Our political crisis is over, but the hard times still endure. Lack of

confidence is a disease from which convalescence is not quick. I doubt,

notwithstanding certain appearances, whether the country was ever

morally in as sound a state as it now is, after all this discussion. And

the very silver men, who have been treated as a party of dishonesty, are

anything but that. They very likely are victims of the economic

delusion, but their intentions are just as good as those of the other

side....

If you meet my friend Ritter, please give him my love. I shall write to

you again ere long _eigenhändig_. Meanwhile believe me, with lots of

love to you all, especially to _ces demoiselles_, and felicitations to

their mother, Always yours,

Wm. James.

My wife wishes to convey to Madame Flournoy her most loving regards and

hopes for the little one.

* * * * *

James had already been invited to deliver a course of "Gifford Lectures

on Natural Religion" at the University of Edinburgh. He had not yet

accepted for a definite date; but he had begun to collect illustrative

material for the proposed lectures. A large number of references to such

material were supplied to him by Mr. Henry W. Rankin of East

Northfield.

_To Henry W. Rankin._

NEWPORT, R.I., _Feb. 1, 1897_.

DEAR MR. RANKIN,--A pause in lecturing, consequent upon our midyear

examinations having begun, has given me a little respite, and I am

paying a three-days' visit upon an old friend here, meaning to leave for

New York tomorrow where I have a couple of lectures to give. It is an

agreeable moment of quiet and enables me to write a letter or two which

I have long postponed, and chiefly one to you, who have given me so much

without asking anything in return.

One of my lectures in New York is at the Academy of Medicine before the

Neurological Society, the subject being "Demoniacal Possession." I shall

of course duly advertise the Nevius book.[12] I am not as positive as

you are in the belief that the obsessing agency is really demonic

individuals. I am perfectly willing to adopt that theory if the facts

lend themselves best to it; for who can trace limits to the hierarchies

of personal existence in the world? But the lower stages of mere

automatism shade off so continuously into the highest supernormal

manifestations, through the intermediary ones of imitative hysteria and

"suggestibility," that I feel as if no _general theory_ as yet would

cover all the facts. So that the most I shall plead for before the

neurologists is the recognition of demon possession as a regular

"morbid-entity" whose commonest homologue today is the "spirit-control"

observed in test-mediumship, and which tends to become the more

benignant and less alarming, the less pessimistically it is regarded.

This last remark seems certainly to be true. Of course I shall not

ignore the sporadic cases of old-fashioned malignant possession which

still occur today. I am convinced that we stand with all these things

at the threshold of a long inquiry, of which the end appears as yet to

no one, least of all to myself. And I believe that the best theoretic

work yet done in the subject is the beginning made by F. W. H. Myers in

his papers in the S. P. R. Proceedings. The first thing is to start the

medical profession out of its idiotically _conceited ignorance_ of all

such matters--matters which have everywhere and at all times played a

vital part in human history.

You have written me at different times about conversion, and about

miracles, getting as usual no reply, but not because I failed to heed

your words, which come from a deep life-experience of your own

evidently, and from a deep acquaintance with the experiences of others.

In the matter of conversion I am quite willing to believe that a new

truth may be supernaturally revealed to a subject when he really _asks_.

But I am sure that in many cases of conversion it is less a new truth

than a new power gained over life by a truth always known. It is a case

of the conflict of two _self-systems_ in a personality up to that time

heterogeneously divided, but in which, after the conversion-crisis, the

higher loves and powers come definitively to gain the upper-hand and

expel the forces which up to that time had kept them down in the

position of mere grumblers and protesters and agents of remorse and

discontent. This broader view will cover an enormous number of cases

_psychologically_, and leaves all the _religious importance_ to the

result which it has on any other theory.

As to true and false miracles, I don't know that I can follow you so

well, for in any case the notion of a miracle as a mere attestation of

superior power is one that I cannot espouse. A miracle must in any case

be an expression of personal purpose, but the demon-purpose of

antagonizing God and winning away his adherents has never yet taken

hold of my imagination. I prefer an open mind of inquiry, first _about

the facts_, in all these matters; and I believe that the S. P. R.

methods, if pertinaciously stuck to, will eventually do much to clear

things up.--You see that, although religion is the great interest of my

life, I am rather hopelessly non-evangelical, and take the whole thing

too impersonally.

But my College work is lightening in a way. Psychology is being handed

over to others more and more, and I see a chance ahead for reading and

study in other directions from those to which my very feeble powers in

that line have hitherto been confined. I am going to give all the

fragments of time I can get, after this year is over, to religious

biography and philosophy. Shield's book, Steenstra's, Gratry's, and

Harris's, I don't yet know, but can easily get at them.

I hope your health is better in this beautiful winter which we are

having. I am very well, and so is all my family. Believe me, with

affectionate regards, truly yours,

Wm. James.

_To Benjamin Paul Blood._

Cambridge, _Apr. 28, 1897_.

DEAR BLOOD,--Your letter is delectable. From your not having yet

acknowledged the book,[13] I began to wonder whether you had got it, but

this acknowledgment is almost too good. Your thought is

obscure--lightning flashes darting gleams--but that's the way truth is.

And altho' I "put pluralism in the place of philosophy," I do it only so

far as philosophy means the articulate and the scientific. Life and

mysticism exceed the articulable, and if there is a _One_ (and surely

men will never be weaned from the idea of it), it must remain only

mystically expressed.

I have been roaring over and quoting some of the passages of your

letter, in which my wife takes as much delight as I do. As for your

strictures on my English, I accept them humbly. I have a tendency

towards too great colloquiality, I know, and I trust your sense of

English better than any man's in the country. I have a fearful job on

hand just now: an address on the unveiling of a military statue. Three

thousand people, governor and troops, etc. Why they fell upon me, God

knows; but being challenged, I could not funk. The task is a mechanical

one, and the result somewhat of a school-boy composition. If I thought

it wouldn't bore you, I should send you a copy for you to go carefully

over and correct or rewrite as to the English. I should probably adopt

every one of your corrections. What do you say to this? Yours ever,

Wm. James.

_P.S._ Please don't betitle _me_!

* * * * *

The "copy" which was offered for correction with so much humility was

the "Oration" on the unveiling of St. Gaudens's monument to Colonel

Robert Gould Shaw of the 54th Massachusetts Infantry (the first colored

regiment). James was quite accustomed to lecturing from brief notes and

to reading from a complete manuscript; but on this occasion he thought

it necessary to commit his address to memory. He had never done this

before and he never tried to do it again. He memorized with great

difficulty, found himself placed in an entirely unfamiliar relation to

his audience, and felt as much nervous trepidation as any inexperienced

speaker.[14]

_To Henry James._

Cambridge, _June 5, 1897_.

DEAR H.,--Alice wrote you (I think) a brief word after the crisis of

last Monday. It took it out of me nervously a good deal, for it came at

the end of the month of May, when I am always fagged to death; and for a

week previous I had almost lost my voice with hoarseness. At nine

o'clock the night before I ran in to a laryngologist in Boston, who

sprayed and cauterized and otherwise tuned up my throat, giving me

pellets to suck all the morning. By a sort of miracle I spoke for

three-quarters of an hour without becoming perceptibly hoarse. But it is

a curious kind of physical effort to fill a hall as large as Boston

Music Hall, unless you are trained to the work. You have to shout and

bellow, and you seem to yourself wholly unnatural. The day was an

extraordinary occasion for sentiment. The streets were thronged with

people, and I was toted around for two hours in a barouche at the tail

end of the procession. There were seven such carriages in all, and I had

the great pleasure of being with St. Gaudens, who is a most charming and

modest man. The weather was cool and the skies were weeping, but not

enough to cause any serious discomfort. They simply formed a harmonious

background to the pathetic sentiment that reigned over the day. It was

very peculiar, and people have been speaking about it ever since--the

last wave of the war breaking over Boston, everything softened and made

poetic and unreal by distance, poor little Robert Shaw erected into a

great symbol of deeper things than he ever realized himself,--"the

tender grace of a day that is dead,"--etc. We shall never have anything

like it again. The monument is really superb, certainly one of the

finest things of this century. Read the darkey [Booker T.] Washington's

speech, a model of elevation and brevity. The thing that struck me most

in the day was the faces of the old 54th soldiers, of whom there were

perhaps about thirty or forty present, with such respectable old darkey

faces, the heavy animal look entirely absent, and in its place the

wrinkled, patient, good old darkey citizen.

As for myself, I will never accept such a job again. It is entirely

outside of my legitimate line of business, although my speech seems to

have been a great success, if I can judge by the encomiums which are

pouring in upon me on every hand. I brought in some mugwumpery at the

end, but it was very difficult to manage it.... Always affectionately

yours,

Wm. James.

* * * * *

Letters to Ellen and Rosina Emmet, which now enter the series, will be

the better understood for a word of reminder. "Elly" Temple, one of the

Newport cousins referred to in the very first letters, had married, and

gone with her husband, Temple Emmet, to California. But in 1887, after

his death, she had returned to the East to place her daughters in a

Cambridge school. In 1895 and 1896 Ellen and Rosina had made several

visits to the house in Irving Street; and thus the comradely cousinship

of the sixties had been maintained and reëstablished with the younger

generation. At the date now reached, Ellen, or "Bay" as she was usually

called, was studying painting. She and Rosina had been in Paris during

the preceding winter. Now they and their mother were spending the summer

on the south coast of England, at Iden, quite close to Rye, where Henry

James was already becoming established.

_To Miss Ellen Emmet (Mrs. Blanchard Rand)._

BAR HARBOR, ME., _Aug. 11, 1897_.

DEAR OLD BAY (and DEAR ROSINA),--For I have letters from both of you and

my heart inclines to both so that I can't write to either without the

other--I hope you are enjoying the English coast. A rumor reached me not

long since that my brother Henry had given up his trip to the Continent

in order to be near to you, and I hope for the sakes of all concerned

that it is true. He will find in you both that eager and vivid artistic

sense, and that direct swoop at the vital facts of human character from

which I am sure he has been weaned for fifteen years at least. And I am

sure it will rejuvenate him again. It is more Celtic than English, and

when joined with those faculties of soul, conscience, or whatever they

be that make England rule the waves, as they are joined in you, Bay,

they leave no room for any anxiety about the creature's destiny. But

Rosina, who is all senses and intelligence, alarms me by her recital of

midnight walks on the Boulevard des Italiens with bohemian artists....

You can't live by gaslight and excitement, nor can naked intelligence

run a _jeune fille's_ life. Affections, pieties, and prejudices must

play their part, and only let the intelligence get an occasional peep at

things from the midst of their smothering embrace. That again is what

makes the British nation so great. Intelligence doesn't flaunt itself

there quite naked as in France.

As for the MacMonnies Bacchante,[15] I only saw her faintly looming

through the moon-light one night when she was _sub judice_, so can frame

no opinion. The place certainly calls for a lightsome capricious figure,

but the solemn Boston mind declared that anything but a solemn figure

would be desecration. As to her immodesty, opinions got very hot. My

knowledge of MacMonnies is confined to one statue, that of Sir Henry

Vane, also in our Public Library, an impressionist sketch in bronze (I

think), sculpture treated like painting--and I must say I don't admire

the result _at all_. But you _know_; and I wish I could see other things

of his also. How I wish I could _talk_ with Rosina, or rather hear her

talk, about Paris, _talk in her French_ which I doubt not is by this

time admirable. The only book she has vouchsafed news of having read, to

me, is the d'Annunzio one, which I have ordered in most choice Italian;

but of Lemaître, France, etc., she writes never a word. Nor of V. Hugo.

She ought to read "La Légende des Siècles." For the picturesque pure and

simple, go there! laid on with a trowel so generous that you really get

your glut. But the things in French literature that I have gained most

from--the next most to Tolstoy, in the last few years--are the whole

cycle of Geo. Sand's life: her "Histoire," her letters, and now lately

these revelations of the de Musset episode. The whole thing is beautiful

and uplifting--an absolute "liver" harmoniously leading her own life and

_neither_ obedient nor defiant to what others expected or thought.

We are passing the summer very quietly at Chocorua, with our bare feet

on the ground. Children growing up bullily, a pride to the parental

heart.... Alice and I have just spent a rich week at North Conway, at a

beautiful "place," the Merrimans'. I am now here at a really grand

place, the Dorrs'--tell Rosina that I went to a domino party last night

but was so afraid that some one of the weird and sinister sisters would

speak to me that I came home at 12 o'clock, when it had hardly begun. I

am so sensitive! Tell her that a lady from Michigan was recently shown

the sights of Cambridge by one of my Radcliffe girls. She took her to

the Longfellow house, and as the visitor went into the gate, said, "I

will just wait here." To her surprise, the visitor went up to the house,

looked in to one window after the other, then rang the bell, and the

door closed upon her. She soon emerged, and said that the servant had

shown her the house. "I'm so sensitive that at first I thought I would

only peep in at the windows. But then I said to myself, 'What's the use

of being so sensitive?' So I rang the bell."

Pray be happy this summer. I see nothing more of Rosina's in the papers.

How is that sort of thing going on?... As for your mother, give her my

old-fashioned love. For some unexplained reason, I find it very hard to

write to her--probably it is the same reason that makes it hard for her

to write to me--so we can sympathize over so strange a mystery. Anyhow,

give her my best love, and with plenty for yourself, old Bay, and for

Rosina, believe me, yours ever,

Wm. James.

_To E. L. Godkin._

CHOCORUA, _Aug. 17, 1897_.

DEAR GODKIN,--Thanks for your kind note _in re_ "Will to Believe." I

suppose you expect as little a reply to it as I expected one from you to

the book; but since you ask what I _du_ mean by Religion, and add that

until I define that word my essay cannot be effective, I can't forbear

sending you a word to clear up that point. I mean by religion for a man

_anything_ that for _him_ is a live hypothesis in that line, altho' it

may be a dead one for anyone else. And what I try to show is that

whether the man believes, disbelieves, or doubts his hypothesis, the

moment he does either, on principle and methodically, he runs a risk of

one sort or the other from his own point of view. There is no escaping

the risk; why not then admit that one's human function is to run it? By

settling down on that basis, and respecting each other's choice of risk

to run, it seems to me that we should be in a clearer-headed condition

than we now are in, postulating as most all of us do a rational

certitude which doesn't exist and disowning the semi-voluntary mental

action by which we continue in our own severally characteristic

attitudes of belief. Since our willing natures are active here, why not

face squarely the fact without humbug and get the benefits of the

admission?

I passed a day lately with the [James] Bryces at Bar Harbor, and we

spoke--not altogether unkindly--of you. I hope you are enjoying, both of

you, the summer. All goes well with us. Yours always truly,

Wm. James.

_To F. C. S. Schiller_ [Corpus Christi, Oxford].

Cambridge, _Oct. 23, 1897_.

DEAR SCHILLER,--Did you ever hear of the famous international prize

fight between Tom Sayers and Heenan the Benicia Boy, or were you too

small a baby in 1857 [1860?] The "Times" devoted a couple of pages of

report and one or more eulogistic editorials to the English champion,

and the latter, brimming over with emotion, wrote a letter to the

"Times" in which he touchingly said that he would live in future as one

who had been once deemed worthy of commemoration in its leaders. After

reading your review of me in the October "Mind" (which only reached me

two days ago) I feel as the noble Sayers felt, and think I ought to

write to Stout to say I will try to live up to such a character. My

past has not deserved such words, but my future shall. Seriously, your

review has given me the keenest possible pleasure. This philosophy must

be thickened up most decidedly--your review represents it as something

to rally to, so we must fly a banner and start a school. Some of your

phrases are bully: "reckless rationalism," "pure science is pure bosh,"

"infallible _a priori_ test of truth to screen us from the consequences

of our choice," etc., etc. Thank you from the bottom of my heart!

The enclosed document [a returned letter addressed to Christ Church]

explains itself. The Church and the Body of Christ are easily confused

and I haven't a scholarly memory. I wrote you a post-card recently to

the same address, patting you on the back for your article on

Immortality in the "New World." A staving good thing. I am myself to

give the "Ingersoll Lecture on Human Immortality" here in November--the

second lecturer on the foundation. I treat the matter very inferiorly to

you, but use your conception of the brain as a sifting agency, which

explains my question in the letter. Young [R. B.] Merriman is at Balliol

and a really good fellow in all possible respects. Pray be good to him

if he calls on you. I hope things have a peacock hue for you now that

term has begun. They are all going well here. Yours always gratefully,

W. J.

_To James J. Putnam._

Cambridge, _Mar. 2, 1898_.

DEAR JIM,--On page 7 of the "Transcript" tonight you will find a

manifestation of me at the State House, protesting against the proposed

medical license bill.

If you think I _enjoy_ that sort of thing you are mistaken. I never did

anything that required as much moral effort in my life. My vocation is

to treat of things in an all-round manner and not make _ex-parte_ pleas

to influence (or seek to) a peculiar jury. _Aussi_, why do the medical

brethren force an unoffending citizen like me into such a position?

Legislative license is sheer humbug--mere abstract paper thunder under

which every ignorance and abuse can still go on. Why this mania for more

laws? Why seek to stop the really extremely important experiences which

these peculiar creatures are rolling up?

Bah! I'm sick of the whole business, and I well know how all my

colleagues at the Medical School, who go only by the label, will view me

and my efforts. But if Zola and Col. Picquart can face the whole French

army, can't I face their disapproval?--Much more easily than that of my

own conscience!

You, I fancy, are not one of the fully disciplined demanders of more

legislation. So I write to you, as on the whole my dearest friend

hereabouts, to explain just what my state of mind is. Ever yours,

W. J.

James was not indulging in empty rhetoric when he said that his

conscience drove him to face the disapproval of his medical colleagues.

Some of them never forgave him, and to this day references to his

"appearance" at the State House in Boston are marked by partisanship

rather than understanding.

What happened cannot be understood without recalling that thirty-odd

years ago the licensing of medical practitioners was just being

inaugurated in the United States. Today it is evident that everyone must

be qualified and licensed before he can be permitted to write

prescriptions, to sign statements upon which public records, inquests,

and health statistics are to be based, and to go about the community

calling himself a doctor. On the other hand, experience has proved that

those people who do not pretend to be physicians, who do not use drugs

or the knife, and who attempt to heal only by mental or spiritual

influence, cannot be regulated by the clumsy machinery of the criminal

law. But either because the whole question of medical registration was

new, or because professional men are seldom masters of the science of

lawmaking, the sponsors of the bills proposed to the Massachusetts

Legislature in 1894 and 1898 ignored these distinctions. James did not

name them, although his argument implied them and rested upon them. The

bills included clauses which attempted to abolish the faith-curers by

requiring them to become Doctors of Medicine. The "Spiritualists" and

Christian Scientists were a numerous element in the population and

claimed a religious sanction for their beliefs. The gentlemen who mixed

an anti-spiritualist program in their effort to have doctors examined

and licensed by a State Board were either innocent of political

discretion or blind to the facts. For it was idle to argue that

faith-curers would be able to continue in their own ways as soon as they

had passed the medical examinations of the State Board, and that

accordingly the proposed law could not be said to involve their

suppression. Obviously, medical examinations were barriers which the

faith-curers could not climb over. This was the feature of the proposed

law which roused James to opposition, and led him to take sides for the

moment with all the spokesmen of all the-isms and-opathies.

"I will confine myself to a class of diseases" (he wrote to the Boston

"Transcript" in 1894) "with which my occupation has made me somewhat

conversant. I mean the diseases of the nervous system and the mind....

Of all the new agencies that our day has seen, there is but one that

tends steadily to assume a more and more commanding importance, and that

is the agency of the patient's mind itself. Whoever can produce effects

there holds the key of the situation in a number of morbid conditions of

which we do not yet know the extent; for systematic experiments in this

direction are in their merest infancy. They began in Europe fifteen

years ago, when the medical world so tardily admitted the facts of

hypnotism to be true; and in this country they have been carried on in a

much bolder and more radical fashion by all those 'mind-curers' and

'Christian Scientists' with whose results the public, and even the

profession, are growing gradually familiar.

The Letters of William James, Vol. 2 · 第 4 / 28 段