CHAPTER II.

_Subject._ Vital Statistics.

_Gist._ "The vitality of the Negro may well be considered the most

important phase of the so-called race problem, for it is a fact which

can and will be demonstrated by indisputable evidence that of all races

for which statistics are obtainable and which enter at all into the

consideration of economic problems as factors the Negro shows the least

power of resistance in the struggle for life."[18]

DEATH RATE.

Statistics are collected from ten of the largest cities with the result

that the death rate among the whites is 20.12 per 1000, and among the

blacks 32.61. It is acknowledged that the great bulk of this excess in

the colored death rate is due to infant mortality. This fact of itself

would suggest that the real cause is condition rather than race traits.

This truth shall be established out of the mouth of Mr. Hoffman's own

witness. "Fifty per cent of the (Negro) children who die never receive

medical attention."[19]

"The indifference to medical attendance in cases of illness of their

children is due to ignorance."[20] To the ordinary mind this would imply

the most unfortunate condition.

BIRTH RATE.

But the death rate is only one factor in the vital equation. The birth

rate is equally important. Mr. Hoffman concedes, with reluctant

reservation, that the colored birth rate may be greater than that of the

whites. "That the birth rate of the Negroes is in excess of that of the

white population is probably true even at the present time, at least as

compared with the native whites."[21] This is indeed a very feeble

admission of a very obvious fact. Mr. Hoffman contends that the death

rate of the Negro race is much greater than that of the whites. It has

already been shown that, leaving immigration out of account, the

increase in the Negro population is greater than that of the white race.

How can these two facts be accounted for except it be on the basis of a

higher birth rate for the blacks? Mr. Hoffman will have either to alter

his estimates or mend his logic.

Direct testimony on this subject must have been known to Mr. Hoffman. Of

course no one is qualified to write on vital statistics in America who

is not familiar with the investigation of Dr. Billings. Let the reader

compare the following quotation as to the relative birth rate of the

races, and, noting date of data upon which the conclusion is based,

decide for himself as to the ingenuousness of Mr. Hoffman's reluctant

admission: "Dr. Billings, in his luminous report on the vital statistics

of the United States (1886) shows that 1000 colored women (age from 15

to 49) give birth to 164 children, and 1000 white women to only 127,

yearly; that is to say, three colored women have as many children as

four white."[22]

IS THE NEGRO THREATENED WITH EXTINCTION.

Before Mr. Hoffman's conclusion as to the threatening aspect of the high

death rate of the Negro race can be accepted, several questions must be

answered by him.

1. Is the death rate of the colored race higher than that of a

corresponding class of whites subject to the same moral and social

environment? The general opinion is that it is not; nor does the author

attempt to prove the contrary. In discussing this question Dr. John S.

Billings states: "If we could separate the vital statistics of the poor

and ignorant whites, the tenement house population of our Northern

cities, from those of the mass of the white population we should

undoubtedly find a high rate of mortality in this class, and especially

in infancy and childhood."[23]

2. Is the high death rate for the cities sustained throughout the

country at large? Luckily the census of 1880 gives a complete answer to

this question. The death rate of the United States in 1880 was 15.09 per

1000; South Carolina 15.80; Alabama 14.20; Mississippi 12.89; Georgia

13.97; Massachusetts 18.59; New York 17.38; Pennsylvania 14.92; New

Jersey 16.33. This shows plainly that the Southern states with the

largest Negro contingent do not show any higher death rate than the

Northern states where the Negro is not a considerable factor. There is

no evidence, certainly none brought forward by the author, to show that

the death rate of the Negro in the country at large is much in excess of

that of the whites. "In the rural districts the mortality of the Negro

is not excessive; it is in the cities and towns where he is brought into

close contact with the evils and vices of civilization that he dies so

rapidly."[24]

3. Is the death rate, even in the cities, so great as to foreshadow

extinction? Nothing is great or small except by comparison. The death

rate among the Negroes in the large cities at present is not as great as

it was among the whites forty years ago; that is, if we may rely upon

the statistics which Mr. Hoffman himself has presented.

_Mortality among Whites in Southern Cities._[25]

City. Period. Death rate.

Mobile, Ala. 1852-1855 54.39

Charleston, S. C. 1851-1860 29.79

Savannah, Ga. 1856-1860 37.19

New Orleans, La. 1849-1860 59.60

Under improved sanitary regulations these rates have been lowered until

at present they are not at all alarming. May not the same improvement in

his environment effect similar changes in the death rate of the Negro?

Let us compare the death rate of the Negro race with that of the Germans

as presented in the census of 1880.

Colored

City. death rate. City. Death rate.

Washington 32.60 Konigsberg 31.50

Baltimore 32.81 Munich 33.40

Richmond 28.48 Breslau 31.60

Louisville 30.73 Cologne 27.00

New Orleans 30.42 Strasburg 29.60

This high death rate of the American Negro does not exceed that of the

white race in other parts of the civilized globe. If race traits are

playing such havoc with the Negroes in America, what direful agent of

death, may we ask the author, is at work in the cities of his own

fatherland?

4. Does the death rate among Negroes show a tendency to increase? In the

District of Columbia there has been a gradual decline in the death rate

of the Negro population from 40.78 in 1876 to 29.54 in 1896.[26]

Again, Mr. Hoffman's statistics will show a steady improvement in

Southern cities for the last twenty years.

_Death rate among Negroes in Southern Cities._[27]

Death Death

City. Periods. rate. Periods. rate.

Mobile, Ala. 1876-1880 39.74 1891-1893 30.91

Charleston, S. C. 1876-1885 43.83 1886-1894 44.06

Savannah, Ga. 1876-1880 51.66 1891-1894 32.26

New Orleans, La. 1880-1884 52.35 1890-1894 39.42

A recent report of the Labor Bureau throws much light on the subject.

_Annual Death Rate of the Colored Race for three quinquennial

periods._[28]

City. 1880-1885. 1885-1890. 1890-1895.

Atlanta 37.96 33.41 32.76

Baltimore 36.15 30.52 32.47

Charleston 44.08 46.74 41.43

Memphis 43.01 29.35 21.11

Richmond 40.34 38.83 34.91

This table shows an unmistakable decrease in the death rate for the

successive quinquennial periods.

All of which tends to prove that this high death rate is due to

condition and is subject to sanitary check and control.

In further confirmation of the fact that the death rate among Negroes is

on the decline, the Army records will afford valuable testimony.

_Death rate of Colored Soldiers in the U. S. Army._[29]

Average from 1883 to 1892 9.07

Average in 1894 6.26

Average in 1895 5.03

In 1895 it is lower than that of the white soldiers. The same general

law of a gradually decreasing death rate is here revealed.

If the death rate of the Negro population in cities is not higher than

that of corresponding classes of whites; if the records of the census

for the country at large do not show it to be in excess of other

classes; if the highest rates are not above those of the whites a half

century ago, nor higher than those of other civilized communities of the

Caucasian race at the present time; and if this rate is constantly

decreasing under more favorable sanitary appliances--it is hard to

justify the author's position as to the low vital powers of the race, or

to reach the conclusion that extinction will be its ultimate fate.

THE NORTHERN NEGROES.

In further proof of the low vitality of the Negro race the author shows

at great length that the race cannot thrive in the North. For every

Northern community for which statistics are available it appears that

the death rate is in excess of the birth rate. It does not seem to have

occurred to the author that economic and social environment may lead to

this deplorable result. Dr. Walker, in a publication which has already

been referred to, states: "The industrial _raison d'etre_ of the Negro

is here (in the South) found at its maximum. In the Northern states this

_raison d'etre_ wholly disappears. There is nothing, aside from a few

kinds of personal service, which the Negro can do which the white man

cannot do as well or perhaps better."[30]

In the North the Negro race lives in industrial and social captivity;

not being in sufficient numbers to form an independent constituency,

they whine and pine over certain abstract principles of equality and

brotherhood, but which, alas, fade into impalpable air under the

application of a concrete test. They sit in the shadow of the tree of

liberty and boast of its protecting boughs, but must not aspire to

partake of the fruit thereof. The undershrubbery purchases shade and

protection at too dear a price when it sacrifices therefor the

opportunity of the glorious sunlight of heaven. No healthy, vigorous

breed can be produced in the shade. No wonder, then, that the productive

sensitiveness of the Northern Negro is affected by his industrial and

social isolation among an overshadowing people who regard him with a

feeling composed in equal parts of pity and contempt.

CONSUMPTION AMONG NEGROES.

The author enters into the causes of mortality and points out that in

addition to infant mortality, which has already been noticed,

consumption, pneumonia, and vicious taints of blood are the most

alarming ones. With gloomy forebodings we are reminded that: "Its (the

Negro race) extreme liability to consumption alone would suffice to seal

its fate as a race."[31]

The following citation will express the truth of the situation as

clearly as it is possible to do: "From close personal observation,

embracing a professional life of nearly forty years among the Negroes

and from data obtained from professional brethren in different sections

of the South, I have no hesitancy in declaring that insanity and

tuberculosis were rare diseases among the Negroes of the South prior to

emancipation. Indeed, many intelligent people of observation and full

acquaintance of the Negro have stated to me that they never saw a crazy

or consumptive Negro of unmixed blood until these latter years. The fact

of their comparative exemption from these ailments prior to emancipation

is so well established..."[32]

"Man is an organized being, and is subject to certain laws which he

cannot violate with impunity. These laws affect him in the air he

breathes, the food he eats, the clothes he wears, and (in) every

circumstance surrounding his habilitation. In the wholesale violation of

these laws after the war, as previously stated, was laid the foundation

of the degeneration of the physical and mental condition of the Negro.

Licentiousness left its slimy trail of sometimes ineradicable disease

upon his physical being, and neglected bronchitis, pneumonia, and

pleurisy lent their helping hand toward lung degeneration."[33]

It will be noticed that Dr. Miller accepts all the facts alleged by our

author, but places the causes squarely upon the ground of conditions,

habits and circumstances of life. He does not seem to be acquainted with

Mr. Hoffman's discovery of "race traits." The fact that under the

hygienic and dietary regime of slavery, consumption was comparatively

unknown among Negroes, but that under the altered conditions of

emancipation it has developed to a threatening degree, would persuade

any except the man with a theory, that the cause is due to the radical

changes in life which freedom imposed upon the blacks, rather than to

some malignant, capricious "race trait" which is not amenable to the law

of cause and effect, but which graciously suspended its operation for

two hundred years, and has now mysteriously selected the closing decades

of the nineteenth century in which to make a trial of its direful power.

No people who work all day in the open air of a mild climate and who

sleep at night in huts and cabins where crack and crevice and skylight

admit abundant ventilation, will be subject to pulmonary weakness. Now

take the same people and transplant them to the large cities of a colder

climate, subject them to pursuits which do not call for a high degree of

bodily energy, crowd them into alley tenements where the windows are

used only for ornament and to keep out the "night air," and a single

door must serve for entrance, exit, and ventilation, and lung

degeneration is the inevitable result. The cause of the evil suggests

the remedy. The author in a previous chapter points out the threatening

evil of crowding into the cities; a counter movement which would cause a

return to the country, or would at least stay the mad urban movement,

would not only improve the economic status of the race but would also

benefit its physical and moral health. Here is an open field for

practical philanthropy and wise Negro leadership.

The increase in consumption among Negroes is indeed a grave matter, but

it is possible to exaggerate its importance as sociological evidence. If

we listen to the alarmists and social agitators, we would find a hundred

causes, each of which would destroy the human race in a single

generation. The most encouraging evidence on this subject from the

Negro's point of view is afforded by the last report of the Surgeon

General of the United States Army. The statistics thus furnished are the

most valuable for comparative study, since they deal with the two races

on terms of equality, that is, the white and colored men are of about

the same ages and initial condition of health, they receive the same

treatment and are subject to the same diet, work, and social habits. "It

is to be noted, also," says the Surgeon General, "that during the past

two years the rates for consumption among the colored troops have fallen

so as to be much lower than those for the whites, whereas formerly they

were much higher."[34]

The following table prepared by Mr. Hershaw, shows plainly the gradual

decrease of the death rate from consumption in Southern cities for the

past fifteen years.

_Death rate per 1000 among Negroes from Consumption._[35]

City. Period. Rate. Period. Rate. Period. Rate.

Atlanta 1882-1885 50.20 1886-1890 45.88 1891-1895 43.48

Baltimore 1886 58.65 1887 55.42 1892 49.41

Charleston 1881-1884 72.20 1885-1889 68.08 1890-1894 57.66

Memphis 1882-1885 65.35 1886-1890 50.30 1891-1895 37.78

Richmond 1881-1885 54.93 1886-1890 41.63 1892-1895 34.74

It appears that the total death rate as well as that due to consumption

among Negroes reached the maximum about 1880 and has been on the gradual

decline ever since.

Consumption is only one of the contributing causes of the total death

rate. It has been shown that the death rate from all causes does not

necessarily point to the extinction of the race. This being so, there is

no need of unnecessary alarm over a single factor; for in sociology, as

in mathematics, we cannot escape the fundamental truth that the whole is

greater than any of its parts.

VITAL CAPACITY AND ECONOMIC EFFICIENCY.

The author's proposition as to the low vitality of the Negro and its

effect upon his economic efficiency is contrary alike to the traditional

and prevalent belief. The whole fabric of slavery rested upon the

assumption that the Negro was better able to resist the trying condition

of the southern climate than the white laborer. The industrial

reconstruction of the South is building upon the same foundation. No one

doubts that the Negro is able to resist certain miasmatic and febrific

diseases which are so destructive to the white race in the tropical

regions of the earth. Science and wise hygienic appliances have improved

the condition of the white race in this respect, it is true, but will

not the same appliances benefit the Negro in the same degree?

Dr. Daniel H. Williams, surgeon-in-chief of the Freedmen's Hospital, at

Washington, D. C., informs me that during his professional experience he

has performed upward of 3000 surgical operations, one-fourth of which at

least were upon white patients, and that he has found unmistakable

evidence of higher vital power among the colored patients. I am also

informed that this is the general opinion of the medical profession.

Although the author treats exhaustively the whole catalogue of diseases

and the numerous ills which flesh is heir to, it can be safely claimed

that he does not establish his main proposition set forth in the

beginning of the chapter, and that at least a Scotch verdict is

demanded: "not proven."

A Review of Hoffman's Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro The American Negro Academy. Occasional Papers No. 1 · 第 2 / 7 章