices of race, rank, or
nationality, striving to be mutually helpful, amusing themselves with
Arcadian sports, studying nature, enriching each other by exchange of
experiences. It is certain that in all the world there was no group of
men and women more disinterestedly absorbed in the work of benefiting
their fellow-beings. They could not, however, like Boccaccio's ladies
and gentlemen "kill Death" by their witty tales; for presently beloved
faces disappeared from their circle, and the cruel axe was gleaming over
them.
And now the old hotel became the republican capitol of Europe. There sat
an international Premier with his Cabinet, concentrated on the work of
saving the Girondins. He was indeed treated by the Executive government
as a Minister. It was supposed by Paine and believed by his adherents
that Robespierre had for him some dislike. Paine in later years wrote
of Robespierre as a "hypocrite," and the epithet may have a significance
not recognized by his readers. It is to me probable that Paine
considered himself deceived by Robespierre with professions of respect,
if not of friendliness before being cast into prison; a conclusion
naturally based on requests from the Ministers for opinions on public
affairs. The archives of the Revolution contain various evidences of
this, and several papers by Paine evidently in reply to questions. We
may feel certain that every subject propounded was carefully discussed
in Paine's little cosmopolitan Cabinet before his opinion was
transmitted to the revolutionary Cabinet of Committees. In reading the
subjoined documents it must be borne in mind that Robespierre had not
yet been suspected of the cruelty presently associated with his name.
The Queen and the Girondist leaders were yet alive. Of these leaders
Paine was known to be the friend, and it was of the utmost importance
that he should be suavely loyal to the government that had inherited
these prisoners from Marat's time.
The first of these papers is erroneously endorsed "January 1793. Thorn.
Payne. Copie," in the French State Archives.* Its reference to the
defeat of the Duke of York at Dunkirk assigns its date to the late
summer. It is headed, "Observations on the situation of the Powers
joined against France."
* Etats Unis. Vol. 37. Document 39.
"It is always useful to know the position and the designs of one's
enemies. It is much easier to do so by combining and comparing the
events, and by examining the consequences which result from them, than
by forming one's judgment by letters found or intercepted. These letters
could be fabricated with the intention of deceiving, but events or
circumstances have a character which is proper to them. If in the course
of our political operations we mistake the designs of our enemy, it
leads us to do precisely that which he desired we should do, and it
happens, by the fact, but against our intentions, that we work for him.
"It appears at first sight that the coalition against France is not of
the nature of those which form themselves by a treaty. It has been the
work of circumstances. It is a heterogeneous mass, the parts of which
dash against each other, and often neutralise themselves. They have but
one single point of reunion, the re-establishment of the monarchical
government in France. Two means can conduct them to the execution of
this plan. The first is, to re-establish the Bourbons, and with them the
Monarchy; the second, to make a division similar to that which they
have made in Poland, and to reign themselves in France. The political
questions to be solved are, then, to know on which of these two plans it
is most probable, the united Powers will act; and which are the points
of these plans on which they will agree or disagree.
"Supposing their aim to be the re-establishment of the Bourbons, the
difficulty which will present itself, will be, to know who will be their
Allies?
"Will England consent to the re-establishment of the compact of family
in the person of the Bourbons, against whom she has machinated and
fought since her existence? Will Prussia consent to re-establish the
alliance which subsisted between France and Austria, or will Austria
wish to re-establish the ancient alliance between France and Prussia,
which was directed against her? Will Spain, or any other maritime Power,
allow France and her Marine to ally themselves to England? In fine, will
any of these Powers consent to furnish forces which could be directed
against herself? However, all these cases present themselves in the
hypothesis of the restoration of the Bourbons.
"If we suppose that their plan be the dismemberment of France,
difficulties will present themselves under another form, but not of
the same nature. It will no longer be question, in this case, of the
Bourbons, as their position will be worse; for if their preservation
is a part of their first plan, their destruction ought to enter in the
second; because it is necessary for the success of the dismembering that
not a single pretendant to the Crown of France should exist.
"As one must think of all the probabilities in political calculations,
it is not unlikely that some of the united Powers, having in view the
first of these plans, and others the second,--that this may be one
of the causes of their disagreement It is to be remembered that Russia
recognised a Regency from the beginning of Spring; not one of the other
Powers followed her example. The distance of Russia from France, and the
different countries by which she is separated from her, leave no doubt
as to her dispositions with regard to the plan of division; and as much
as one can form an opinion on the circumstances, it is not her scheme.
"The coalition directed against France, is composed of two kinds of
Powers. The Maritime Powers, not having the same interest as the others,
will be divided, as to the execution of the project of division.
"I do not hesitate to believe that the politic of the English Government
is to foment the scheme of dismembering, and the entire destruction of
the Bourbon family.
"The difficulty which must arise, in this last hypothesis, be* tween the
united Maritime Powers proceeds from their views being entirely opposed.
"The trading vessels of the Northern Nations, from Holland to Russia,
must pass through the narrow Channel, which lies between Dunkirk and
the coasts of England; and consequently not one of them, will allow this
latter Power to have forts on both sides of this Strait. The audacity
with which she has seized the neutral vessels ought to demonstrate to
all Nations how much her schemes increase their danger, and menace the
security of their present and future commerce.
"Supposing then that the other Nations oppose the plans of England, she
will be forced to cease the war with us; or, if she continues it, the
Northern Nations will become interested in the safety of France.
"There are three distinct parties in England at this moment: the
Government party, the Revolutionary party, and an intermedial
party,--which is only opposed to the war on account of the expense it
entails, and the harm it does commerce and manufacture. I am speaking
of the People, and not of the Parliament The latter is divided into two
parties: the Ministerial, and the Anti-Ministerial. The Revolutionary
party, the intermedial party and the Anti-Ministerial party will all
rejoice, publicly or privately, at the defeat of the Duke of York's
army, at Dunkirk. The intermedial party, because they hope that this
defeat will finish the war. The Antiministerial party, because they hope
it will overthrow the Ministry. And all the three because they hate the
Duke of York. Such is the state of the different parties in England.
"Signed: Thomas Paine."
In the same volume of the State Archives (Paris) is the following note
by Paine, with its translation:
"You mentioned to me that saltpetre was becoming scarce. I communicate
to you a project of the late Captain Paul Jones, which, if successfully
put in practice, will furnish you with that article.
"All the English East India ships put into St. Helena, off the coast
of Africa, on their return from India to England. A great part of their
ballast is saltpetre. Captain Jones, who had been at St. Helena, says
that the place can be very easily taken. His proposal was to send off
a small squadron for that purpose, to keep the English flag flying at
port. The English vessels will continue coming in as usual. By this
means it will be a long time before the Government of England can have
any knowledge of what has happened. The success of this depends so much
upon secrecy that I wish you would translate this yourself, and give it
to Barrere."
In the next volume (38) of the French Archives, marked "Etats Unis,
1793," is a remarkable document (No. 39), entitled "A Citizen of America
to the Citizens of Europe." The name of Paine is only pencilled on it,
and it was probably written by him; but it purports to have been written
in America, and is dated "Philadelphia, July 28, 1793; 18th Year of
Independence." It is a clerk's copy, so that it cannot now be known
whether the ruse of its origin in Philadelphia was due to Paine or to
the government It is an extended paper, and repeats to some extent,
though not literally, what is said in the "Observations" quoted above.
Possibly the government, on receiving that paper (Document 39 also),
desired Paine to write it out as an address to the "Citizens of Europe."
It does not appear to have been published. The first four paragraphs of
this paper, combined with the "Observations," will suffice to show its
character.
"Understanding that a proposal is intended to be made at the ensuing
meeting of the Congress of the United States of America, to send
Commissioners to Europe to confer with the Ministers of all the Neutral
Powers, for the purpose of negotiating preliminaries of Peace, I address
this letter to you on that subject, and on the several matters connected
therewith.
"In order to discuss this subject through all its circumstances, it
will be necessary to take a review of the state of Europe, prior to the
French revolution. It will from thence appear, that the powers leagued
against France are fighting to attain an object, which, were it possible
to be attained, would be injurious to themselves.
"This is not an uncommon error in the history of wars and governments,
of which the conduct of the English government in the war against
America is a striking instance. She commenced that war for the avowed
purpose of subjugating America; and after wasting upwards of one hundred
millions sterling, and then abandoning the object, she discovered in
the course of three or four years, that the prosperity of England was
increased, instead of being diminished, by the independence of America.
In short, every circumstance is pregnant with some natural effect, upon
which intentions and opinions have no influence; and the political error
lies in misjudging what the effect will be. England misjudged it in
the American war, and the reasons I shall now offer will shew, that she
misjudges it in the present war.--In discussing this subject, I
leave out of the question every thing respecting forms and systems of
government; for as all the governments of Europe differ from each other,
there is no reason that the government of France should not differ from
the rest.
"The clamours continually raised in all the countries of Europe were,
that the family of the Bourbons was become too powerful; that the
intrigues of the court of France endangered the peace of Europe. Austria
saw with a jealous eye the connection of France with Prussia; and
Prussia, in her turn became jealous of the connection of France with
Austria; England had wasted millions unsuccessfully in attempting to
prevent the family compact with Spain; Russia disliked the alliance
between France and Turkey; and Turkey became apprehensive of the
inclination of France towards an alliance with Russia. Sometimes the
quadruple alliance alarmed some of the powers, and at other times a
contrary system alarmed others, and in all those cases the charge was
always made against the intrigues of the Bourbons."
In each of these papers a plea for the imperilled Girondins is audible.
Each is a reminder that he, Thomas Paine, friend of the Brissotins,
is continuing their anxious and loyal vigilance for the Republic. And
during all this summer Paine had good reason to believe that his friends
were safe. Robespierre was eloquently deprecating useless effusion
of blood. As for Paine himself, he was not only consulted on public
questions, but trusted in practical affairs. He was still able to help
Americans and Englishmen who invoked his aid. Writing to Lady Smith
concerning two applications of that kind, he says:
"I went into my chamber to write and sign a certificate for them, which
I intended to take to the guard house to obtain their release. Just as
I had finished it, a man came into my room, dressed in the Parisian
uniform of a captain, and spoke to me in good English, and with a good
address. He told me that two young men, Englishmen, were arrested and
detained in the guard house, and that the section (meaning those who
represented and acted for the section) had sent him to ask me if I knew
them, in which case they would be liberated. This matter being soon
settled between us, he talked to me about the Revolution, and something
about the 'Rights of Man,' which he had read in English; and at parting
offered me, in a polite and civil manner, his services. And who do you
think the man was who offered me his services? It was no other than the
public executioner, Samson, who guillotined the King and all who were
guillotined in Paris, and who lived in the same street with me."
There appeared no reason to suppose this a domiciliary visit, or that it
had any relation to anything except the two Englishmen. Samson was not
a detective. It soon turned out, however, that there was a serpent
creeping into Paine's little garden in the Faubourg St Denis. He and his
guests knew it not, however, until all their hopes fell with the leaves
and blossoms amid which they had passed a summer to which Paine, from
his prison, looked back with fond recollection.