[1] This incident is strikingly similar to the story in North American
folk-lore of the maiden captured and carried upward by a vine. Several
other points of likeness appear in the lore of Malaysia, Polynesia,
and America.
[2] See Preface, p. vii.
[3] This incident is unique so far as American or European folk-lore is
concerned, yet it is common in Tinguian tales, while similar stories
are found among the neighboring Ilocano and Igorot tribes of the
Philippines, as well as in Borneo, Java, and India.
[4] The belief that beauty is capable of radiating great light is
not peculiar to Tinguian tales, for it is also found in the Malay
legends and in those of India. It is not impossible that they had a
common origin.
[5] The betel-nut is the nut of the areca palm. It is prepared for
chewing by being cut into quarters, each piece being wrapped in
betel-leaf spread with lime. It produces a blood-red spittle which
greatly discolors the teeth and lips, and it is used extensively
throughout the Philippines. While it appears to have been in common
use among the Tinguian at the time these stories originated, it has
now been displaced by tobacco, except at ceremonies when it is prepared
for chewing; it is also placed on the animals offered for sacrifice to
the spirits. Throughout the tales great significance is given to the
chewing of betel-nuts before names are told or introductions given,
while from the quids and spittle it appears to have been possible to
foretell events and establish relationships.
[6] Compare with the story of Phæton in Bulfinch, _The Age of Fable_,
p. 50.
[7] The Tinguian have no calendar, but reckon time by the recurrence
of the moon.
[8] It is the present custom of the Tinguian to make numerous
ceremonies for the spirits. These vary in length from a few hours
to seventeen days. During this period animals are slaughtered,
small houses are built, mediums deliver messages from the spirits,
and there is much feasting and dancing.
[9] When ripe, the betel-nut is covered with a golden husk, and it
is possibly because of this that they were said to be covered with
gold. The present-day Tinguian, in place of sending the betel-nut,
sends a small piece of gold to any relative or friend whom he specially
wishes to induce to attend a ceremony.
[10] This seems to be peculiar to Tinguian folk-lore.
[11] Except when she is in mourning a Tinguian woman's arms are always
covered with beads placed strand above strand.
[12] The parents of a boy choose his bride when the children are very
young. A great celebration is then held, and relatives and friends
of both parties decide on the price to be paid for the girl. Partial
payment is made at once, and the remainder goes over until the marriage
proper takes place, when the boy and girl are about twelve or fourteen
years of age. In this instance Ini-init makes the customary payment
for his bride, though the marriage had already taken place.
[13] The friends and retainers pound rice and prepare food for all
the guests who attend the ceremony.
[14] A spirit house is one of the small houses built during a ceremony.
[15] reference is probably to ancient Chinese jars.
[16] The custom, which still exists to a certain degree, was to
offer food to a guest before any matter was discussed. In ancient
times this was considered very necessary, as it still is among the
Apayao who live north of the Tinguian. With them to refuse food is
to refuse friendship.
[17] A drink made of fermented sugar-cane.
[18] The old jars possessed by the Tinguian today have notches broken
in the rim, one for each generation through whose hands it has passed.
[19] When the first negotiations are made the boy's parents offer
some gift, nowadays usually a small bead. If this is accepted it
signifies the willingness of the girl's parents to consider the match.
[20] See note 1, p. 15.
[21] The music for the dances is made by beating on drums and copper
gongs. A man and a woman enter the circle, each carrying a large square
of cloth on outstretched arms. Keeping time to the music with their
hands and feet, they move about, coming near to each other and then
drawing farther apart The woman follows the movements of the man and
finally places her cloth on his outstretched arms, thus ending the
dance; another couple then takes their place.
[22] An interesting parallel to this is found in the Dayak legend
of Limbang, where a tree springs from the head of a dead giant; its
flowers are beads; its leaves, cloth; and the fruit, jars. See Roth,
_The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo_, Vol. I, p. 372.
[23] Throughout the Tinguian tales the characters are frequently
described as changing themselves into oil, centipedes, birds, and
other forms. This power is also found among the heroes of Dayak and
Malay tales. See Roth, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 312; Perham, _Journal
Straits Branch R., Asiatic Society, No. 16_, 1886; Wilkinson, _Malay
Beliefs_, pp. 32, 59 (London, 1906).
[24] The Tinguian place a tame rooster in an open spot in the forest
and surround him with a line to which slip nooses are attached. The
crowing of this bird attracts wild ones which come to fight him and
are caught in the nooses.
[25] The water buffalo now used as the beast of burden throughout
the Philippines.
[26] The ordinary dress of the Tinguian man is a clout and a striped
belt, in which he carries his tobacco and small articles. Some of
them also possess striped cotton coats, which they wear on special
occasions.
[27] See note 2, p. 12.
[28] See note 1, p. 13.
[29] This peculiar idea, which frequently appears in Tinguian tales,
is also found in Javanese literature. See Bezemer, _Volksdichtung
aus Indonesien_, p. 47 (Haag, 1904).
[30] See note 3, p. 15.
[31] The powerful deeds of these heroes often resemble the miraculous
achievements of biblical and ancient times.
[32] See note 2, p. 20.
[33] The Tinguian of today do not possess soap, but in its place they
use the ashes from rice straw, or not infrequently they soak the bark
from a certain tree in the water in which they are to wash their hair.
[34] The lawed vine. In ancient Egypt and in India it was a common
belief that friends or relatives could tell from the condition of
a certain tree or vine whether the absent one was well or dead:
if the vine thrived, they knew that all was well, but if it wilted
they mourned for him as dead. It is interesting to find the identical
belief in the northern Philippines.
[35] The Tinguian stove consists of a bed of ashes in which three
stones are sunk, and on these the pots are placed.
[36] It appears that these people of ancient times possessed the same
weapons as those of today. The Tinguian ordinarily wears a head-ax
thrust into his belt, and when at work this is his hand tool. When
on a hunt or during warfare he also carries a wooden shield and a
steel-pointed spear from eight to ten feet in length. For attacks at
a distance he depends on the spear, but in a close encounter he uses
his head-ax and shield, the latter being oblong in shape and having
two prongs at one end and three at the other. The two prongs are to be
slipped about the neck of the victim while the head-ax does its work,
or the three prongs may be slipped about the legs in the same way.
[37] From this and other incidents it is evident that these people
talked with the lightning and thunder. They still have great regard
for the omens derived from these forces; but it is now believed that
thunder is the dog of Kadaklan, the greatest of all the spirits,
and that by the barking of this dog, the god makes known his desires.
[38] Stories in which animals come to the assistance of human beings
are found in many lands. One of those best known to Europeans is
where the ants sort the grain for Cinderella.
[39] See note 2, p. 21.
[40] It was the ancient custom to place the heads of slain enemies at
the gate or around the town, and this practice still prevails with
some of the surrounding tribes. More recently it was the custom to
expose the head at the gate of the town for three days, after which
followed a great celebration when the skulls were broken and pieces
were given to the guests.
[41] In their beliefs of today the Tinguian recognize many giants,
some with more than one head. In a part of the ritual of one ceremony
we read, "A man opens the door to learn the cause of the barking and
he sees a man, fat and tall, with nine heads."
[42] A large bamboo pole, with all but the end section cut out,
serves for a water bucket.
[43] A long bamboo pole, in one end of which a hard-wood point is
inserted. This is thrust into the ground, and in the hole thus made
the grain or cuttings are planted. This old method is still in use
in some sections of the mountains, but on the lowlands a primitive
plow is used to break the soil.
[44] In European, Asiatic, African, and Malaysian lore we find stones
of beings with star dresses: when they wear the dresses they are stars;
when they take them off they are human. See Cox, _An Introduction to
Folklore_, p. 121 (London, 1904.).
[45] note 1, p. 9.
[46] See note 1, p. 12.
[47] Preface, p. vii.
[48] It is the custom to have a small bamboo house built from fifteen
to twenty feet from the ground near the rice fields, and in this
someone watches every day during the growing season to see that
nothing breaks in to destroy the grain. Often flappers are placed in
different parts of the field and a connecting string leads from these
to the little house, so that the watcher by pulling this string may
frighten the birds away from the grain.
[49] See note 1, p. 18.
[50] Preface, p. vi.
[51] The nights in the mountains are cold, and it is not at all
uncommon in the early morning to see groups of people with blankets
wrapped tightly about them, squatting around small fires in the yards.
[52] See note 2, p. 12.
[53] See note 1, p. 13.
[54] See note 1, p. 17.
[55] Compare with the biblical story of the loaves and fishes. For
similar incidents among the Igorot of the Philippines, in Borneo,
and in India, see Jenks, _The Bontoc Igorot_, p. 202; Seidenadel,
_The Language of the Bontoc Igorot_, pp. 491, 41 ff. (Chicago, 1909);
Roth, _The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo_, Vol. I,
p. 319; Tawney, _Katha Sarit Sagara_, Vol. II, p. 3 (Calcutta, 1880);
Bezemer, _Volksdichtung aus Indonesien_, p. 49 (Haag, 1904).
[56] See note 1, p. 15.
[57] See note 3, p. 15.
[58] There appear to have been two classes of spirits, one for whom
the people had the utmost respect and reverence, and another whom
they looked upon as being of service to mortals.
[59] See note 1, p. 30.
[60] The word used in the original is langpadan, meaning mountain
rice. This variety requires no irrigation and is planted to some
extent at the present day, but the great bulk of the grain now used
is grown in wonderfully terraced fields on the mountain sides, where
water for irrigating is brought from distant streams through a system
of flume and bamboo tubes. The fact that only the mountain rice is
mentioned in the tales reflects a very ancient life before irrigated
fields were known.
[61] See note 1, p. 45.
[62] The labeug is the omen bird and is believed to be the direct
messenger of Kadaklan, the great spirit, to the people.
[63] See note 1, p. 34.
[64] See note 1, p. 8.
[65] See Preface, p. vii.
[66] Before the bundles of ripened rice can be put into the granary
a ceremony is made for the spirits. The blood of a pig is mixed with
cooked rice and put in the granary as an offering for the spirit who
multiplies the grain, otherwise the crop would run out in a short time.
[67] See note 1, p. 9.
[68] The spirit who stands next in importance to Kadaklan, the great
spirit. It was he who taught the people all good things, and finally
he married a woman from Manabo in order to bind himself more closely
to them. See "How the Tinguian Learned to Plant."
[69] This story is considered by the Tinguian to be of rather recent
origin. They believe that Sayen lived not so very long ago, yet the
stories woven around him are very similar to the ancient ones.
[70] See "The Alan and the Hunters."
[71] The Tinguian now use flint and steel for making a flame, but it
is not at all uncommon for them to go to a neighbor's house to borrow
a burning ember to start their own fire.
[72] The neighboring Ilocano, a Christianized tribe, know the Komow
as a fabulous bird which is invisible, yet steals people and their
possessions.
[73] See note 1, p. 59.
[74] See note 2, p. 20.
[75] This tale is of special importance to the Tinguian since it
explains how they learned two of the most important things of their
present life--to plant and to cure the sick. It also shows how death
came into the world.
[76] See note 1, p. 59.
[77] It is a common sight in a Tinguian village early in the morning
during the dry season to see a number of men armed with spears and
head-axes leaving for the mountains. They usually take with them,
to assist in the chase, a string of half-starved dogs. Often a net
is stretched across the runway of game, and then, while some of the
hunters conceal themselves near by, others seek to drive the game
into the net, where it is speared to death.
[78] Ancient Chinese jars are found throughout the interior of the
Philippines and are very closely associated with the folk-lore of
the Tinguian. Some of the jars date back to the 10th century, while
many are from the 12th and 14th centuries, and evidently entered the
Islands through pre-Spanish trade. They are held in great value and are
generally used in part payment for a bride and for the settlement of
feuds. For more details see Cole, _Chinese Pottery in the Philippines_,
Pub. Field Museum of Nat. Hist, Vol. XII, No. 1.
[79] This cave is situated in the mountains midway between Patok and
Santa Rosa. In this vicinity are numerous limestone caves, each of
which has its traditions.
[80] Cabildo of Domayco, the envied owner of this jar, has refused
great sums offered for its purchase, and though men from other tribes
come bringing ten carabao at one time, they cannot tempt him to sell.
[81] These beautiful agate beads are still worn by the Tinguian women,
who prize them very highly. They are rarely sold and each is worth
more than a carabao.
[82] The Alan are supposed to be deformed spirits who live in the
forests. They are as large as people, but have wings and can fly. Their
toes are at the back of their feet, and their fingers point backward
from their wrists.
[83] The name by which spirits call human beings.
[84] This treatment of the Alan is typical of that accorded to the
less powerful of the spirits by the Tinguian today. At the ceremonies
they often make fun of them and cheat them in the sacrifices.
[85] Known to the Tinguian as Banog. This bird occupies much the same
place with the Tinguian as does the garuda in East Indian folk-lore.
[86] This tale gives to the Tinguian his idea of the future
world. Sogsogot is supposed to have lived only a short time ago,
and his experiences are well known to all the people.
[87] See note 1, p. 15. Practically this same tale is told by the
neighboring Ilocano, from whom it may have been borrowed; but here
the Tinguian custom of paying a marriage price is introduced.
[88] This type of story is also found farther to the south, where the
cleverness of the small animal causes him to triumph over the strong.
[89] The Tinguian house contains neither tables nor chairs. The people
usually squat on the floor, sitting on their heels; if anything is
used as a seat it is a bit of cocoanut shell or a small block of wood.
[90] Here we have a proverbial tale, one in which the Tinguian
expresses the idea, "Haste makes waste."
[91] Another version of this tale is found in British North Borneo
in the story of the plandok and the crab, while to European children
it is known as the race between the turtle and the hare.
[92] The story shows the influence of the Christianized natives,
among whom cock-fighting is a very popular sport. It is found only
among those Tinguian who come into contact with this class.
[93] Lumawig is the greatest of all spirits and now lives in the
sky, though for a time his home was in the Igorot village of Bontoc,
He married a Bontoc girl, and the stones of their house are still
to be seen in the village. It was Lumawig who created the Igorot,
and ever since he has taken a great interest in them, teaching them
how to overcome the forces of nature, how to plant, to reap and, in
fact, everything that they know. Once each month a ceremony is held in
his honor in a sacred grove, whose trees are believed to have sprung
from the graves of his children. Here prayers are offered for health,
good crops, and success in battle. A close resemblance exists between
Lumawig of the Igorot and Kaboniyan of the Tinguian, the former being
sometimes called Kambun'yan.
[94] The Bukidnon of Mindanao have the following story: During a
great drought Mampolompon could grow nothing on his clearing except
one bamboo, and during a high wind this was broken. From this bamboo
came a dog and a woman, who were the ancestors of the Moro. See
"The White Squash," note 1, p. 186.
[95] At the north end of the village of Mayinit are a number of
brackish hot springs, and from these the people secure the salt
which has made the spot famous for miles around. Stones are placed in
the shallow streams flowing from these springs, and when they have
become encrusted with salt (about once a month) they are washed and
the water is evaporated by boiling. The salt, which is then a thick
paste, is formed into cakes and baked near the fire for about half an
hour, when it is ready for use. It is the only salt in this section,
and is in great demand. Even hostile tribes come to a hill overlooking
the town and call down, then deposit whatever they have for trade and
withdraw, while the Igorot take up the salt and leave it in place of
the trade articles.
[96] The women of Samoki are known as excellent potters, and their
ware is used over a wide area. From a pit on a hillside to the
north of the village they dig a reddish-brown clay, which they mix
with a bluish mineral gathered on another hillside. When thoroughly
mixed, this clay is placed on a board on the ground, and the potter,
kneeling before it, begins her moulding. Great patience and skill
are required to bring the vessel to the desired shape. When it is
completed it is set in the sun to dry for two or three days, after
which it is ready for the baking. The new pots are piled tier above
tier on the ground and blanketed with grass tied into bundles. Then
pine bark is burned beneath and around the pile for about an hour,
when the ware is sufficiently fired. It is then glazed with resin
and is ready to market.
[97] The mythology of nearly all peoples has a flood story. For the
Tinguian account see note on page 103. For the Bukidnon story see
p. 125.
[98] A bamboo basket, in which the heads of victims are kept prior
to the head-taking celebration.
[99] The folk-lore of all countries has some story accounting for
the acquisition of fire. The Tinguian tale is as follows: Once in the
very old times Kaboniyan sent a flood which covered all the land. Then
there was no place for the fire to stay, so it went into the bamboo,
the stones, and iron. That is why one who knows how can still get
fire out of bamboo and stones.
[100] See note 1, p. 99.
[101] The magical increase of food is a popular subject with the
Tinguian, appearing in many of their folk-tales. See note 2, p. 48.
[102] Note the similarity to the story of Moses in this account of
Lumawig striking the rock and water coming out. There is a possibility
that this incident was added to the story after the advent of the
Catholic missionaries.
[103] Usually one or more new coffins can be found in an Igorot
village. They are made from a log split in two lengthwise, each half
being hollowed out. Since their manufacture requires some days, it is
necessary to prepare them ahead of time. After the body is put in, the
cover is tied on with rattan and the chinks sealed with mud and lime.
[104] A somewhat similar idea is found among the Kulaman of southern
Mindanao. Here when an important man dies he is placed in a coffin,
which resembles a small boat, the coffin being then fastened on
high poles near the sea. See Cole, _Wild Tribes of Davao District,
Mindanao_, Pub. Field Museum of Nat Hist, Vol. XII, No. 2, 1913.
[105] This story, first recorded by Dr. A.E. Jenks, gives the origin
of the custom of head-hunting, which plays such an important part
in the life of the Igorot. The Igorot claim to have taken heads ever
since Lumawig lived on earth and taught them to go to war, and they
declare that it makes them brave and manly. The return of a successful
war party is the signal for a great celebration.
[106] This is also the common way of making pottery.
[107] Here we have a story, recorded by Dr. A.E. Jenks, with a twofold
value: it is told to the children as a warning against stinginess,
and it also explains the origin of the serpent eagle.
[108] There is no jungle in the greater part of the Igorot country,
the mountains being covered by cogon grass with occasional pine
trees. At a distance these have a strange appearance, for only the
bushy tops are left, the lower branches being cut off for fuel.
[109] First recorded by Dr. A.E. Jenks.
[110] Tattooing is a painful process, but Igorot men, women, and
children willingly submit to it for the sake of beauty. The design
is first drawn on the skin with an ink made of soot and water:
then the skin is pricked through the pattern and the soot is rubbed
into the wounds. Various designs appear on the face, arms, stomach,
and other parts of the body, but the most important of all markings
is that on the breast of an Igorot man. This designates him as the
taker of at least one human head, and he is thus shown to be worthy
of the respect of his tribe.
[111] This story also accounts for the origin of the crow and the
lizard, both of which are common in the Igorot country.
[112] This story, first recorded by Dr. A.E. Jenks, while it explain
the origin of the little rice bird, also points a moral, namely,
that there is punishment for the disobedient child.
[113] The common way to pound rice is to place a bundle of the grain
on the ground on a dried carabao hide and pound it with a pestle to
loosen the heads from the straw. When they are free they are poured
into a mortar and again pounded with the pestle until the grain is
separated from the chaff, after which it is winnowed.
[114] According to the Klemantin myth (Borneo), the sky was raised
when a giant named Usai accidentally struck it with his mallet while
pounding rice. See Hose and McDougall, _Pagan Tribes of Borneo_,
p. 142.
[115] A somewhat similar belief that a giant crab is responsible for
the tides is widespread throughout Malaysia. The Batak of Palawan now
believe, as also do the Mandaya of eastern Mindanao, that the tides
are caused by a giant crab going in and out of his hole in the sea.
[116] The similarity of this to the biblical story of the Flood leads
us to suppose that it has come from the neighboring Christianized or
Mohammedanized people and has been worked by the Bukidnon into the
mould of their own thought. However, the flood story is sometimes
found in such a guise that it cannot be accounted for by Christian
influence. See for example, _The Flood Story_ as told in the folk-lore
of the Igorot tribe, on p. 102.
[117] This celestial myth accounts for a number of constellations which
are of great importance to the Bukidnon. Magbangal appears in the sky
in almost dipper shape, the handle being formed by his one remaining
arm. To the west and nearly above him is a V-shaped constellation which
is believed to be the jaw of one of the pigs which he killed. Still
farther to the west appears the hill on which he hunted, while
three groups of stars which toward dawn seem to be following him are
said to be his hatchet, the bamboo pole in which he carried water,
and his large pet lizard. It is the appearance and position of these
constellations in the sky that show the Bukidnon when it is the time
to clear land for the yearly crops and to plant the grain; and since
this knowledge is of the utmost importance to the people, they feel
that Magbangal does them a lasting service. The hero Lafaang of a
Borneo myth, who is represented by the constellation Orion, lost his
arm while trying to cut down a tree in a manner different from that
prescribed by his celestial wife, the constellation Pegasen. See Hose
and McDougall, _Pagan Tribes of Borneo_, Vol. II, p. 141.
[118] Long knives.
[119] Cloth is dyed in various colors by boiling it in water in which
different kinds of leaves or roots have been steeped. But to produce
a bluish-black shade the fabric is partly buried in mud until the
desired color is obtained.
[120] Monkeys are numerous throughout the Philippines, and it is
doubtless their human appearance and actions that have caused the
different tribes to try to account for their origin from man. Here
we have the most likely way that the Bukidnon can see for their coming.
[121] This is one of a series of tales dealing with mythical heroes
of former times whose acts of prowess are still recounted by Bukidnon
warriors.
[122] A heavy padded hemp coat with a kilt which is supposed to turn
spears. Over the shoulder is worn a sash in which are a few peculiar
stones and charms which are believed to protect its wearer. Warriors
who have taken thirty human lives are permitted to wear a peculiar
crown-shaped headdress with upstanding points.
[123] See note 1, p. 23.
[124] This is a good example of the way in which people at a certain
stage try to account for their surroundings. Nearly all consider
themselves the original people. We find the Bagobo no exception
to this. In this tale, which is evidently very old, they account
for themselves and their neighbors, and then, to meet present needs,
they adapt the story to include the white people whom they have known
for not more than two hundred years.
[125] These are evil spirits who have power to injure people. They
are ugly to look at and go about eating anything, even dead persons. A
young Bagobo described his idea of a buso as follows: "He has a long
body, long feet and neck, curly hair, and black face, flat nose,
and one big red or yellow eye. He has big feet and fingers, but
small arms, and his two big teeth are long and pointed. Like a dog,
he goes about eating anything, even dead persons." Cole, _Wild Tribes
of Davao District_, Field Museum Nat. Hist., Vol. XII, No. 2, p. 107.
[126] This is evidently an old tale in which the story-teller
introduces modern ideas.
[127] Here, as is often the case, an origin story has been added to
a tale with which it has no logical connection.
[128] This story is well known among the Bilaan, who are one of
the tribes least influenced by the Spaniards, and yet it bears so
many incidents similar to biblical accounts that there is a strong
suggestion of Christian influence. It is possible that these ideas
came through the Mohammedan Moro.
[129] The most powerful of the spirits and the one to whom the people
resort in times of danger.
[130] A similar story is found in British North Borneo. See Evans,
_Journal of Royal Anthropological Institute_, 1913, p. 423.
[131] Melu, Fiuweigh, Diwata, and Saweigh.
[132] Buswit.
[133] An origin story of a very different type from those of the
Bukidnon and Bagobo. While the others show foreign influence, this
appears to be typically primitive.
[134] The omen bird of the Mandaya. It is believed to be a messenger
from the spirit world which, by its calls, warns the people of danger
or promises them success. If the coo of this bird comes from the
right side, it is a good sign, but if it is on the left, in back,
or in front, it is a bad sign, and the Mandaya knows that he must
change his plans.
[135] The crab was called Tambanokano.
[136] An eclipse of the moon. This belief in a monster swallowing the
moon and the wild efforts to frighten it away are very widespread. It
is found among the Batak of Palawan and in other parts of Malaysia
as well as in the South Sea, Mongol, Chinese, Siamese, and Hindoo
mythology. Even in Peru we find the belief that an evil spirit in
the form of a beast was eating the moon, and that in order to scare
it the people shouted and yelled and beat their dogs to make them
add to the noise. See Karlson, _Journal of Religious Psychology,_
November, 1914, p. 164.
[137] First recorded by Emerson B. Christie.
[138] A brass box having three compartments, one for lime, one for
the nut, and another for the betel-leaf, which is used in preparing
the nut for chewing.
[139] The Subanun have adopted the Moro dress, which consists
of long trousers and a coat. The tale shows strong Moro influence
throughout. Seven is a mystic and magical number among the Malay. It
is constantly used in divination and magical practices and repeatedly
occurs in their folk-lore. Skeat explains its importance by referring
to the seven souls which each mortal is supposed to possess. See Skeat,
_Malay Magic_, p. 50.
[140] No tales illustrate to better advantage the persistence of old
stories and beliefs than do these of the Moro. They are permeated with
incidents very similar to those still found among the pagan tribes of
the Archipelago, while associated with these are the spirits and demons
of Hindu mythology. Finally we find the semi-historical events recorded
by the Mohammedanized Malay, the ancestors of the tellers of the tales.
[141] First recorded by N.M. Saleeby.
[142] Those great birds are doubtless derived from Indian literature
in which the fabulous bird garuda played such an important part.
[143] A common name in Malay and Sumatran tales.
[144] Probably Solomon of the Old Testament, who is a great historic
figure among the Malay and who plays an important part in their
romances.
[145] See note 1, p. 28.
[146] In this case of a semi-historic being, whose father was said to
be the brother of the earthquake and thunder, we have an interesting
blending of mythological and historical facts.
[147] Among Malay people the sultan is the supreme ruler of a district,
while petty rulers are known as datos.
[148] Here, as in the Tinguian lore, we find heroes conversing with
animals and commanding the forces of nature to come to their aid.
[149] This tale told by the Ilocano is well known among both the
Christianized and the wild tribes of the Philippines, and also in
Borneo and Java. However, the Ilocano is the only version, so far as
known, which has the explanatory element: the reason is given here why
monkeys do not eat meat. The turtle is accredited with extraordinary
sagacity and cunning. It is another example of the type of tale showing
the victory of the weak and cunning over the strong but stupid. See
"The Turtle and the Lizard," p. 86.
[150] All the events here given represent present-day occurrences,
and the story appears to have been invented purely to amuse.
[151] The headman of the town.
[152] Here we have an excellent illustration of how a story brought in
by the Spaniards has been worked over into Philippine setting. This
is doubtless the classical story of Midas, but since the ass is
practically unknown in the Philippines, horns (probably carabao
horns) have been substituted for the ass's ears, which grew on Midas'
head. Likewise the bamboo, which grows in abundance, takes the place
of the reeds in the original tale.
[153] A common fancy in Malay legends is the supernatural origin of
a child in some vegetable, usually a bamboo. See note 2, p. 99.
[154] A bird something like a hawk.
[155] See note 1, p. 134.
[156] This is undoubtedly a worked-over story, probably brought in
from Europe. Kings, queens, palaces, etc., were, of course, unknown
to the people before the advent of the Spaniards.
[157] A long knife.
[158] The fermented juice of the cocoanut.
[159] This tale bears a striking resemblance to Grimm's "The Table,
the Ass, and the Stick," _Fairy Tales_.
[160] These Visayan tales reflect old beliefs covered with a veneer
of European ideas. The Visayan still holds to many of the old
superstitions, not because he has reasoned them out for himself,
but because his ancestors believed them and transmitted them to him
in such stories as these.
[161] A very old explanatory tale. In a slightly varying form it is
found in other parts of the Islands.
[162] Here we have an old type of tale explaining where monkeys came
from. See note 2, p. 130.
[163] The blow-gun is a Malayan weapon, which is used extensively in
the Philippines. Among certain wild tribes poisoned darts are blown
through it, but among the Christianized tribes a clay pellet is used.
[164] See note 1, p. 197.
[165] A Spanish coin worth half a cent.