CHAPTER I. REMAINS OF PAGANISM IN CHRISTIANITY.

Produced by Turgut Dincer, Craig Kirkwood, and the Online

Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This

file was produced from images generously made available

by The Internet Archive.)

Transcriber’s Notes:

Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_), and text

enclosed by equal signs is in bold (=bold=).

Additional Transcriber’s Notes are at the end.

* * * * *

PAGANISM SURVIVING IN CHRISTIANITY

BY ABRAM HERBERT LEWIS, D.D.

AUTHOR OF “BIBLICAL TEACHINGS CONCERNING THE SABBATH AND THE SUNDAY,”

“A CRITICAL HISTORY OF THE SABBATH AND THE SUNDAY IN THE CHRISTIAN

CHURCH,” “A CRITICAL HISTORY OF SUNDAY LEGISLATION FROM 321 TO 1888,

A.D.,” ETC.

G. P. PUTNAM’S SONS

NEW YORK

27 WEST TWENTY-THIRD STREET

LONDON

24 BEDFORD STREET, STRAND

The Knickerbocker Press

1892

* * * * *

COPYRIGHT, 1892

BY ABRAM HERBERT LEWIS

Electrotyped, Printed, and Bound by

The Knickerbocker Press, New York

G. P. PUTNAM’S SONS

* * * * *

TO GEORGE H. BABCOCK

CO-WORKER IN HISTORIC RESEARCH AND FRIEND THROUGH MANY YEARS, THIS

VOLUME IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED

THE AUTHOR

PREFACE.

He who judges the first century by the nineteenth will fall into

countless errors. He who thinks that the Christianity of the fourth

century was identical with that of the New-Testament period, will go

widely astray. He who does not look carefully into the history of

religions before the time of Christ, and into the pagan influences

which surrounded infant Christianity, cannot understand its subsequent

history. He who cannot rise above denominational limitations and

credal restrictions cannot become a successful student of early Church

history, nor of present tendencies, nor of future developments. History

is a series of results, not a medley of happenings. It is the story of

the struggle between right and wrong; the record of God’s dealing with

men. The “historic argument” is invaluable, because history preserves

God’s verdicts concerning human choices and actions. Events and epochs,

transitions and culminations, are the organized causes and effects

which create the never-ceasing movement, and the organic unity called

history. Hence we learn that ideas and principles, like apples, have

their time for development and ripening; that the stains of sin, the

weakness of error, and the influence of truth commingle and perdure

through the centuries; that good and evil, sin and righteousness,

persist, or are eliminated, in proportion as men heed God’s voice, and

listen to His verdicts.

The scientific study of history reveals the norm by which ideas,

creeds, movements, and methods are to be tested. Such a standard, when

contrasted with the speculations of philosophy, is granite, compared

with sand. God’s universal law, enunciated by Christ, is: “By their

fruits ye shall know them.”

The efforts of partisans to manipulate early history in the interest

of special views and narrow conceptions, have been a fruitful

source of error. Equally dangerous has been the assumption that the

Christianity of the third, fourth, and fifth centuries was identical

with that of the New Testament, or was a fair representative of it.

The constant development of new facts shows that at the point where

the average student takes up the history of Western Christianity, it

was already fundamentally corrupted by pagan theories and practices.

Its unfolding, from that time to the present, must be studied in the

light of this fact. The rise, development, present status, and future

history of Roman Catholicism and Protestantism, cannot be justly

considered, apart from this fact. The fundamental principles, and the

underlying philosophy of these divisions of Christendom originated in

the paganizing of early Christianity. This fact makes the re-study

of the beginnings of Christianity of supreme importance. The pagan

systems which ante-dated Christ, exercised a controlling influence on

the development of the first five centuries of Western Christianity,

and hence, of all subsequent times. This field has been too nearly “an

unknown land,” to the average student, and therefore correct answers

have been wanting to many questions which arise, when we leave Semitic

soil, and consider Christianity in its relation to Greek and Roman

thought. “Early Christianity” cannot be understood except in the light

of these powerful, pre-Christian currents of influence; and present

history cannot be separated from them.

This book presents a suggestive rather than an exhaustive treatment

of these influences, and of their effect on historic Christianity.

The author has aimed to make a volume which busy men may read,

rather than one whose bulk would relegate it to the comparative

silence of library shelves. The following pages treat four practical

points in Christianity, without attempting to enter the field of

speculative theology, leaving that to a future time, or to the pen

of another--viz.: The influence of pagan thought upon the Bible, and

its interpretation; upon the organized Church, through the pagan

water-worship cult; upon the practices and spiritual life of the Church

by substituting pagan holidayism for Christian Sabbathism, through the

sun-worship cult; and upon the spiritual life and subsequent character

of the Church, by the union of Church and State, and the subjugation

of Christianity to the civil power, according to the pagan model.

Facts do not cease to be facts, though denied and ignored. They do not

withdraw from the field of history, though men grow restive under their

condemnation. I have dealt mainly with facts, giving but brief space to

“conclusions.” I have written for those who are thoughtful and earnest;

who are anxious to know what the past has been, that they may the

better understand the duties of the present and the unfolding issues

of the future. Such will not read the following pages with languid

interest nor careless eyes.

The issues involved are larger than denominational lines, or the

boundaries of creeds. They are of special interest to Protestants,

since they involve not only the reasons for the revolt against

Roman Catholicism, but the future relations of these divisions of

Christendom, to each other, and to the Bible. The supreme source of

authority in religion is directly at issue in the questions here

treated. That is a definite and living question which cannot be

waived aside. At this threshold, the author extends the welcome which

each searcher after facts and fundamental truths gives to fellow

investigators.

ABRAM HERBERT LEWIS.

Room 100, Bible House, New York City, May, 1892.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I. REMAINS OF PAGANISM IN CHRISTIANITY 1

Preliminary Survey--An Imaginary Past--Issue between

Protestantism and Romanism--General Testimony Relative to

Pagan Elements in Christianity, from Dyer, Lord, Tiele,

Baronius, Polydore Virgil, Fauchet, Mussard, De Choul,

Wiseman, Middleton, Max Müller, Priestley, Thebaud,

Hardwick, Maitland, Seymore, Renan, Killen, Farrar,

Merivale, Westropp and Wake, and Lechler.

CHAPTER II. PAGAN METHODS OF INTERPRETING THE SCRIPTURES 31

Contrast between the Christianity of the New Testament and

That of the Later Centuries--Gnosticism and Allegorical

Interpretation--Testimony of Harnack and Bauer Concerning

the “Hellenization of Christianity”--Hatch on “Pagan

Exegesis”--The “Fathers” as Allegorists; Justin, Clement of

Alexandria, Barnabas, and Others--Examples: “The Red Heifer

a Type of Christ”; “Spiritual Circumcision”; “Scriptural

Significance of Foods”; “The Cross in the Old Testament”;

“Why Are There One Hundred and Fifty Psalms?”; “The Phœnix

a Type of the Resurrection”; “Gnostic Exposition of the

Decalogue”; “Types of Christ”; Various Examples from

Augustine.

CHAPTER III. ASIATIC PAGAN WATER-WORSHIP 71

Fundamental Corruption of Christian Baptism through

Pagan Water-Worship--“Baptismal Regeneration,” the

Product of Paganism--Spiritual Purity Sought through

Pagan Baptism--Testimonies from Jamblicus, Virgil,

Ovid, Herodotus, Juvenal, and Others--Baptism and

Serpent-Worship--Baptism and Egyptian Sun-Worship--The

Sacred Nile--The Prevalence of Water-Worship in

India--Sacred Wells--Sacred Rivers--Modern Buddhistic and

Modern Hindu Baptism.

CHAPTER IV. WATER-WORSHIP IN NORTHERN EUROPE AND IN MEXICO 98

Water-Worship Prominent in Many Ways, and Associated with

Holy Seasons--Infant Baptism among the Scandinavians and

Teutons--Pagan “Christening of Children”--Sacred Water as a

Safeguard against Disease, etc.--Virtue of Water Used for

Mechanical Purposes--Water Sprites--Similarity between Roman

Catholicism and Paganism of Mexico--Aztec Baptism--Prayer

for “Baptismal Regeneration” of Child by Mexican Midwife.

CHAPTER V. GREEK WATER-WORSHIP 112

Sprinkling and Immersion Both Used--Prominence of “Baptismal

Regeneration”--Lustral Water at Temple Doors--Baptism of

Animals--Influence of “The Greek Mysteries” on Christian

Baptism--Initiatory Baptisms--Scenic Illustrations--Mithraic

Baptism Engrafted on Grecian--“Creed,” “Symbol,” Drawn from

Grecian Water-Worship Cult--Identity of Grecian and Roman

Catholic Forms--The Use of Spittle in Pagan Baptism.

CHAPTER VI. PAGAN WATER-WORSHIP TRANSFERRED TO CHRISTIANITY 128

Testimony from Tertullian, Barnabas, Justin, Methodius,

the Apostolic Constitutions, etc.--Holy Water, or Repeated

Baptism, Borrowed without Change--Magical Effects of Holy

Water, the Same in Christian as in Pagan Cult--Baptism of

Animals by Holy Water, to Produce Magical Results--Holy

Water Prepared after the Pagan Method--Consecration of

Baptismal Waters Borrowed from Pagan Combination of Sun-

and Water-Worship--The Church Filled with Baptized but

Unconverted Pagans, and so Passed under Pagan Control.

CHAPTER VII. PAGAN SUN-WORSHIP 156

Sun-Worship the Oldest and Most Widely Diffused

Form of Paganism--Gnostic Antinomianism or

Lawlessness--Anti-Judaism, Mainly of Pagan

Origin--Anti-Sabbathism and Sunday Observance

Synchronous--Anti-Lawism and Anti-Sabbathism

Unscriptural--Christ’s Teachings Concerning the Law of God;

Paul’s Teachings on the Same--Destructive Effect of Pagan

Lawlessness on Christianity.

CHAPTER VIII. SUNDAY OBSERVANCE UNKNOWN TO CHRISTIANITY

BEFORE THE MIDDLE OF THE SECOND CENTURY 171

Mistaken Notions Concerning the Beginning of

Sunday Observance--No Sunday Observance in the New

Testament--Sunday Directly Referred to but Three Times--It

is Never Spoken of as a Sabbath, nor as Commemorative of

Christ’s Resurrection--The Bible does Not State that Christ

Rose on Sunday--Christ and His Disciples Always Observed

the Sabbath--The Change of the Sabbath Unknown in the

New Testament--The Sabbath Never Called “Jewish” in the

Scriptures, nor by Any Writer until after Paganism had

Invaded the Church--Origin of Sunday Observance Found in

Paganism--First Reference to Sunday Observance about 150

A.D.--No Writer of the Early Centuries Claimed Scriptural

Reasons for Its Observance--Pagan Reasons and Arguments

Adduced in Its Support; a Day of “Indulgence to the

Flesh”--Pretended Scriptural Reasons, _ex post facto_.

CHAPTER IX. STATE RELIGION A PAGAN INSTITUTION 188

Christ’s Attitude toward the State--The Roman Conception

of Religion as a Department of the State--Roman Civil Law

Created and Regulated All Religious Duties--Effect of the

Pagan Doctrine of Religious Syncretism on Christianity--The

Emperor a Demi-God, Entitled to Worship, and, _ex officio_,

the Supreme Authority in Religion--The Deep Corruption of

Roman Morals and Social Life under Pagan State Religion.

CHAPTER X. THE CONTROL OF CHRISTIANITY BY THE STATE UNDER

CONSTANTINE AND HIS SUCCESSORS 203

A New Epoch in the Paganizing of Christianity--Paganism

Seeking a New God, Strong Enough to Save the

Empire--Constantine Not a “Christian Emperor,” but

Superstitious, Time-Serving, and Ambitious--Murdering His

Kindred while Promoting Christianity as a Rising Political

Influence--Seeking Christianity Mainly for Ambitious

Ends--Professing Christianity Only on his Death-Bed--Making

the Most of Both Worlds--Constantine Corrupted and Perverted

Christianity More than He Aided It.

CHAPTER XI. CONSTANTINE’S LEGISLATION CONCERNING THE PAGAN

SUNDAY 217

All His Tolerative Legislation Essentially Pagan--Christians

did Not Seek for Sunday Laws--The First Sunday Law, 321

A.D., Pagan in Every Particular--Essentially Identical with

Existing Laws Concerning Other Days--Legislation against

Heathen Religions Feeble and Unenforced--Constantine Not a

“Christian Prince.”

CHAPTER XII. OTHER FORMS OF PAGAN RESIDUUM IN CHRISTIANITY 231

A Low Standard of Religious Life--Faith in Relics--The Cross

an Ancient Pagan (Phallic) Symbol--A “Charm” borrowed from

Paganism--Constantine’s Use of the Composite Symbol as a

Military Standard--Prevalence of Faith in “Charms”--Sign

of the Cross in Baptism--Baptism and Holy Water as

“Charms”--Stupendous Miracles, like Pagan Prodigies, through

Baptism--Delayed Baptism--Orientation at Baptism, etc.

CHAPTER XIII. SAME SUBJECT CONTINUED 263

Lights in Worship--Worshipping “toward the East”--Easter

Fires--Beltane or Baal Fires--Penance--Mariolatry--The

Mass--Purgatory and Prayers for the Dead--Peter’s

Keys--Christmas--Easter--Lent, etc.

CHAPTER XIV. FIVE CONCLUSIONS. THE FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES OF

PROTESTANTISM INVOLVED IN PRESENT ISSUES 282

Protestants must Accept the Bible _in Fact_, as well as in

Theory, or be Overthrown--The Bible must be Reinterpreted

in the Light of “Higher Criticism” and Deeper Spiritual

Life--The Present Tendencies in Bible Study Mark the Opening

of the Second Stage of the Protestant Movement--Baptism

must Cease to be the Foot-Ball of Denominational Polemics

and be Raised to a Question of Obedience to the Example

of Christ--Protestants must Return to the Sabbath,

Christianized by Christ, and to True Sabbathism, Which Is

as Undenominational as Faith--Such Sabbathism, and God’s

Sabbath, must be Restored to the Place from Which Pagan

No-Sabbathism and the Pagan Sunday Drove Them--“Sabbath”

Legislation Is Unchristian--All Union of Christianity with

the State must Yield before the Normal Development of True

Protestantism.

INDEX 301

* * * * *

PAGANISM IN CHRISTIANITY.

CHAPTER I. REMAINS OF PAGANISM IN CHRISTIANITY.

Preliminary Survey--An Imaginary Past--Issue between Protestantism

and Romanism--General Testimony Relative to Pagan Elements in

Christianity, from Dyer, Lord, Tiele, Baronius, Polydore Virgil,

Fauchet, Mussard, De Choul, Wiseman, Middleton, Max Müller,

Priestley, Thebaud, Hardwick, Maitland, Seymore, Renan, Killen,

Farrar, Merivale, Westropp and Wake, and Lechler.

A preliminary survey is the more necessary lest the general reader

fail to grant the facts of history a competent hearing and a just

consideration. Unconsciously men think of the earliest Christianity as

being like that which they profess. They measure the early centuries

by their own. Their Church, its doctrines, forms, creeds and customs,

stands as the representative of all Christianity. It seems like a “rude

awakening” to ask men to believe that there is a “pagan residuum” in

their faith, or in the customs of their fathers. The average Christian

must pass through a broadening process, before he can justly consider

such a question. Unhappily, there are too many who are unwilling to

undergo such an enlargement of their religious and historical horizon

as will make them competent to consider those facts which every earnest

student of history must face. But the Christian who believes in the

immortality of truth, and in the certainty of its triumph, will welcome

all facts, even though they may modify the creed he has hitherto

accepted.

A writer in the _Edinburgh Review and Critical Journal_, commenting on

the revised volumes of Bishop Lightfoot on _Ignatius_ and _Polycarp_,

speaking of the tendency to judge the early centuries by our own, thus

vitiating our conclusions, says:

“The danger of such inquiries lies in the difficulty of resisting the

temptation to frame pictures of an imaginary past; and the passion

for transferring to the past the peculiarities of later times may be

best corrected by keeping in view the total unlikeness of the first,

second, or third centuries to anything which now exists in any part

of the world.”

Protestants in the United States are poorly prepared to consider so

great a question as that which this book passes under review, because

they have not carefully considered the facts touching their relations

to Roman Catholicism. The Anglo-Romish controversy, in England, in the

earlier part of the present century made the question of paganism in

Christianity prominent for a time. But the discussion was so strongly

partisan and controversial that it could not produce the best results.

Truth was much obscured by the determined effort of Protestant writers

to show that the pagan residuum was all in the Catholic Church; whereas

the facts show that there could have been no Roman Catholic Church had

not paganism first prepared the way for its development by corrupting

the earliest Christianity. The facts show, with equal vividness,

that Protestantism has retained much of paganism, by inheritance.

Protestantism, theoretically, means the entire elimination of the

pagan residuum; practically, that work is but fairly begun. It must be

pushed, or the inevitable backward drift, the historical “undertow”

will re-Romanize the Protestant movement. The expectations and purposes

of Roman Catholicism all point towards such a result.

This chapter will make a general survey of the field, as it is seen by

men of different schools, that the reader may be the better prepared

for a more specific treatment of the subject.

DYER says:

“The first Roman converts to Christianity appear to have had very

inadequate ideas of the sublime purity of the gospel, and to have

entertained a strange medley of pagan idolatry and Christian truth.

The emperor Alexander Severus, who had imbibed from his mother,

Mammæa, a singular regard for the Christian religion, is said to have

placed in his domestic chapel the images of Abraham, of Orpheus, of

Apollonius, and of Christ, as the four chief sages who had instructed

mankind in the methods of adoring the Supreme Deity. Constantine

himself, the first Christian emperor, was deeply imbued with the

superstitions of paganism; he had been Pontifex Maximus, and it was

only a little while before his death that he was formally received

by baptism into the Christian Church. He was particularly devoted to

Apollo, and he attempted to conciliate his pagan and his Christian

subjects by the respect which he appeared to entertain for both. An

edict enjoining the solemn observance of Sunday was balanced in the

same year[1] by another directing that when the palace or any other

public building should be struck by lightning, the haruspices should

be regularly consulted.”[2]

In a similar strain Professor LORD speaks yet more strongly:

“But the church was not only impregnated with the errors of pagan

philosophy, but it adopted many of the ceremonials of Oriental

worship, which were both minute and magnificent. If anything marked

the primitive church it was the simplicity of worship, and the

absence of ceremonies and festivals and gorgeous rites. The churches

became in the fourth century as imposing as the old temples of

idolatry. The festivals became authoritative; at first they were

few in number and voluntary. It was supposed that when Christianity

superseded Judaism, the obligation to observe the ceremonies of

the Mosaic law was abrogated. Neither the apostles nor evangelists

imposed the yoke of servitude, but left Easter and every other

feast to be honored by the gratitude of the recipients of grace.

The change in opinion, in the fourth century, called out the severe

animadversion of the historian Socrates, but it was useless to stem

the current of the age. Festivals became frequent and imposing. The

people clung to them because they obtained a cessation from labor,

and obtained excitement. The ancient rubrics mention only those of

the Passion, of Easter, of Whitsuntide, Christmas, and the descent of

the Holy Spirit. But there followed the celebration of the death of

Stephen, the memorial of St. John, the commemoration of the slaughter

of the Innocents, the feasts of Epiphany, the feast of Purification,

and others, until the Catholic Church had some celebration for some

saint and martyr for every day in the year. They contributed to

create a craving for outward religion, which appealed to the sense

and the sensibilities rather than the heart. They led to innumerable

quarrels and controversies about unimportant points, especially in

relation to the celebration of Easter. They produced a delusive

persuasion respecting pilgrimages, the sign of the cross, and the

sanctifying effects of the sacraments. Veneration for martyrs ripened

into the introduction of images--a future source of popular idolatry.

Christianity was emblazoned in pompous ceremonies. The veneration of

saints approximated to their deification, and superstition exalted

the mother of our Lord into an object of absolute worship. Communion

tables became imposing altars typical of Jewish sacrifices, and the

relics of martyrs were preserved as sacred amulets....

“When Christianity itself was in such need of reform, when Christians

could scarcely be distinguished from pagans in love of display, and

in egotistical ends, how could it reform the world? When it was a

pageant, a ritualism, an arm of the state, a vain philosophy, a

superstition, a formula, how could it save if ever so dominant?

The corruptions of the Church in the fourth century are as well

authenticated as the purity and moral elevation of Christianity in

the second century. Isaac Taylor has presented a most mournful view

of the state of Christian society when the religion of the cross had

become the religion of the state, and the corruptions kept pace with

the outward triumph of the faith, especially when the pagans had

yielded to the supremacy of the cross.”[3]

Many of the corrupting elements which entered into early Christianity

came from the Orient, by way of Greece and Rome. TIELE speaks of the

influx of these in the following words:

“The Greek deities were followed by the Asiatic, such as the Great

Mother of the gods, whose image, consisting of an unhewn stone, was

brought at the expense of the state from Pessinus to Rome. On the

whole, it was not the best and loftiest features of the foreign

religions that were adopted, but rather their low and sensual

elements, and these too in their most corrupt form. An accidental

accusation brought to light in the year 186 B.C. a secret worship of

Bacchus which was accompanied by all kinds of abominations, and had

already made its way among thousands....

“The eyes of the multitude were always turned toward the East, from

which deliverance was expected to come forth, and secret rites

brought from there to Rome were sure of a number of devotees. But

they were only bastard children, or at any rate the late misshapen

offspring of the lofty religions which once flourished in the East,

an un-Persian Mithra worship, an un-Egyptian Serapis worship, an Isis

worship which only flattered the senses and was eagerly pursued by

the fine ladies, to say nothing of more loathsome practices. And yet

even these aberrations were the expression of a real and deep-seated

need of the human mind, which could find no satisfaction in the

state religion. Men longed for a God whom they could worship, heart

and soul, and with this God they longed to be reconciled. Their own

deities they had outgrown, and they listened eagerly therefore to

the priests of Serapis and of Mithra, who each proclaimed their God

as the sole-existing, the almighty, and the all-good, and they felt

especially attracted by the earnestness and strictness of the latter

_cultus_. And in order to be secure of the eradication of all guilt,

men lay down in a pit where the blood of the sacrificial animal

flowed all over them, in the conviction that they would then arise

entirely new-born.”[4]

Many Roman Catholic writers, with an honesty which all classes might

well emulate, openly recognize the paganizing of the Church, which

took place before the organization of the papacy.

BARONIUS says:

“It was permitted the Church to transfer to pious uses those

ceremonies which the pagans had wickedly applied in a superstitious

worship, after having purified them by consecration; so that,

to the greater contumely of the devil, all might honor Christ

with those rites which he intended for his own worship. Thus the

pagan festivals, laden with superstition, were changed into the

praiseworthy festivals of the martyrs; and the idolatrous temples

were changed to sacred churches, as Theodoret shows.”[5]

POLYDORE VIRGIL says:

“The Church has borrowed many customs from the religion of the Romans

and other pagans, but it has meliorated them and applied them to a

better use.”[6]

FAUCHET says:

“The bishops of this kingdom employ all means to gain men to Christ,

converting to their use some pagan ceremonies, as well as they did

the stones of their temples to the building of churches.”[7]

PIERRE MUSSARD says:

“William de Choul,[8] counsellor to the king and bailiff of the

mountains, composed, an age ago, a treatise of the religion of the

ancient Romans, wherein he shows an entire conformity between old

Rome and new. On the point of religion he closes with these words[9]:

‘If we consider carefully,’ says he, ‘we shall see that many

institutions in our religion have been borrowed and transferred from

Egyptian and Pagan ceremonies, such as tunics and surplices, priestly

ornaments for the head, bowing at the altar, the solemnity at mass,

music in churches, prayers, supplications, processions, litanies, and

many other things. These our priests make use of in our mysteries,

and refer them to one only God, Jesus Christ, which the ignorance of

the heathen, their false religion, and foolish presumption perverted

to their false gods, and to dead men deified.’”[10]

During the Tractarian controversy in England, John Poynder wrote

_Popery in Alliance with Heathenism_, to show that Roman Catholicism is

essentially pagan. Cardinal Nicholas Wiseman, then a professor in the

University at Rome, replied under the title: _Letters to John Poynder,

Esq., upon his Work Entitled “Popery in Alliance with Heathenism_,”

London, 1836.

In Letter Second, WISEMAN says:

“I will, for a moment, grant you the full extent of your assumptions

and premises; I will concede that all the facts you have brought

forward are true, and all the parallels you have established between

our rites and those of paganism, correct; and I will join issue with

you on your conclusions, trying them by clearly applicable tests....

The first person who argued as you have done was Julian the Apostate,

who said that the Christians had borrowed their religion from the

heathens. This proves at once that even then the resemblance existed,

of which you complain as idolatrous. So that it is not the offspring

of modern corruption, but an inheritance of the ancient church. It

proves that the alliance between Christianity and heathenism existed

three hundred years after Christ, and that consequently so far popery

and ancient Christianity are identical. The Manichees also are

accused by St. Augustine, writing against Faustus, of having made the

same charge.”

Dr. Wiseman enumerates many items of resemblance which Poynder does

not, and retorts by showing that the English Church yet retains the

paganism which it inherited from papacy. He emphasizes the pagan

characteristics which appear in the building, adornment, and services

of St. Paul’s Cathedral, London, claiming that if a Roman pagan were

to be resurrected and brought to St. Paul’s he would recognize the

likeness to his ancient faith on every hand. Dr. Wiseman’s testimony is

of great value, since, as a defender of Romanism, he also defends the

policy which corrupted early Christianity in the West, by conforming it

to the popular paganism in order to secure a nominal conversion of the

pagans.

CONYERS MIDDLETON, whose _Letter from Rome_ forms one of the standard

authorities concerning the paganism of the early Church, says:

“Aringhus, in his account of _Subterraneous Rome_, acknowledges

this conformity between the pagan and popish rites, and defends the

admission of the ceremonies of heathenism into the service of the

Church, by the authority of their wisest popes and governors, who

found it necessary, he says, in the conversion of the Gentiles, to

dissemble and wink at many things, and yield to the times; and not

to use force against customs which the people were so obstinately

fond of; nor to think of extirpating at once everything that had

the appearance of profane; but to supersede in some measure the

obligation of the sacred laws, till these converts, convinced by

degrees, and informed of the whole truth by the suggestions of the

Holy Spirit, should be content to submit in earnest to the yoke of

Christ.”[11]

Further important testimony is found in the following. Writing of the

first three centuries after Christ, MAX MÜLLER says:

“That age was characterized far more than all before it, by a

spirit of religious syncretism, an eager thirst for compromise.

To mould together thoughts which differed fundamentally, to grasp,

if possible, the common elements pervading all the multifarious

religions of the world, was deemed the proper business of philosophy,

both in the East and West. It was a period, one has lately said, of

mystic incubation, when India and Egypt, Babylonia and Greece, were

sitting together and gossiping like crazy old women, chattering with

toothless gums and silly brains about the dreams and joys of their

youth, yet unable to recall one single thought or feeling with that

vigor which once gave it light and truth.

“It was a period of religious and metaphysical delirium, when

everything became everything, when Maya and Sophia, Mithra and

Christ, Viraf and Isaiah, Belus, Zarvan, and Kronos were mixed up in

one jumbled system of inane speculation, from which at last the East

was delivered by the positive doctrines of Mohammed, the West by the

pure Christianity of the Teutonic nations.”[12]

Dr. JOSEPH PRIESTLEY says:

“The causes of the corruptions were almost wholly contained in

the established opinions of the heathen world, and especially the

philosophical part of it; so that when those heathens embraced

Christianity, they mixed their former tenets and prejudices with

it.... The abuse of the _positive institutions_ of Christianity,

monstrous as they were, naturally arose from the opinions of the

purifying and sanctifying virtue of rites and ceremonies, which was

the very basis of all the worship of the heathens.”[13]

THEBAUD says:

“Therefore this same ‘high civilization,’ as it is called, in the

midst of which Christianity was preached, was a real danger to the

inward life of the new disciple of Christ.

“How could it be otherwise, when it is a fact, now known to all,

that, even at the beginning of the fifth century, Rome was almost

entirely pagan, at least outwardly and among her highest classes; so

that the poet Claudian, in addressing Honorius at the beginning of

his sixth consulship, pointed out to him the site of the Capitol,

still crowned with the temple of Jove, surrounded by numerous pagan

edifices, supporting in air an army of gods; and all around, temples,

chapels, statues without number; in fact, the whole Roman and Greek

mythology, standing in the city of the catacombs and of the pope.

“The public calendars, preserved to this day, continued to note the

pagan festivals, side by side with the feasts of the Saviour and his

apostles. Within the city and beyond, throughout Italy and the most

remote provinces, idols and their altars were still surrounded by the

thronging populace, prostrate at their feet.”[14]

HARDWICK describes the tendency to reproduce pagan theories and customs

in the early Church as follows:

“Or take again the swarm of heresies that soon invaded almost

every province of the early Church. Abandoning, as they did, the

more essential of the supernatural truths of revelation, they were

virtually and in effect revivals of paganism, and family likenesses

may accordingly be traced among the older speculations current in the

schools of heathen philosophy. In discussing, for example, the nature

of the divine Son-ship, Sabellius and his party taught a doctrine

very similar to that already noticed in the Trimurrti of India;

while Docetism, starting from a notion that the spiritual and the

material cannot permanently co-exist, had merely reproduced the Hindu

doctrine of Avataras. The inward correspondence in the texture of

ideas had issued in a similar deprivation of revealed truth. Or if,

penetrating below the surface, we investigate the elementary thoughts

and feelings that hereafter found utterance in monastic institutions

of the Church, we find that on one side those ideas are alien from

the spirit of primitive Christianity, and on the other that they had

long been familiar in the East, before they were appropriated or

unconsciously reproduced among one class of Christians in Syria and

Egypt. India was the real birthplace of monasticism, its cradle being

in the haunts of earnest _yogins_, and self-torturing devotees, who

were convinced that evil is inherent not in man only, but in all the

various forms of matter, and accordingly withdrew as far as possible

from contact with the outer world. At first, indeed, the Christian

hermit, like the earliest of his Hindu prototypes, had dwelt alone on

the outskirts of his native town, supporting himself by manual labor,

and devoting all the surplus of his earnings to religious purposes.

“But during the fourth century of the present era many such

hermits began to flock together in the forest, or the wilderness,

where regular confraternities were organized upon a model more or

less derived from the Egyptian Therapeutæ, and the old Essenes

of Palestine; the members in their dress and habits most of all

resembling those of the religious orders who still swarm in Thibet

and Ceylon.”[15]

MAITLAND bears important testimony touching many points in which

Christianity was paganized. He sums up the general results in the

following concerning the worship of martyrs:

“The degrees of worship and adoration, since defined with fatal

precision by the Romish Church, were not then fixed; and the heathen,

even less willing than the Christian laity to enter into refinements

on the subject, saw no distinction between one form and another. The

consequences were disastrous in the extreme; the charge of idolatry,

mutually urged by the contending parties, lost the force, or rather

was effectively employed by the pagans, after it had become powerless

in Christian hands. Thus it was that, although the pure doctrines of

our faith speedily displaced the profligate polytheism of the empire,

the after conflict was long doubtful, being maintained by a religion

enfeebled by admixture with foreign elements, against one that had

profited by adversity, and had not scrupled to borrow largely from

its rival. We read in fable of the struggle between the man and the

serpent, in which at length the combatants become transformed into

the shapes of each other. In the last contest between paganism and

Christianity we find the sophist contending for the unity of God, and

accusing the Christian of undisguised polytheism; and on the other

side the Christian insisting on the tutelary powers of glorified

mortals, and the omniscience of departed spirits.”[16]

Similar testimony is borne by SEYMORE, who says:

“The apostasy of the Church of Rome will be more apparent when we

reflect that the character of the mediation which Romanism ascribes

to its saints is precisely the same as that which heathenism ascribes

to its demi-gods. It was believed among the heathen that when a man

became illustrious for his deeds, his conquests, his inventions,

or aught else that distinguished him as a benefactor of mankind,

he could be canonized and enrolled among inferior deities. He thus

became a mediator whose sympathies with his fellow-men on the one

hand, and whose merits with the gods on the other fitted him for

the mediatorial office of bearing the prayers and wants of mortals

to the presence of the gods. The heathen philosophers, Hesiod,

Plato, and Apuleius, all thus speak of those persons. The last named

philosopher says: ‘They are intermediate intelligences, by whom our

prayers and wants pass unto the gods. They are mediators between the

inhabitants of the earth and the inhabitants of heaven, carrying

thither our prayers, and drawing down their blessings. They bear

back and forwards prayers for us, and supplies for them; or they

are those that explain between both parties, and who carry our

adorations.’ This was the creed of heathenism, and in nothing but

the name does it differ from the corresponding creed of Romanism.

When the Church of Rome finds members of her communion whom she

regards as signally pious, or illustrious for supposed miraculous

powers, she holds that they be canonized and enrolled among her

saints; that they can mediate between God and man; that they have

sufficient favor or influence with God to obtain compliance with

our prayers, and therefore they are fitting objects to whom our

confessions, invocations, and prayers may be offered; or, as she

expresses it in her creed, ‘that the saints reigning with Christ

are to be honored and invoked, and that they offer prayers to God

for us.’ The principle of heathen Romanism, and the principle of

Christian Romanism are one and the same, the only difference is

in the details of the names. And the origin of the practice is

demonstrative of this; for when it was found, after the establishment

of Christianity in the times of Constantine, when the great object

of the court was to promote uniformity of religion, that many of the

heathen would outwardly conform to Christianity if allowed to retain

in private their worship of their guardian or tutelar divinities,

they were so allowed, merely on changing the names of Jupiter to

Peter, or Juno to Mary, still worshipping their old divinities under

new names, and even retaining old images that were baptized with

Christian names. This is apparent in the writings of those times,

and was thought a measure of wisdom, a stroke of profound policy, as

tending to produce a uniformity of religion among the unthinking

masses. The invocations of Juno have been transferred to Mary; the

prayers to Mercury have been transferred to Paul. We see not how the

substitution of the names of Damian or Cosmo, for those of Mercury

or Apollo, or how the substitution of the names of Lucy or Cecelia,

for those of Minerva or Diana, can alter the idolatrous character of

the practice. In some instances they have not even changed the names,

and Romulus and Remus are still worshipped in Italy, under the more

modern names of St. Romulo and St. Remugio. The simple people believe

them to have been two holy bishops. I have myself witnessed this

near Florence, and even Bacchus is not without his votaries, under

the ecclesiastical name of St. Bacco. The principle and practice of

papal Rome are identical with the principle and practice of pagan

Rome. Every argument to justify one may be equally urged to justify

or extenuate the other. And if the principle and practice of pagan

Rome are to be pronounced as idolatrous, I see not why the very same

principle and practice in papal Rome should not be pronounced as

idolatrous likewise.”[17]

In the light of all the facts Mr. Seymore cannot fasten the pagan

residuum upon Romanism alone. The controlling trend into paganism

was established before the papacy was developed; and if new forms of

expression appeared afterward, they were but the fruitage of earlier

tendencies.

RENAN, speaking of the relation between the religious _cultus_ of the

Orient and early Christianity, says:

“This is the explanation of the singular attraction which about the

beginning of the Christian era drew the population of the ancient

world to the religions of the East. These religions had something

deeper in them than those of Greece and Rome; they addressed

themselves more fully to the religious sentiment. Almost all of them

stood in some relation to the condition of the soul in another life,

and it was believed that they held the warrant of immortality. Hence

the favor in which the Thracian and Sabasian mysteries, the _thiasi_,

and confraternities of all kinds, were held. It was not so chilly in

these little circles, where men pressed closely together, as in the

great icy world of that day. Little religions like the worship of

Psyche, whose sole object was consolation for human mortality, had

a momentary prevalence. The beautiful Egyptian worship, which hid a

real emptiness beneath a great splendor of ritual, counted devotees

in every part of the empire. Isis and Serapis had altars even in

the ends of the world. A visitor to the ruins of Pompeii might be

tempted to believe that the principal worship which obtained there

was that of Isis. These little Egyptian temples had their assiduous

worshippers, among whom were many of the same class as the friends of

Catullus and Tibullus. There was a morning service; a kind of mass,

celebrated by a priest, shorn and beardless. There were sprinklings

of holy water; possibly benediction in the evening. All this

occupied, amused, soothed. What could any one want more?

“But it was above all the Mithraic[18] worship which, in the second

and third centuries, attained an extraordinary prevalence. I

sometimes permit myself to say that, if Christianity had not carried

the day, Mithraicism would have become the religion of the world.

It had its mysterious meetings, its chapels, which bore a strong

resemblance to little churches. It forged a very lasting bond of

brotherhood between its initiates; it had a Eucharist, a supper so

like the Christian mysteries that good Justin Martyr the Apologist

can find only one explanation of the apparent identity, namely, that

Satan, in order to deceive the human race, determined to imitate the

Christian ceremonies, and so stole them. A Mithraic sepulchre in the

Roman catacombs is as edifying, and presents as elevated a mysticism,

as the Christian tombs.”[19]

Describing the earliest Christianity, KILLEN bears valuable testimony

to the fact that the features of paganism which became prominent at a

later period were wholly wanting in the earliest Christianity. He shows

that the Church was Judaistic in forms and practice.

These are his words:

“A Roman citizen, when present for the first time at the worship

of the Church, might have remarked how profoundly it differed

from the ritual of paganism. The services in the great heathen

temples were but an imposing scenic exhibition. The holy water for

lustration, the statues of the gods with wax tapers burning before

them, the officials robed in white surplices, and the incense

floating in clouds and diffusing perfume all around, could only

regale the sense or light up the imagination. No stated time was

devoted to instruct the assembly; and the liturgy--often in a dead

language--as it was mumbled over by the priest, merely added to

the superstition and the mysticism. But the worship of the Church

was, in the highest sense, a ‘reasonable service.’ It had no parade,

no images, no fragrant odors; for the first hundred years it was

commonly celebrated in private houses or the open fields; and yet it

addressed itself so impressively to the understanding and the heart

that the congregations of the faithful frequently presented scenes

incomparably more spirit-stirring and sublime than anything ever

witnessed in the high places of Greek or Roman idolatry....

“No individual or church court is warranted to tamper with symbolic

ordinances of divine appointment; for as they are the typical

embodiment of great truths, any change essentially vitiates their

testimony. But their early administrators overlooking this grave

objection, soon ceased to respect the integrity of baptism and

the Lord’s Supper. In the third century a number of frivolous and

superstitious ceremonies--such as exorcism, unction, the making of

the sign of the cross on the forehead, and the kiss of peace--were

already tacked to baptism; so that the beautiful significance of

the primitive observance could not be well seen under these strange

trappings. Before the middle of the second century the wine of

the Eucharist was mixed with water; fifty years afterwards the

communicants participated standing; and at length the elements

themselves were treated with awful reverence. The more deeply to

impress the imagination, baptism and the Eucharist began to be

surrounded with the secrecy of the heathen mysteries, and none save

those who had received the ordinances were suffered to be present at

their dispensation. The ministers of the Church sadly compromised

their religion when they thus imitated the meretricious decorations

of the pagan worship. As might have been expected, the symbols so

disfigured were misunderstood and misrepresented. Baptism was called

regeneration, and the Eucharist was designated a sacrifice. Thus

a door was opened for the admission of a whole crowd of dangerous

errors.”[20]

The tendency to religious syncretism, during the early centuries, was a

prolific source of corruption to New Testament Christianity. Speaking

of the results of this tendency, and of the composite character of

the religious _cultus_ at Alexandria, in the time of Hadrian (117-138

A.D.), Canon FARRAR says:

“There was no city in the empire in which a graver task was assigned

to the great scholars and teachers of Christianity than the city of

Alexandria. It was the centre of the most energetic intellectual

vitality; and there, like the seething of the grapes in the vine

cluster, the speculations of men of every religion and every

nationality exercised a reciprocal influence on each other.

“A single letter of Hadrian presented by Vopiscus will show the

confusion of thought and intermixture of religions which prevailed

in that cosmopolitan city, and the aspect presented by its religious

syncretism to a cool and cynical observer. ‘Those who worship

Serapis,’ he says in a letter to a friend, ‘are Christians, and those

who call themselves Bishops of Christ are votaries of Serapis. There

is no ruler of a synagogue there, no Samaritan, no presbyter of the

Christians, who is not an astrologer, who is not a soothsayer, who

is not a gymnast. The patriarch of the Jews himself when he comes to

Egypt is forced by one party to worship Serapis, by the other Christ.

They have but one God who is no God; him Christians, him Jews, him

all races worship alike.’ To the disdainful and sceptical mind of

the emperor, who deified his own unhappy minion, Christianity,

gnosticism, Judaism, paganism were all forms of one universal

charlatanry and sham.”[21]

In writing of Leo the Great (440-461) founder of the papacy, Dean

MERIVALE gives a graphic picture of the state of Christianity at that

time. Space is here taken for a copious extract that the weight of

Merivale’s name and words may add force to the facts. He says:

“It will be admitted, I trust, without entering upon disquisitions

which would be inappropriate to this occasion, that the corruptions

of Christian faith against which our own national Church and many

others rose indignantly at the Reformation had for the most part

struck their foundations deep in the course of the fifth century;

that though they had sprung up even from an earlier period, and

though they developed more in some directions, and assumed more

fixity in the darker times that followed, yet the working of the

true Christian leaven among the masses was never more faint, the

approximation of Christian usage to the manners and customs of

paganism never really closer, than in the age of which we are now

speaking. We have before us many significant examples of the

facility with which the most intelligent of the pagans accepted the

outward rite of Christian baptism, and made a nominal profession of

the faith, while they retained and openly practised, without rebuke,

without remark, with the indulgence even of genuine believers, the

rites and usages of the paganism they pretended to have abjured. We

find abundant records of the fact that personages high in office,

such as consuls and other magistrates, while administering the laws

by which the old idolatries were proscribed, actually performed

pagan rites, and even erected public statues to pagan divinities.

Still more did men, high in the respect of their fellow-Christians,

allow themselves to cherish sentiments utterly at variance with the

definitions of the Church. Take the instance of the illustrious

Bishop Synesius. Was he a Christian, was he a pagan; who shall say?

He was famous in the schools of Alexandria as a man of letters, a

teacher of the ancient philosophies, an admirer of the pagan Hypatia.

The Christian people of Ptolemais, enchanted with his talents,

demanded him for their bishop. He protests not indeed that he is an

unbeliever--but that his life and habits are not suitable to so high

an office. He has a wife whom he cannot abandon, as the manners of

the age might require of him; whom he will not consort with secretly,

as the manners of the age would, it seems, allow. ‘But further I

cannot believe,’ he adds, ‘that the human soul has been breathed

into flesh and blood; I will not teach that this everlasting world

of matter is destined to annihilation; the resurrection, as taught

by the Church, seems to me a doubtful and questionable doctrine. I

am a philosopher, and cannot preach to the people popularly.’ In

short, he maintains to all appearance that if he is a believer in

Jesus Christ, he is a follower of Plato; and such doubtless were

many others. The people leave him his wife and his opinions, and

insist that he shall be their bishop. He retains his family ties,

his philosophy, his Platonism, his rationalism, and accepts the

government of the Church notwithstanding. Again we ask, was Synesius

a Christian or a pagan? The instance of such a bishop, one probably

among many, is especially significant; but the same question arises

with regard to other men of eminence of the period. Was Boëthius,

a century later, the imitator of Cicero, Christian or pagan? Was

Simplicius, the commentator on Plato? Was Ausonius, the playful

poet and amiable friend of the Bishop Paulinus, who celebrates

Christ in one poem, and scatters his allusions to pagan mythology

indiscriminately in many others? We know that Libanius, the intimate

friend and correspondent of Basil, was a pagan of the pagans; but he

did not on that account forfeit the confidence of a sainted father of

the Christian Church. So indifferent as Christians seem to have been

at this period to their own creed, so indifferent to the creed of

their friends and associates, we cannot wonder if it has left us few

or but slight traces of a vital belief in the principles of divine

redemption.

“We must make, indeed, large allowance for the intellectual trials

of an age of transition when it was not given to every one to see

his way between the demands urged upon an intelligent faith by the

traditions of a brilliant past on the one hand, and the intimations

of an obscure and not a cheerful future on the other. We hardly

realize, perhaps, the pride with which the schools of Athens

and Alexandria still regarded their thousand years of academic

renown, while the Christian Church was slowly building up the

recent theological systems on which its own foundations were to be

secured for the ages to follow. We need not complain of Leo, and

other Christian doctors, if they shrank, as I think they did, from

rushing again into polemics with the remnant of the philosophers,

whose day, they might think, was sure to close at no distant date.

But the real corruption of the age was shown in the unstinted

adoption of pagan usages in the ceremonial of the Christian Church,

with all the baneful effects they could not fail to produce on the

spiritual training of the people. There are not wanting, indeed,

passages in the popular teachings of St. Leo, in which he beats the

air with angry denunciations of auguries, and sortilege, and magic,

stigmatizes idolatry as the worship of demons, and the devil as the

father of pagan lies. But neither Leo, nor, I think, the contemporary

doctors of the Church, seem to have had an adequate sense of the

process by which the whole essence of paganism was throughout their

age constantly percolating the ritual of the Church and the hearts

of the Christian multitude. It is not to these that we can look for

a warning that the fasts prescribed by the Church had their parallel

in the abstinence imposed by certain pagan creeds, and required

to be guarded and explained to the people in their true Christian

significance; that the monachism they extolled so warmly, and which

spread so rapidly, was in its origin a purely pagan institution,

common to the religions of India, Thibet, and Syria, with much,

no doubt, to excuse its extravagance in the hapless condition of

human life at the period, but with little or nothing to justify it

in the charters of our Christian belief; that the canonizing of

saints and martyrs, the honors paid them, and the trust reposed in

them, were simply a revival of the old pagan mythologies; that the

multiplication of formal ceremonies, with processions and lights and

incense and vestments, with images and pictures and votive offerings,

was a mere pagan appeal to the senses, such as can never fail to

enervate man’s moral fibre; that, in short, the general aspect of

Christian devotion, as it met the eye of the observer, was a faint

and rather frivolous imitation of the old pagan ritual, the object

of which, from first to last, was not to instruct, or elevate man’s

nature, but simply to charm away the ills of life by adorning and

beautifying his present existence.”[22]

Witness also the following from WESTROPP and WAKE:

“In popular customs, and even in religious institutions, these things

are as plainly perceived to-day as when Adonis and Astarte were the

Gods of the former world. The sanctities, the powers, the symbols,

and even the utensils of the ancient faith have been assumed, if not

usurped or legitimately inherited, by its successors. The two holies

of the Gnostics and Neo-Platonists, Sophia and Eirene--Wisdom and

Peace--were adopted as saints in the calendar of Constantinople.

Dionysius, the god of the mysteries, reappears as St. Denys in

France, St. Liberius, St. Eleutherius, and St. Bacchus; there is

also a St. Mithra; and even Satan, prince of shadows, is revered as

St. Satur and St. Swithin. Their relics are in keeping. The holy

virgin Astræa or Astarte, whose return was announced by Virgil in the

days of Augustus, as introducing a new golden age, now under her old

designation of Blessed Virgin and Queen of Heaven, receives homage as

‘the one whose sole divinity the whole orb of the earth venerates.’

The Mother and Child, the latter adorned with the nimbus or aureole

of the ancient sun-gods, are now the objects of veneration as much

as were Ceres and Bacchus, or Isis and Horus, in the mysteries.

Nuns abounded alike in Christian and Buddhist countries, as they

did formerly in Isis-worshipping Egypt; and if their maidenhood is

not sacrificed at the shrine of Baal-Peor, or any of his cognate

divinities, yet it is done in a figure; they are all ‘brides of

the Saviour.’ _Galli_ sing in the churches, and consecrated women

are as numerous as of old. The priestly vestments are like those

formerly used in the worship of Saturn and Cybele; the Phrygian

cap, the pallium, the stole, and the alb. The whole Pantheon has

been exhausted, from the Indus, Euphrates, and the Nile, to supply

symbolic adornment for the apostles’ successors. Hercules holds the

distaff of Omphale. The Lily has superseded the Lotus, and celibacy

is exalted above the first recorded mandate of God to mankind....

“It is true, doubtless, that there is not a fast or festival,

procession or sacrament, social custom or religious symbol, that did

not come ‘bodily’ from the previous paganism. But the pope did not

import them on his own account; they had already been transferred

into the ecclesiastical structure, and he only accepted and perhaps

took advantage of the fact. Many of those who protest because of

these corruptions are prone to imitate them more or less, displaying

an engrafting from the same stock.”[23]

A late German writer of note and authority, LECHLER, thus states the

relative influence of paganism and Judaism on early Christianity:

“Putting together all that has been said, we get the impression

that, in respect to the Gentile Christians in the second half of

the Apostolic age, heathenism was the vastly predominant power that

partly from without threatened the Church, and partly from within

prepared the most hazardous disputes. It was an anti-Christian gnosis

proceeding from heathen ideas; frequently also a moral error stained

with heathen licentiousness, that became dangerous to souls. On the

other hand, according to all the documents of that later apostolic

time that we possess, Judaism, broken as a political power, was no

longer a dangerous opponent of the Church of Christ as a spiritual

power; the time in which Judaizing errorists possessed a powerful

influence over spirits was visibly passed.”[24]

With such a preview, made up from writers of such authority and

ability, the fact of the existence of an immense amount of pagan

residuum in Christianity is placed beyond question. The reader may be

surprised; may shrink from such facts. But shrinking from facts, or

denying them, does not remove or destroy them. Facts are immortal. He

who will take the trouble to follow through the successive chapters

will see by what means, and in what ways, Christianity was corrupted,

and whence came the pagan residuum that yet remains. Suggestions in

outline will also be found, as to how the remaining residuum can be

removed.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] It was the next day.

[2] _History of Rome_, by Thomas H. Dyer, LL.D., p. 295, New York and

London, 1877.

[3] _The Old Roman World_, by John Lord, LL.D., chap. xiii., p. 558

ff., New York, 1873.

[4] _Outlines of the History of Religions_, by Prof. C. P. Tiele,

translated from the Dutch by J. E. Carpenter, pp. 242, 244. London and

Boston, 1877.

[5] _Epitome Annalium Cardinalis Baronii, a Spondano._ In Dues Partes.

p. 79, Lugduni, 1686.

[6] _De Inventore Rerum_, lib. v., cap. i., Venetus, 1490.

[7] _Antiquities of France_, lib. 2, cap. 1.

[8] _Faux Visage de l’Antiquité._

[9] Which are to be found in the edition printed with the king’s

privilege, at Lyons, by William Rouille, anno 1556.

[10] _Conformity between Ancient and Modern Ceremonies_, Leyden, 1677,

pp. 4, 5.

For the original, see _Veterum Romanorum Religio_, Guilielmo du Choul,

Amstelædami, 1685, p. 216.

[11] _Middleton’s Works_, vol. iii., pp. 117, 118, London, 1752. See

also Aringhus, _Rom. Subter._, tom. 1, lib. i., c. 21.

[12] _Last Results of Persian Research_, in _Outlines of the Philosophy

of History_, by C. C. J. Bunsen, chap. 3, sec. 1, part 1, of First

Part, London, 1854.

[13] _History of the Corruption of Christianity_, vol. ii., pp. 441,

442, Birmingham, 1782.

[14] _The Irish Race in the Past and the Present_, by Rev. Aug.

Thebaud, S. J., p. 63, New York, 1876.

[15] _Christ and Other Masters_, by Charles Hardwick, M.A., part 2, p.

183, Cambridge, 1857.

[16] _The Church in the Catacombs_, etc., by Chas. Maitland, M.D., p.

306, London, 1846.

[17] _Evenings with the Romanists_, pp. 221-223, London, 1854.

[18] Eastern sun-worship.

[19] _Influence of Rome on Christianity_, Hibbert Lectures for 1880, p.

33 ff.

[20] _The Old Catholic Church_, etc., W. D. Killen, D.D., pp. 44-6,

Edinburgh, 1871.

[21] _Lives of the Fathers_, vol. i., pp. 350-1, Edinburgh, 1889.

[22] _Four Lectures on Some Epochs of Early Church History_, by Charles

Merivale, D.D., Dean of Ely, pp. 149-155, New York, Randolph; no date.

[23] _Ancient Symbol Worship_, Westropp and Wake, pp. 94, 96, New York,

1874.

[24] _Apostolic and Post-Apostolic Times_, G. V. Lechler, D.D., pp.

262, 263.

Paganism Surviving in Christianity · 第 1 / 14 章