VI

Iconoclasm in Nineteenth Century Literature.

That history repeats itself is an apothegm which has descended to us

from a dateless antiquity. It has been made to serve so often as to

become trite; and yet its use is a necessity, inasmuch as it embodies a

verity, which to ignore were ignorance and folly linked together; and

as we stand on our eminence and scan the way humanity has worn with its

multitudinous feet, as the events of the world pass in review before

us, some so closely resemble others as that the one seems the echo of

the other; and there appears reason for that fascinating generalization

of the ancient philosopher, that the epochs and events of the physical

realm and history were a fixed and limited quantity, which, revolving

in a vast cycle, would bring from time to time the reiteration of the

facts or doings of an ancient era. There was no new thing thinkable,

only a reintroduction of the old. To illustrate this fact in brief, we

have but to note the history of philosophy. You read the names of

those who figure as founders of philosophical systems, and those

systems seem many. Read the systems as founded, and you find an

old-time philosophy, rejuvenated with some little addition of cap or

bell better to adapt it to the modern time. The much-lauded Hegelian

philosophy is the system of Democritus, with the addition of a little

more absurdity in the assertion of the identity of contradictories.

The multitudinous philosophies may thus be reduced to a single

quaternion, and the reputed inaugurator of a new philosophy is like to

be a charlatan. So history seems but a plagiarist.

There is an epoch in ecclesiastical history known as the War of the

Iconoclast; but that was only an embodiment of what had transpired

before, and what has occurred often since. Iconoclasm is a bias of

humanity. It grows out of the constitution of man. He is by heredity

a breaker of images. If this view be not fictitious, we must not be

surprised if there are developments of this spirit in our era or any

era. It is a perennial reappearance. Whether it come in religion,

statecraft, economic science, or literature, can be of little moment.

The fact is the matter of paramount importance. Christianity was the

iconoclast which broke in pieces the images of decrepit polytheism, and

hewed out a way where progress might march to fulfill her splendid

destiny. Luther was the iconoclast whose giant strokes demolished the

castle doors of Romish superstition, and broke to fragments the images

of Mariolatry. The practical induction of Bacon, Earl of Verulam, was

the death-warrant of the fruitless deductive philosophy which had

culminated in the vagaries of Scholasticism. The Declaration of

Independence and the Federation of the States were the iconoclast which

slew the phantom of the divine necessity of kings. It is thus evident

that iconoclasm abounds, and there will be no marvel if it have a place

in literature.

Innovation is a practical synonym of iconoclasm; for an innovation is

putting the new in the place of the old. In ancient literature and

literatures, prose was an innovation as regards poetry; and later,

rhyme was an innovation in the domain of poesy, and an innovation of

such a sort that against it the master-poet, Milton, lifted up his

voice in solemn protest, and the solitary epic in English literature is

a perpetual protestation against the custom. Shakespeare was an

innovator of the laws of the drama when he violated unities of time and

place; and in a sense the drama was an innovation on narrative poetry,

and the novel an iconoclast in its attitude to the drama.

The iconoclasm in literature in our time is objective rather than

subjective; and attention to the spirit of the age will give a

practical comprehension of this iconoclastic spirit.

It must be observed that the literature of an age is largely the

product of that age. Times create literatures. The literature of any

period, in an emphatic sense, will be directly and easily traceable to

something in that age for its peculiarity.

The Iliad and Odyssey were necessities of the age which gave them

birth. In so far as a literature is purely human, in so far will it be

stamped with the seal of the times, customs, and thoughts in the midst

of which it bloomed into beauty. In early Greek times an epic without

its gods and demigods, without resounding battle-shout and din of

mighty conflict, had been an anachronism for which there could have

been offered no apology. The splendid era of Pericles demanded the

tragedy, and such a tragedy as only Aeschylus and Sophocles could

originate; while the foibles of an earlier era made the comedy

imperative. On like principles, the writings of Lucretius are not

enigmatical, but easy of explanation.

The age which made possible the revels of Kenilworth, made possible

also the splendor, like that of setting suns, which characterizes the

"Faerie Queen." And the prowess, the achievement, the discovery, the

colonization, the high tide of life, which ran like lightning through

the Nation's arteries, made the drama, not only a possibility, but a

fact. It was the embodiment of the mighty activities of a mighty age.

The tragedy, to use the splendid figure of Milton, "rose like an

exhalation." A solitary lifetime brought it from sunrise to high noon;

and from that hour what could the sun do but sink?

Our century is one of general iconoclasm. It is the Ishmael among the

ages. Its hand is against every man. It has reversed the old-time

order, that what was believed by our fathers and received by them

should be received by us. It takes no truth second-hand. It goes to

sources. Its motto is, "I came, I saw, I investigated." It found many

things believed of old, which were founded on the sand. Physical

science discovered the vast domain of physical law, and that science

began to legislate for the universe, forgetting sometimes that it was

not a law enactor, but a law discoverer. Investigation found that many

ideas and systems of ideas, supposed philosophies and sciences, were

false and unsubstantial as the "baseless fabric of a vision." Things

received as truths from time immemorial were shown to be untrue. The

tendency of the human intellect is to generalize; and finding many

previously received systems and facts to be without evidence sufficient

to substantiate them, there arose the unwilled generalization that all

these systems are likewise false. I do not say that man has formulated

this thought into speech, but that the trend of the intellect in our

century has been such as is explicable only on this theory. In many

instances the motto of investigation in the domain of history,

criticism, and science has been, "Believe all things false until you

prove them true." If such is the spirit of the age, and if literature

be colored with the light of the century which produces it, shall we

wonder if the nineteenth-century literature is distinctively an

iconoclastic one?

All about us is the battle of the books. War rages along the entire

line. No work of antiquity is free from this belligerency. Mars has

the field. The investigation has been crucial. In so far as it has

been learning coupled with wisdom, this is well. Truth never flinches

before the charge of a wise investigation. But no truth can stand as

such before a system of inquiry the canons of which are empirical,

fallacious, and false. The task of demolition is a fascinating one.

It possesses a charm impossible to explain, and impossible to fail to

perceive. When one has a taste, it is much as with the tiger which has

tasted blood. Such procedure seems to open vistas before men. Here

are open doors, from behind which seems to come a voice crying, "Enter."

It will be chronologically accurate if we shall first notice the

iconoclastic spirit as exemplified in the attack on the unity of the

Iliad; and I class this with the nineteenth-century doings because it

belongs to the spirit of that century, and was almost within its

borders. The Iliad had been the glory of international literature for

centuries. Greece held it in veneration from the beginning of its

authentic history; and that work had blazed with a solar luster out of

the Stygian darkness of prehistoric times. The book had made an epoch

in literature. The cyclic poets, who, for centuries after the

appearance of the Iliad and Odyssey, were the only Greek bards, were

confessedly disciples of one Homer, the reputed author of the poems

which embody the fact of the war of the races. The judgment of

antiquity was: (_a_) These two works were ascribed to a single author.

(_b_) This author was the master at whose wave of wand these revels had

begun. In other words, Homer wrote the books which bear his name.

However much they might discuss the location of the half-fabled Ilium,

or marvel over the battles fought "far on the ringing plains of windy

Troy," it was not doubted that a sublime and solitary bard conceived

and wrought the wondrous work ascribed to him. It is not shown that

this question was even mooted in the former times. Cities contended

for the honor of having given this man birth. He was as much a verity

as Pericles. Such was the status of the case when our century beheld

it first. Bentley had hinted at the probability or possibility of

separate authorship; but it remained for German criticism, in the

person of Wolf, to make the onslaught on the time-honored belief. The

attack was as impetuous as the charge of the Greeks across the plain of

the Scamander. It astonished the world. It abashed scholarship.

Grave philosophers and gifted poets were carried away in the rush of

the attack. Goethe gave and Schiller withheld allegiance. The Atomist

and Separatist for a time held the field. Wolf showed, by reasoning

which he deemed irrefutable, that the Iliad could not have been

composed by a single man. Writing did not exist. The story had many

repetitions, contradictions, and inferiorities. Later, the

philological argument was used against it. These statements summarize

the Wolfian theory. The contrariety in dialect form was thought to be

an invulnerable argument against the unity of authorship; and for a

time the epic of the ancient world was declared to be the work of many

hands, the ballads sung by rhapsodists of many names; and the Iliad,

with its astonishing display of genius, was declared to be authorless.

Less than a century has elapsed since the theory was propounded. The

subject has received a wealth of attention and study unknown before.

Discoveries have been made in philology which have practically raised

it to the rank of a science; and to-day the atomistic theory of Wolf is

not received. Grote and Mahaffy have theories which vary markedly from

the great original; and the result of a century of investigation is,

that scholars do now generally believe that some one author, or two at

most, did give shape to the great epic of the Greek people. Wolf,

Lachmann, and Bert have shown the follies of men of genius when

pursuing a line of evidence to prove a favorite theory. Their

assumptions are often absurd, and their conclusions, once admitting

their premises, are a logical necessity. The spirit of iconoclasm

rested, not with the authority of the book, but assailed the geographic

and topographical features. Troy was declared a dream. The Trojan War

had never been. But Schliemann has proven to virtual demonstration the

existence of, not only a Troy, but the Troy about which Hector and

Achilles fought.

This iconoclasm has nowhere more fully displayed itself than in its

attitude toward the Bible. That book comes properly under the head of

literature, for the reason that the general line of attack during this

century has been made from a literary standpoint. Of course, there has

always been, whether easily discoverable or not, an undertone of

skepticism of the rank sort. Oftentimes the battle has been avowedly

against the book as a professed inspiration. Strauss and Renan made no

cloak for their deed. But in many instances the method of procedure

has been to study, as under a calcium light, the literary style, the

linguistic peculiarities, the whole work as a literary composition. In

this regard the method of criticism was such as was used in dissecting

Homer's works. Each author laid down canons of criticism by which to

measure the book in question. He cut the work into fragments. He

stated such and such parts were the work of an early writer, while

certain others were the additions of men unknown, far removed in time

and place. For the most part these assumptions were wholly arbitrary,

as may be seen by reading the authors on the various books. The thing

which is the most observable is their lack of agreement, while the

method used is the dogmatic. They all agree that the book is not of

the date nor authorship usually assigned to it; but what the date and

who the author, is very seldom agreed between any two. The criticism

is largely of the _ipse dixit_ sort, and the grounds of attack are,

though rationalistic, seldom rationally taken. In the vaunted name of

reason, the most monstrous absurdities are perpetrated. The line of

argument professed to be used is inductive; but in reality the

inductive element in this criticism stands second, and the deductive

element has the chief seat in the synagogue. The assumption in the

case, the _a priori, sine qua non_ ("without which nothing")--these are

the all-important elements in the discussion. It is the Homeric

argument restated. Each man professes to find his hypothesis in the

structure and language of the book. In fact, the author usually began

with his hypothesis, and seeks to find proofs for the staying his

assumptions up. The Scriptures are open to investigation. They

challenge it. No one need offer an objection to the most scrutinizing

inquiry. The book is here, and must stand upon its merits. Its high

claims need not deter scholarship from its investigation. Only, to use

the language of Bishop Butler in regard to another matter, "Let reason

be kept to." If we are to be regaled with flights of imagination, let

them be thus denominated; but let men not profess to be following the

leadership of scholarship and scientific candor, when they are in

reality dealing in imagination and scientific dogmatism, and appealing

to philology to give them much needed support. After these years of

attack from a literary standpoint, the books of the Bible are less

affected than the Iliad. The Atomist has signally failed to make a

single case. Iconoclasm has performed its task as best it could, and

finds its labor lost. The criticism of to-day is, even in Germany,

professedly in favor of the integrity of the Scripture.

But I pass to another part of the literary field. From the Bible to

Shakespeare. This, at first thought, may seem a long journey. There

appears but little congruity between the two. The only needed

connection is the similarity of attack. The same spirit has whetted

its sword against each; but the lack of similarity is more apparent

than real. The Bible is God's exhibit of human nature and its relation

to the Divine personality and plans. Shakespeare is man's profoundest

exhibit of man in his relation to present and future. The fields are

the same. They differ in extent. The profoundness of Shakespeare

seems a shoreward shallow when viewed alongside the Bible. The Bible

and Shakespeare have a further similarity, not one of character, but of

results.

Each has been a potential factor in the stability of the English

language. They each present the noble possibilities of the speech of

the Anglo-Saxon. Each has left its indelible impress on speech and

literature. Kossuth's mastery of English is by him attributed to the

Bible, Shakespeare, and Webster's Dictionary. These were his sole

masters, and sufficed to give him a command of language which ranks him

among the princes of our English speech. That the authorship of the

Iliad and the books of the Bible should be attacked is cause for little

surprise. They were works of antiquity. It is an observable tendency

of the mind to doubt a thing far removed in time. We lose sight of

evidence. We dispense with the leadership of reason, and let

inclination and imagination guide. This is a bias which antiquity must

meet and, if it may, master. If the Iliad and the Bible were

vulnerable in this regard, Shakespeare was not. He was a modern. His

thought is neither ancient nor mediaeval. He has the characteristics

of modern life, begotten of the hot-blooded era in which he lived. The

modern Shakespeare is a target for the iconoclast. It seems but a

stone's-cast from our time to the reign of Elizabeth and the day of the

English drama. The time was one of action in every department of

society. Conquest, colonization, literature, were beginning to render

the Saxon name illustrious. It was the epoch of chivalry and

chivalrous procedure, such as to create a species of literature and

bring it to a perfection which half-wrested the scepter of supremacy

from the hand of the Attic tragedy. In this literature there is a name

which dwarfs all others. Otway, Ford, Massinger, Webster, Ben Jonson,

Green, and Marlowe (some of these men of surprising genius) must take a

lower place, for the master of revels is come. William Shakespeare is

here. His life is not lengthily but plainly writ. He might have said,

as did Tennyson's Ulysses, "I am become a name." It would seem that a

man at such a time, with such a reputation, would have naught to fear

from iconoclasm, however fierce. He, in a sense, was known as Raleigh

or Essex were not. He has put himself into human history, and made the

world his debtor. The existence of a man whose personality was

admitted by his contemporaries must be believed in. Stories concerning

him haunted the byways of London and literature. Ben Jonson paid him a

tardy tribute. Men received him as they received Chaucer. But the

spirit of the age finds him vulnerable. Delia Bacon, Smith, O'Connor,

Holmes, and Donnelly are leaders who deny Shakespeare's identity. I

may note Donnelly, an American gentleman of research and painstaking

which would be creditable to a German scholar. He must be allowed to

be a man of ingenuity. His method of discovering that Shakespeare was

not himself has all the flavor of an invention. It glitters, not with

generalities, but ingenuities. A sample page of his folio, covered

with hieroglyphics which mark the progress of finding the cipher which

he thinks the plays contain--such sample page is certainly a marvel,

even to the generation which has read with avidity "Robert Elsmere" and

"Looking Backward." A peculiarity in it all is, that his explanation

makes marvelous doubly so. To believe that a man should have hidden

his authorship of such works as the plays of Shakespeare makes a draft

on the credulity of men too great to be borne. Why Junius should not

have revealed himself is not difficult to discover. His life was at

stake. But why the author of "The Tempest," or "King Lear," or "The

Merchant of Venice," should have concealed his personality so carefully

that three centuries have elapsed before men could discover it--this is

an enigma no man can solve. In general, it is objected by

non-believers in Shakespeare that it is impossible to conceive of a man

whose rearing possessed so few advantages as did that of Shakespeare,

having written the plays attributed to him. This is really the strong

point in the whole discussion. All other arguments are subordinate.

It is admitted that it does seem impossible for the poacher and wild

country lad to become the poet pre-eminent in English literature. But

this question is not to be decided by _a priori_ reasoning. The genius

displayed in the dramatic works under consideration is little less than

miraculous. This all concede. Now, history has shown that to genius

there is a sense in which "all things are possible." Genius can cross

the Alps, can conquer Europe, can dumfound the world. Genius knows no

rules. Once allow genius, and the problem is solved. It is conceded

that for a common man, or even for one of exceptional ability, to have

acquired without help the learning which characterizes the works of

Shakespeare is impossible. But the man who wrote Hamlet was no

mediocre, be he Bacon or Shakespeare. He was a superlative genius.

This fact admitted, we need have no difficulty with the problem. It

becomes a question a child can answer. The "myriad-minded Shakespeare"

could do what to an ordinary, or even extraordinary, man would be an

absolute impossibility. One critic discovers Shakespeare to be a

musician; another, a classical scholar; and so he has been claimed in

almost every field. He was not all. So critics confound us. They

also confound themselves. The genius which could write the plays could

master all these, though he squandered his youth. Let the history of

genius guide from this labyrinth. Was not Caesar orator, general,

historian? Was not Napoleon the same? Does not genius destroy all

demonstrations with reference to itself? Do not Pascal, Euler, Da

Vinci, and Angelo confound us? How dare we dogmatize as to the doings

of genius? Read Shakespeare, and find you can not discover the

characteristic of the man. You can not in his writings read his

interior life. David Copperfield may display Dickens, and Byron's

poems may give us the author's autobiography, and Shelley's writings

may give a photograph of his intellectual self; but Shakespeare's plays

give no clew to his character. He is all. He grovels in Falstaff; he

towers in Prospero. He smites all strings that have music in them. He

baffles us like a spirit, hiding himself in darkness. To attribute the

authorship of the plays to Bacon is, to my thought, not to rid us of

our difficulty, but rather to increase difficulty. Bacon we know. He

was jurist, statesman, natural philosopher. Add to these the

possibility of his having written Shakespeare, and the magnificence of

his achievement would dwarf that of Shakespeare. Space forbids

dwelling on this longer, though the theme is fascinating to any lover

of letters. The thought in this paper (and that goes without the

saying) is, not to discuss thoroughly these various phases of literary

iconoclasm, but rather to call attention to them and to co-ordinate

them.

I desire to show that these phases of criticism are not difficult of

explanation. These are natural, and are the outgrowth of an

image-making age. Study the age, understand it thoroughly, and the

literature of that period can hardly be a puzzling question. The

nineteenth century will stand in history as the chiefest iconoclast

which has arisen in the world's first six thousand years. And its

science, statecraft, art, and literature will be looked upon as

segments of the one circle, and that circle the century.

A Hero and Some Other Folks · 第 18 / 35 题