The pedigrees, especially of the rising families, are traced very

carefully. Do you remember Mr. Foker, the charming young man of

fashion in “Pendennis”? His unfailing good humour, his shrewdness,

his gaudy garments, his advice to Pendennis, when he was infatuated

with Miss Fotheringay, and when he was going the pace at Oxbridge; his

love for Miss Amory and his recovery when he found out how heartless

she was? Though he plays a minor part, his character is as subtle a

delineation as any by this master hand. Now notice how we get this

blend of aristocracy and commercialism; for Foker is a true gentleman,

honourable, chivalrous, with healthy instincts, yet with a good deal of

the man of business in him, for all his idleness and eccentricity a man

not easily duped. In the “Virginians” George Warrington, when lately

married and very poor, gets to know a Mr. Voelker, a rich, vulgar

but kindly brewer, our hero’s grandfather. His father has Anglicised

himself and become Mr. Foker whose porter is of world-wide celebrity.

He marries an Earl’s daughter and yet insists on the family beverage

being served at every meal, and Major Pendennis feels bound to taste it

when he dines though the old gentleman found it disagreed with him. In

Harry Foker, the young man of pleasure, we have the half-and-half beer

and the peerage, and no bad blend either. In Barnes Newcome we have a

less attractive type of the same class. The Newcomes are as humble in

origin but more pretentious than the Fokers. They do not parade the

family business, being bankers; but have discovered a noble ancestry.

Their family can be traced back to the “Barber Surgeon of Edward the

Confessor.” Thomas Newcome, the second founder, had however to begin

as a very intelligent factory hand who left his native Newcome, made

a moderate fortune, gallantly returned and married a girl of his own

class, and became the father of that prince of gentlemen, Colonel

Newcome, whose son Clive, Thackeray wishes us to admire, though I

confess I find him insufferable. Then his first wife dies and Thomas

flies at higher game. He woos and wins the great heiress, pietist, and

philanthropist, Sophia Alethea Hobson, to the amazement of the serious

Clapham circle in which she moves. Their twin sons are Sir Brian, who

marries Lady Ann Barnes, daughter of the Earl of Kew, whose eldest son

is Lord Walham--all neighbouring suburbs of London give the name to

this aristocratic family,--and Hobson, a thorough man of business, who

marries a lawyer’s daughter, and affects the farmer, whilst his wife

professes to admire talent. Hobson is shrewd, Brian pompous, and as

the former says of himself, you must get up very early in the morning

to take him in. If in Foker we have the attractive side, in Sir Brian

Newcome’s eldest son Barnes we have the other aspect of the blending of

birth and business. Had Harry Foker sprung from two noble grandfathers,

he might have been just as simple-hearted and good-natured as he now

appears, like Lord Southdown in “Vanity Fair,” or Ethel Newcome’s

lover, Lord Kew; but he would not have been quite so shrewd--for it

is no impeachment of a man’s natural good sense that he should have

been taken in by the purely imaginary virtues of a Blanche Amory. But

in Barnes Newcome we see the mixture of the hardness of a well-bred

man of the world and the business ability inherited from a commercial

ancestry. I cannot resist quoting at some length the introduction of

Barnes to his uncle Col. Newcome at Mrs. Hobson Newcome’s evening

party. The description of it is sketched for the Colonel’s benefit, by

Frank Honeyman, the popular preacher.

“The Jew with a beard, as you call him, is Herr Von Lungen the eminent

haut-boy player.... At the piano, accompanied by Mademoiselle Lebrun,

is Signor Mezzocaldo the great barytone from Rome. Professor Quartz

and Baron Hammerstein, celebrated geologists from Germany, are talking

with their illustrious _confrère_ Sir Robert Craxton, in the door. Do

you see that stout gentleman with snuff on his shirt? The eloquent

Dr. McGuffog of Edinburgh talking to Dr. Ettore, who lately escaped

the Inquisition at Rome in the disguise of a washerwoman, after

undergoing the question several times, the rack and the thumbscrew....

That splendid man in the red fez is Kurbash Pasha--another renegade, I

deeply lament to say,--a hair-dresser from Marseilles, by name Monsieur

Ferchaud--”

But I need not trouble you by reading more. Mrs. Hobson Newcome could

not get the aristocracy, so she collected notabilities and felt herself

intellectual. As you will remember, the guest of the evening was

“Rummum Loll, otherwise his Excellency, otherwise his Highness, ...

the chief proprietor of the diamond mines of Golconda, with a claim of

three millions and a half upon the East India Company.” The Rummum was

the lion of the year and went everywhere, and the whole company was

amazed when with the air of the deepest humility he saluted Colonel

Newcome, who in his old-fashioned coat and diamond pin was being

mistaken for a Moldavian boyar. At this juncture Barnes comes in and

makes himself known to his uncle. The art with which the scene is drawn

is consummate. Barnes behaves as a thoroughly well-bred man, greets the

Colonel with unaffectedly good manners, snubs his aunt by a few quiet

words, and finally turns to his uncle to discuss the Rummum. “I know he

ain’t a prince any more than I am.” Then Barnes warms to the subject

and frankly asks the Colonel to tell him if the bank can trust the

Indian magnate. “The young man of business had dropped his drawl or his

languor, and was speaking quite goodnaturedly and selfishly. Had you

talked for a week, you could not have made him understand the scorn and

loathing with which the Colonel regarded him.”

Barnes is of course the villain of the piece: but the interest in his

character to us lies in the fact that he reveals in its worst aspect

the blending of two types, the aristocratic, with its pride and narrow

exclusiveness, and the commercial, with its rapacious selfishness.

In many respects the “Newcomes” is a tragedy, as is seen in Colonel

Newcome’s quarrel with Barnes and the tale of his ruin in the affair

of Rummum Loll’s Bundlecund Bank, and the _motive_ is the struggle for

wealth by one of a class whose first object ought to have been honour

and to whom money should have been always a secondary consideration.

Let us however turn now to lighter themes. One of Thackeray’s most

delightful characters is the old Countess of Kew, the sister of the

late Marquis of Steyne and the grandmother of Lord Kew and Ethel

Newcome. The old lady frankly, and with a cynicism worthy of her

brother, accepts the new order. She marries her daughter, Lady Ann,

to Sir Brian Newcome, with complete disregard of the young lady’s

preference for her cousin, Tom Poyntz. “Sir Brian Newcome,” she would

say, “is one of the most stupid and respectable of men; Ann is clever

but has not a grain of common sense. They make a very well-assorted

couple. Her flightiness would have driven any man crazy who had an

opinion of his own. She would have ruined any poor man of her own rank.

As it is I have given her a husband exactly suited to her. He pays the

bills, does not see how absurd she is, keeps order in the establishment

and checks her follies. She wanted to marry her Cousin, Tom Poyntz,

when they were both very young, and proposed to die of a broken heart

... a broken fiddlestick! She would have ruined Tom Poyntz in a year,

and has no more idea of the cost of a leg of mutton than I have of

Algebra.” Her ladyship was under no delusions as to the antiquity of

her husband’s family, the founder of which was a fashionable doctor

who had attended George III. She recognised that the great houses to

which she belonged had had their day and was resolved to make the best

she could out of the world she lived in. She had the brains and the

character to make that world thoroughly uncomfortable if it did not

bow to her will, and with her the old order began to come to an end.

“_Was_ my grandfather a weaver?” asks Ethel Newcome. Her answer is:

“How should I know? And what on earth does it matter, my child? Except

the Gaunts, the Howards, and one or two more, there is no good blood

in England. You are lucky in sharing some of mine. My poor Lord Kew’s

grandfather was an apothecary at Hampton Court, and founded the family

by giving a dose of rhubarb to Queen Charlotte. As a rule nobody is of

good family.”

Leaving the novels, we come to the Book of Snobs, where the storming of

society is seen at a later stage. In Chapter VII on “some respectable

snobs” we have the rise of the noble family of de Mogyns. The first of

this ancient race who appeared above the horizon in these degenerate

days was a Mr. Muggins, banker, army contractor, smuggler, and general

jobber, lent money to a R-y-l P-rs-n-ge, and by way of payment was

made a baronet. His son paid undue attention to Miss Flack at a county

ball. Captain Flack, her father, offered the alternative of a duel or

marriage, in accordance with the custom of the Irish nation to which he

belonged and of the age; young Alured Smith Muggins preferred to marry

the lady and on the death of his father became a baronet. The editor

of Fluke’s Peerage found him a pedigree. The family was really founded

by the patriarch Shem, whose grandson began to draw up its pedigree

on a papyrus scroll now in the possession of the family. In the days

of Boadicea, Hogyn Mogyn of the hundred beeves aspired to marry that

warlike princess. Whether he wooed and also won is not stated, but he

married someone and became the ancestor of Mogyn of the golden harp,

the black fiend son of Mogyn, ancestor of the princes of Pontydwdlm.

These succumbed to the English Kings; but their representative David

Gam de Mogins fought bravely at Agincourt and from him Sir Thomas

Muggins was descended.

This sounds a mere satire. I turn to Burke’s Peerage 1895. I find that

the son of a famous contractor, whose father was celebrated for having

begun as a navvy and ended as a millionaire many times over, sprang

from a very ancient Norman family which became obscure in 1603 and rose

again to fame two centuries later. I notice that a brewer now a baron,

whose beer had a world-wide fame, was the scion of a noble house, the

first of whom was Gamellus who flourished when Henry Beauclerc ruled

the land from 1100 to 1134.

One of the ladies of this famous family was christened by the

delightful but unusual name of Temperance, but this was in the reign of

Charles I before the brewery was established. Are not such pedigrees

as ridiculous as any fiction of the brain? But how much is it to be

regretted that the writers of our peerages do not study the Book of

Snobs. They would at least avoid parodying it at the order of their

ennobled patrons. Disraeli, like Thackeray, exposed this business in

his novel “Sybil, or the Two Nations.”

I need not say, however, that it was not because of their descent from

the great Hogyn Mogyn that the de Mogyns got into society. They pushed,

they schemed, they suffered rebuffs undaunted, and at last they won the

coveted reward. Lady de Mogyns cut her friends as she ascended, and at

last became a recognised power in the great world.

The day had scarcely dawned when Thackeray died, when instead of

wealth’s striving to win a place in society, society sought to obtain

the recognition of the very rich. His satire had not to expend itself

on aristocrats who hastened to abase themselves before the millionaire,

and snobbery changed from a worship of rank to a worship of wealth.

Our author has often been criticised for his abuse of the nobility.

It has been said that it was prompted by envy. I venture to doubt

this. To be as great a satirist as he, a man must feel deeply and

have a _saeva indignatio_ against a great evil. This, like all his

predecessors, Thackeray had. He saw the hardness that the spirit of his

age engendered.

In all Thackeray’s novels and writings we see how ashamed the new

aristocracy was of the trades and businesses by which they made their

money and how contemptuous the real aristocracy was of ennobled trade.

Lord Steyne sneers at the idea of his son’s wife being a banker’s

daughter. The Newcomes conveniently forget the weaver from which they

sprang. We are sneeringly reminded that Mr. Wenham’s father was a coal

merchant; Major Pendennis conveniently forgets that his brother was a

mere apothecary. But this was not part of the old tradition of England.

A very little time before people of high birth felt no shame in being

in trade. The Nelsons are as good a family as any, yet Nelson himself

served as a common sailor before the mast, and his near relatives

kept shops in small towns. Let me read you a passage from a recently

published book on Wordsworth:

“Dorothy Wordsworth ... lived first with her maternal grand-parents,

and was not happy with them. She loved an open-air life, and was held

closely indoors--serving in fact in a mercer’s shop which they kept....

In 1788 a change came, for she went to live with her uncle at Forncett

Rectory near Norwich. The Rector was also a Canon of Windsor, and in

the Summer of 1792 ... Dorothy was meeting King George III and his

family--the princesses at least ... and going to races and balls.”

Trade was no bar to good society till it was able to buy it and there

was a great mingling of classes now rigidly separated. This feeling

of shame for having practised some perfectly reputable calling has

had I believe very serious results. It has made for the separation of

employers and employed. It has caused people to take less pride in

integrity and thoroughness and made them desirous of amassing wealth

in order to enjoy ease. It has tended to make those of the second

generation more desirous to pose as nobles than to follow the calling

of their fathers. It has destroyed a commercial aristocracy and has

put a plutocracy in its place. It tended for a time to substitute

prudery and respectability for real Christianity; and, before the war

at least, even these poor substitutes were growing so out of fashion

as to be regretted. It has also deepened the rift between classes.

Between the old nobility and the poor there was a certain sympathy. The

humbler class appreciated the fact that their rulers were gentlemen,

they liked their courage, their courtesy, they did not even object to

being ordered by them, their very vices were comprehensible. But they

have never had any fellow feeling with a plutocracy; with their present

pay-masters they have been more impatient than with their former

rulers; and the difficulties of the present age are in no small degree

due to the snobbery which Thackeray denounced.

LECTURE VIII

SPORT, AND RURAL ENGLAND

I hope you will pardon the flippancy of the subject I am about to

introduce; but I may say that it is not possible to understand English

life without studying it. Though we are getting close to our own

times, yet it is evident that society has undergone an almost complete

change since the scenes were depicted in the works I am using to-day.

Surtees caught the exact moment when the change was coming; and the old

order was awaiting the signal to quit the world. In the rural England

of the ‘forties’ and ‘fifties,’ when the railway was just beginning

to invade the countryside, the hunting field was still a national

playground where neighbours met, the county family still the pivot

round which rural life moved. But everywhere are signs of the coming

change. The _nouveau riche_ was buying the old estates, and the Jewish

magnate beginning to make his appearance; but the fabric of county

society remained as yet unshaken. I can myself remember the gulf that

parted socially the county from the town, the landed gentry from the

professional classes, when the ownership of land was far more important

than the possession of wealth.

I propose to treat my subject from two aspects. First I shall take the

so-called sporting novels, which are in themselves a literature, though

I mean to confine myself practically to a single author; and, after

having touched on this subject, I shall ask you to notice how Anthony

Trollope, a writer sometimes tedious, but always observant and often

witty, deals with the hierarchy, clerical and lay, of county society.

When St. Thomas a Becket was escaping from his enemies in England,

he travelled through Flanders in humble disguise. Once, however, he

nearly betrayed himself by stopping and admiring a beautiful falcon.

Such discrimination raised the suspicion that the traveller was not a

mere peasant or itinerant merchant, but an English gentleman of rank.

However, the archbishop managed to escape detection and passed on. This

little incident, however, shows that, even in the twelfth century, an

expert knowledge of sport was deemed to be characteristic of gentility,

and Becket, who had spent his early days in the king’s court,

instinctively looked with interest on a good bird. Four centuries

later a very different archbishop of Canterbury, though he too died a

martyr’s death, was known as an excellent rider. Thomas Cranmer, the

son of a country squire, was, we are specially told, remarkable for the

firm and easy way he sat his horse. Unlike Becket, Cranmer was bred a

scholar; but, in later days, he too would have been called a sportsman.

About a century later another English primate distinguished himself

less creditably in the field. George Abbott, the Puritan predecessor

of Laud, was shooting deer; and by pure accident killed a keeper; for

which an attempt was made to declare the see of Canterbury canonically

vacant. It is much the same with less exalted ecclesiastics. In the

middle ages the clergy of England were honourably distinguished for

their morality as compared with their continental brethren. Their

besetting sin was that nothing could restrain them from hunting. The

“hunting” abbot of the middle ages was succeeded by the “hunting

parson” of later days. Thackeray’s description of the Rev. Bute Crawley

would, _mutatis mutandis_, apply to many an English clergyman, from the

earliest times down to our own days.

“A tall, stately, jolly, shovel-hatted man.... You might see his bay

mare a score of miles away from the Rectory house whenever there was a

dinner party.... He rode to hounds in a pepper-and-salt frock, and was

one of the best fishermen in the county.”

It is hardly necessary to dilate upon the sporting vocabulary

of Shakespeare; or to point out that the correct use of hunting

and shooting and hawking terms was considered as test of a man’s

gentility--nor need I appeal to the severity of the old Forest Laws and

the more modern Game Laws, both of which were powerless to restrain the

English peasants’ inveterate propensity to sport.

Little wonder is it, therefore, that there arose a veritable literature

which revolved round the pivot of sport and especially that of hunting.

I need hardly say that the conditions of the pursuit of game changed

with the state of the country. In the middle ages the greater part

of England was wooded. The greenwood was the home of the outlaw; and

it was said that a squirrel could cross England without touching

the ground. The chase was therefore pursued in glades and thickets;

and could never have been a very rapid affair. What riding was done

in the open country was connected with hawking--a very favourite

pastime. Gradually, as the country became more open and the forests

disappeared, the fox, which our ancestors regarded as vermin, began to

be looked upon as a sacred animal, because of the excellent runs he

gave. For a long time the hunting was slow and its arrangements very

primitive; those who joined in it being the squire, his friends, and

his dependants; but gradually the crack riders began to gather from

all parts to where the best hunting was to be had; and Leicestershire

became the chief centre. Fashionable hunting, as opposed to the

rural and purely local sport, seems to have begun at the time of the

Regency in the days of the “dandies”; and I have a recollection of

an oft-quoted description by “Nimrod” of the way in which a stranger

was gradually recognised and welcomed when he came among the hunting

fraternity at Melton Mowbray. But it is my intention to speak of a

later period when hunting had become a sport in which men, who had no

connection with the locality, came down from London to take part. In

olden days the town sportsman was a theme of constant derision. John

Gilpin’s ride, and Mr. Winkle’s difficulties with his horse, were

typical stories. The caricaturists were never tired of depicting the

quaint and somewhat dangerous antics of the Londoner with a shotgun,

and jokes at his ignorance of all sports were the stock in trade of the

humourist. Gradually however these began to fall flat. As the country

became accessible, first by good roads, and then by railways, men from

London joined in its pastimes, and proved themselves anything but

ridiculous where horse and gun were concerned.

“Mr. Sponge’s Sporting Tour” is valuable for our purpose because it

illustrates so many sides of English country life. The hero is a

somewhat shady adventurer who spends half the year in hunting and the

rest in talking about it, and is famed for being a guest whom, once you

get into your house, it is impossible to eject. He hires his hunters,

and sells them if he can at a profit; and, as he can ride almost

anything, he is able to show a vicious brute to the greatest advantage,

sell him for a good sum, and then make a great favour of taking him

back. He generally succeeds in getting invitations, partly because

he is supposed to be a rich man, and also on account of a rumour, of

which, to do him justice, he is unaware, that he is able to give

people, anxious for notoriety, a good notice in the newspapers.

One can almost smell the English country in winter time as one reads

the book and in imagination plough one’s way, as the dusk draws on,

through the muddy lanes on a tired horse after a long run, which has

left one several miles from home with the short winter day closing

rapidly. Or, one can feel the exhilaration which the sight of a fox

gives when he goes away with the hounds at his heels, apparently their

certain prey, and then vanishes as he slips through the next fence, not

to be caught, if caught at all, for many a long mile.

The author’s description of the different houses visited by Mr. Sponge

in his tour gives no bad idea of rural life and sport in the “fifties.”

The first house which Mr. Sponge honours is Jawleyford Court, inhabited

by Mr. Jawleyford, a gentleman of good lineage, but only moderate

means, on which he manages to make an appearance of living in great

state. Jawleyford, as his name implies, is a pretentious fellow,

apparently hearty and hospitable, but very deceptive to those who come

in close contact with him. He poses as a man of culture and refinement,

and also as an ardent devotee of the chase. Sponge cares for only one

thing on earth, and that is hunting; and he is emphatically a man of

one book, namely, a work on London cab fares by a certain Mogg--whether

the title is an invention or not, I do not know. When Mr. Sponge has

nothing better to do, he takes this work and studies imaginary drives

about London, amusing himself by calculating the price of each. One can

imagine how this ill-assorted couple--Sponge, who cared for nothing

but hunting, and Jawleyford, who liked to pose as a man of culture and

refinement--got on together. But Mrs. Jawleyford was impressed with the

idea that Sponge was a man of wealth and was a most eligible suitor

for one of her pretty daughters. Consequently she received her guest

with much hospitality, and gave him a hearty welcome. The first day

was unsuitable for hunting; and Sponge had to amuse himself in the

house with his host, who conducted him over his picture gallery, and

was intensely disgusted when Sponge failed to recognise the bust of

Jawleyford, which was considered a speaking likeness.

Social life in England, 1750-1850 · 第 11 / 13 段