THE FIFTH AVENUE HOTEL CONFERENCE OF 1876

[_From the "Sun," April 7, 1900._]

"A man with half a memory writes a long letter to the _Evening

Post_ of this city recalling the circumstances of the once-famous

Fifth Avenue Hotel Conference of May, 1876. He thinks the political

situation is ripe for another such demonstration on the part of

eminent citizens who do not want to vote for McKinley again, yet

view with apprehension the probability that Bryan will be the

alternative choice. There is as much time now before the two great

nominating conventions, he points out, as there was when Carl Schurz

and others met in the Fifth Avenue Hotel to save the country. A

quarter of a century has considerably idealized his mental picture

of that conference and its results. This is his description of it

now:

"'It was a gathering of the foremost patriots in the nation,

regardless of party affiliations, to discuss the political situation

and suggest to the country a programme for the Presidential canvass

which was soon to begin. There were philosophers and scholars of the

first rank, eminent lawyers, and brilliant editors, and men who had

won renown in many a fierce campaign as "practical" politicians and

popular leaders. The call which brought them together distinctly

disavowed the idea of nominating a candidate or framing a platform,

except, possibly, in the barest outlines. The whole purpose of the

conference was to end at one stroke some of the false conditions

against which the conscience and intelligence of the country were in

revolt, but not to pull down anything for which it was not prepared

to offer something better as a substitute.'

"This conference to which the writer in the _Evening Post_ refers

in terms of reverence, amounting almost to awe, met at the Fifth

Avenue Hotel on May 16, 1876, in response to a call signed by

Mr. Schurz and a few others. There were present about two hundred

gentlemen, mostly of the type which afterward came to be known as

the Mugwump; that is to say, the type addicted to proclaiming its

superior intelligence and conscience in political affairs. As might

be expected, the Hon. Carl Schurz, the Flying Dutchman of American

politics, was the most conspicuous figure. He made the principal

speech, and he was chairman of the committee which prepared and

reported a pretentious 'address to the country.' This address to the

country constituted the sole fruit of the conference's deliberations.

"Let us supplement the half-memory of the man who wants another

such demonstration of the foremost patriots, philosophers, and

scholars, under the leadership once more, as we assume from the

tone of his letter, of the Hon. Carl Schurz. At the time the

conference met there was nothing murky in the political situation.

On the Republican side the nomination of Governor Hayes, of Ohio,

was clearly indicated. The _Sun_ had predicted it long before the

patriots and philosophers assembled. Mr. Blaine was an aggressive

candidate, and there was some third-term talk about Gen. Grant;

but the Conkling-Blaine feud and the Bristow disaffection already

rendered practically certain the nomination of a compromise

candidate not identified with either faction, and the logic of the

situation pointed directly to Governor Hayes. On the other side

everything was shaping towards the event which occurred at St.

Louis six weeks later, the nomination on the second ballot, by far

more than the required two-thirds majority, of Samuel J. Tilden,

a statesman and reformer representing with singular closeness the

ideal which was declared to be in the minds of Mr. Carl Schurz and

his associates.

"That celebrated address which Mr. Schurz drafted, with the

assistance of the intelligence and conscience of the country, could

scarcely have called more pointedly for Tilden and barred out Hayes

as the President desired by the foremost patriots, philosophers,

and scholars, had it mentioned their names. We quote from Mr. Carl

Schurz's address to the country:

"'We shall support no candidate who, however favorably judged by his

nearest friends, is not publicly known to possess those qualities of

mind and character which the stern task of genuine reform requires,

for the American people cannot now afford to risk the future of the

republic in experiments on merely supposed virtue or rumored ability

to be trusted on the strength of private recommendations.

"'The man to be intrusted with the Presidency this year must have

deserved not only the confidence of honest men, but also the fear

and hatred of the thieves.

"'The country must now have a President whose name is already a

watchword of reform, whose capacity and courage for the work are

matters of record rather than promise.'

"There was much more of the same sort in the address which Mr.

Schurz signed and the Fifth Avenue Hotel conference issued. Within

a few weeks the Republican party nominated the man whose capacity

and courage for the work of reform were matters of promise only,

and the Democracy put up the statesman already publicly known to

possess those qualities of mind and character which the stern task

of genuine reform required.

"What was the sequel? A few weeks later the Hon. Carl Schurz, the

author of all the high-sounding professions in the address to the

country, was hard at work persuading citizens of the Mugwump type

to cast their votes for Hayes and against Tilden; and a few months

later, after Mr. Hayes had failed to secure a majority of the

electoral vote, but had been counted into the office to which Mr.

Tilden was elected, the Hon. Carl Schurz, reformer and leader of the

Fifth Avenue Hotel conference, got his pay for partisan activity;

it came in the shape of a Cabinet appointment, which he promptly

accepted.

"Such is the true story of the May conference of 1876."

Letters and Literary Memorials of Samuel J. Tilden, v. 2 · 第 16 / 295 题