The problem, then, is this:—

In the great circle called ‹society›, to trace accurately the

inscribed circle called ‹government›.

It is evident that this problem belongs to Political Economy, since

it implies the comparative examination of two very different forms of

exchange.

This problem once solved, there remains another, namely, what is

the best organization of public services? This last belongs to pure

Politics, and we shall not enter upon it.

Let us examine, then, first of all, the essential differences by

which public and private services are characterized, which is a

preliminary inquiry necessary to enable us to fix accurately the line

which should divide them.

The whole of the preceding portion of this work has been devoted to

exhibit the evolution of ‹private services›. We have had a glimpse

of it in this formal or tacit proposition: ‹Do this for me, and I

shall do that for you›; which implies, whether as regards what we

give away or what we receive, a double and reciprocal consent. We

can form no correct notion, then, of barter, exchange, appreciation,

value, apart from the consideration of ‹liberty›, nor of liberty

apart from ‹responsibility›. In having recourse to exchange, each

party consults, on his own responsibility, his wants, his tastes,

his desires, his faculties, his affections, his convenience, his

entire situation; and we have nowhere denied that to the exercise

of free will is attached the possibility of error, the possibility

of a foolish and irrational choice. The error belongs not to

exchange, but to human imperfection; and the remedy can only reside

in responsibility itself (that is to say, in liberty), seeing that

liberty is the source of all experience. To establish restraint in

the business of exchange, to destroy free will under the pretext

that man may err, would be no improvement, unless it were [p429]

first proved to us that the agent who organizes the restraint does

not himself participate in the imperfection of our nature, and is

subject neither to the passions nor to the errors of other men. On

the contrary, is it not evident that this would be, not only to

displace responsibility, but to annihilate it, at least as regards

all that is valuable in its remunerative, retributive, experimental,

corrective, and, consequently, progressive character? Again, we

have seen that free exchanges, or services voluntarily rendered and

received, are, under the action of competition, continually extending

the co-operation of gratuitous forces, as compared with that of

onerous forces, the domain of community as compared with the domain

of property, and thus we have come to recognise in liberty that power

which promotes progressive equality, or social harmony.

We have no need to describe the form which exchanges assume when thus

left free. Restraint takes a thousand shapes; liberty has but one. I

repeat once more, that the free and voluntary transmission of private

services is defined by the simple words: “Give me this, and I will

give you that; do this for me, and I shall do that for you”—‹Do ut

des; facio ut facias›.[96]

The same thing does not hold with reference to the exchange of

‹public services›. Here ‹constraint› is to a certain extent

inevitable, and we encounter an infinite number of different

forms, from absolute despotism, down to the universal and direct

intervention of all the citizens.

Although this ideal order of things has never been anywhere actually

realized, and perhaps may never be so, except in a very elusory

shape, we may nevertheless assume its existence. What is the object

of our inquiry? We are seeking to discover the modifications which

‹services› undergo when they enter the public domain; and for the

purposes of science we must discard the consideration of individual

and local acts of violence, and regard the public service simply as

such, and as existing under the most legitimate circumstances. In a

word, we must investigate the transformation which it undergoes from

the single circumstance of its having become public, apart from the

causes which have made it so, and of the abuses which may mingle with

the means of execution.

Harmonies of Political Economy Translated from the Third French Edition, with a Notice of the Life and Writings of the Author · 第 32 / 157 题