Maxwell had been gone a week now, and no tidings of him had

[Illustration:

CHAMBERS’S JOURNAL

OF

POPULAR

LITERATURE, SCIENCE, AND ART

Fifth Series

ESTABLISHED BY WILLIAM AND ROBERT CHAMBERS, 1832

CONDUCTED BY R. CHAMBERS (SECUNDUS)

NO. 151.—VOL. III. SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 20, 1886. PRICE 1½_d._]

NOTHING NEW.

Antiquaries are always delighted to remind us that there is nothing new

under the sun. When we boast of the great European art of printing,

they bring in the Chinese as evidence against us. Certain it is,

however, that the Romans used movable types to mark their pottery

and bread, and even to indorse their scroll-books. But if this is

to be called printing, then the Accadians, and their successors the

Assyrians, did the like on a grand scale many centuries before. To the

last-named people, moreover, must be ascribed, so far as we at present

know, the invention of a magnifying lens of rock-crystal, a thing

so well made, that Sir David Brewster pronounced it a true optical

instrument. It was found amid the ruins of Nimroud by Layard.

It is curious to see also how great natural laws have been dimly

apprehended centuries before they were rendered demonstrable. The law

of gravitation was undoubtedly discerned by Sir Isaac Newton; but it is

remarkable that in Cary’s translation of Dante’s _Inferno_ an idea very

like it occurs, namely:

Thou wast on the other side, so long as I

Descended; when I turned, thou did’st o’erpass

That point, to which from every part is dragged

All heavy substance.

Of this passage, Monti remarks that if it had met the eye of Newton,

it might better have awakened his thought to conceive the system of

attraction than the accidental fall of an apple.

For fifty or sixty years before any real light was thrown upon the

nature of gravitation, Pedro Mexia of Seville had a clear and correct

idea of its action. Thus, in his _Silva de Varia Leccion_ (published

in 1542, and which in various translations was in great demand until

the middle of the seventeenth century), the following appears: ‘The

sky is above in all parts of the earth, and the centre of the earth

is below, towards which all heavy things naturally tend from whatever

side of the earth; so that if God had made a hole, which by a true

diameter passing through the whole earth, from the point where we are,

as far as the other opposite and contrary to this, on the other side

of the earth, passed through the centre of it: then if one dropped a

plummet, as masons do, know that it would not pass to the other side of

the earth, but would stop and place itself in the centre of it; and if

from the other side one let fall another, they would meet together in

the very centre, and there they would stop. It is quite true that the

force might well cause the plummet to pass somewhat beyond, because its

movement, so long as it was going towards the centre, would naturally

be accelerated, passing somewhat beyond, but in the end it would return

to its place.’

Of this old Spanish work, an English translation was made by T.

Fortescue, and printed in London in 1576, entitled _The Forest,

or Collection of Historyes, no less profitable than pleasant and

necessary_. Another appeared in 1613 with sundry essays by other

authors, entitled _The Treasurie of Ancient and Modern Times_.

Considering that London publishing was on a small scale two and three

centuries ago, it is difficult to believe that Newton missed seeing

these works, even if he had not heard of the original. At anyrate, he

must in all probability have read what Shakspeare, borrowing probably

from the same source, puts into the mouth of Cressida:

But the strong base and building of my love

Is as the very centre of the earth,

Drawing all things to it.

_Troilus and Cressida_, act iv. scene 2.

Some anticipations of telegraphy are also very interesting. Galileo, in

his _Dialogues on the Two Systems of the World_, that is, the Ptolemaic

and Copernican, and which he wrote in 1632, makes Sagredo say: ‘You

remind me of one who offered to sell me a secret art, by which, through

the attraction of a certain magnet needle, it would be possible to

converse across a space of two or three thousand miles. I said to him

that I would willingly become the purchaser, provided only that I might

first make a trial of the art, and that it would be sufficient for the

purpose if I were to place myself in one corner of the sofa and he in

the other. He replied that in so short a distance the action would be

scarcely discernible; so I dismissed the fellow, and said that it was

not convenient for me just then to travel into Egypt or Muscovy for

the purpose of trying the experiment; but that if he chose to go there

himself, I would remain in Venice and attend to the rest.’

It appears, however, that telegraphy took form as an idea two thousand

years ago, for Addison, in one of his delightful essays in the

_Spectator_ (No. 241), tells us that ‘Strada, in one of his Prolusions,

gives an account of a chimerical correspondence between two friends

by the help of a certain lodestone, which had such virtue in it, that

if it touched two several needles, when one of the needles so touched

began to move, the other, though at never so great a distance, moved

at the same time, and in the same manner. He tells us that the two

friends, being each of them possessed of one of these needles, made a

kind of a dial-plate, inscribing it with the four-and-twenty letters,

in the same manner as the hours of the day are marked upon the ordinary

dial-plate. They then fixed one of the needles on each of these plates

in such a manner that it could move round without impediment, so as to

touch any of the four-and-twenty letters. Upon their separating from

one another into distant countries, they agreed to withdraw themselves

punctually into their closets at a certain hour of the day and to

converse with one another by means of this their invention.’

In Homer’s _Odyssey_, translated by Pope, the following curious

description—originally detected by an ingenious mechanic—of the

Phœacian ships of old, has been well observed by the late Dr Birkbeck

to be no inaccurate description of steam-navigation:

So shalt thou instant reach the realm assigned

In wondrous ships, self-moved, instinct with mind.

* * * * *

Though clouds and darkness veil the encumbered sky,

Fearless, through darkness and through clouds they fly;

Though tempests rage—though rolls the swelling main,

The seas may roll, the tempests swell in vain.

E’en the stern god that o’er the waves presides,

Safe as they pass, and safe repass the tides,

With fury burns; whilst careless they convey

Promiscuous every guest to every bay.

It would almost appear from the above passage, which for ages was

considered merely a bold flight of the imagination, that the ancients

were not unacquainted with some method beyond that of the ordinary

sail, of propelling vessels through water with safety and celerity.

Even that horror of naval warfare, the fish-torpedo, seems to have been

once afloat in the mind of Ben Jonson, although there are good reasons

for thinking he derived the idea itself from Drummond the inventor,

whom he visited at Hawthornden in 1619. In Jonson’s play, _The Staple

of News_ (act iii. scene 1), we read:

_Thomas._ They write here one Cornelius’ son

Hath made the Hollanders an invisible eel

To swim the Haven at Dunkirk, and sink all

The shipping there.

_Pennyboy._ But how is’t done?

_Cymbal._ I’ll show you, sir.

It’s an automa, runs under water

With a snug nose, and has a nimble tail

Made like an auger, with which tail she wriggles

Betwixt the coats of a ship, and sinks it straight.

_Pennyboy._ A most brave device

To murder their flat bottoms!

Some of the most beneficent and useful discoveries in medical science

appear to have been anticipated years ago. For example, certain skulls

of prehistoric man have afforded the clearest evidence that even at

that remote period the art of _trepanning_ must have been practised

upon them. A skull found in the tomb of the Incas, near the city of

Cuzco, exhibited distinct marks of having undergone a like operation.

According to a reputed discovery by M. Stanislaus Julien, it appears

that as far back as the third century of our era, the Chinese were in

possession of an anæsthetic agent which they employed during surgical

operations. A description of this was discovered by M. Julien in a work

preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale, called _Kou-kin-i-tong_, or

a General Collection of Ancient and Modern Medicines, which appears

to have been published in the sixteenth century. In a biographical

notice of Hoa-tho, who flourished under the dynasty of Wei, between the

years 220 and 230 of our era, it is stated that he gave the patient a

preparation of _cannabis_ (_Ma-yo_), who in a few moments became as

insensible as one plunged in drunkenness or deprived of life; then,

according to the case, he made incisions, amputations, &c. After a

certain number of days, the patient found himself re-established,

without having experienced the slightest pain during the operation. It

appears from the biography of Han that this _cannabis_ was prepared by

boiling and distillation.

Of the Germ Theory of disease, it must also be said, it is no

novelty. That noted physician, Athanasius Kircher, in his work on the

plague—published at Rome in 1658—attributed the origin of epidemics to

germs, or, as he termed them, animalcules. He argued that each kind of

putrefaction gives rise to a special virus, which produces a definite

species of malady.

Even sticking-plaster is not a modern surgical appliance. One of

the highest living authorities in organic chemistry states that the

ordinary lead-plaster now so commonly used was said to be discovered by

the Roman physician Menecrates in the middle of the first century.

Some readers of this _Journal_ will remember that while the British

Association was in progress at Montreal (1884), a telegram was received

from Mr Caldwell in Australia, notifying that he had found _monotremes

oviparous with mesoblastic ovum_—that is, that the ornithorhynchus,

the duck-bill or water mole, laid eggs. This piece of news greatly

interested naturalists, since it was justly regarded as furnishing one

more link in the chain of evidence tending to support the evolution

hypothesis. However, in a work entitled _The Literary Pancratium_,

by Robert and Thomas Swinburn Carr, published in London in 1832, a

quotation in the form of a footnote appears on page 8, as follows: ‘But

this is New Holland, where it is summer with us when it is winter in

Europe, and _vice versâ_; where the barometer rises before bad weather,

and falls before good; where the north is the hot wind, and the south

the cold; where the humblest house is fitted up with cedar; where

the fields are fenced with mahogany, and myrtle-trees are burnt for

firewood; where the _swans are black_ and the eagles white; where the

kangaroo, an animal between the squirrel and the deer, has five claws

on its forepaws and three talons on its hind-legs, like a bird, and

yet hops on its tail; where the mole lays eggs, and has a duck’s bill;

where there is a bird with a broom in its mouth instead of a tongue;

where there is a fish, one half belonging to the genus _Raja_, and the

other to that of _Squalus_; where the pears are made of wood, with the

stalk at the broader end; and where the cherry grows with the stone on

the outside.’—(Field’s _New South Wales_, page 461.)

In striking contrast to all the above-named instances of rediscovery,

is that fact furnished by some Assyrian bas-reliefs—that is, that the

lion, or at least the Asiatic species, has a _claw_ in the tuft of

his tail. This fact, which, strangely enough, was disputed in classic

times, although forty years before the birth of Christ, Didymus

of Alexandria discovered it, had been quite overlooked by modern

naturalists. Soon after the finding of the sculpture, Mr Bennett, an

English zoologist, verified the observation.

Homer’s famous story of the battle between the frogs and the mice is

doubtless a political satire. That the story was originally suggested

by actual observation is not an unreasonable fancy. Homer may even have

seen the mimic campaign for himself, for it is but a tradition that he

was blind. In a recent number of _Nature_, a correspondent states that

he saw a short time since several mice pursuing some frogs in a shed.

The alacrity of the reptiles rendered the attacks of the mice futile

for some time. ‘Again and again the frogs escaped from the clutches of

their foes, but only to be recaptured, severely shaken, and bitten.’

They were at length ‘overpowered by the mice, which devoured a part of

them.’

The first scientific expedition on record is one in which Aristotle

was sent by Alexander the Great (more than 300 B.C.) for the purpose

of collecting subjects for a History of Animals. In this enterprise he

met with both the paper and the pearly nautilus; for in the _Historia

Animalium_, he says, after describing different forms of Cephalopods,

which no doubt abounded in Asiatic seas: ‘There are also two other

kinds of polypes which are in shells, the one [that is, the paper

nautilus] has a shell which is not naturally adherent to it; it feeds

very frequently near the land, and being cast by the waves on the sand,

the shell slips, and it dies; but the other [the pearly nautilus]

is in a shell in which it exists after the manner of a snail, and

outwardly extends its arms.’—(_Scaliger’s translation._) Nothing was

added to this account during the dark ages that succeeded, nor even

till some time after the revival of literature. No further information

respecting the nautilus was obtained until the discovery of a living

specimen early in the eighteenth century by Rumphius, a Dutch merchant

and naturalist, resident at Amboyna. His drawing of the soft parts

separated from the shell was greatly valued for more than a century

before another specimen was found, although the shells were cast ashore

in comparative abundance. This specimen was sent to Professor Owen, and

formed the subject of an elaborate memoir by him in 1832. It may be

said to have been the first to confirm the history of this remarkable

organism given more than two thousand years before.

Here, then, we have another instance of modern research simply

verifying that which was an ancient discovery.

It is even said that the stereoscope, which is Professor Wheatstone’s

invention, was known to Euclid, and minutely described by Galen,

the physician, sixteen centuries ago; moreover, it was still more

completely defined in the works of Baptista Porta in the year 1599.

As for photography, its discovery is by common consent referred to

Daguerre, who announced it to the Academy of Sciences in 1839. This

beautiful art has, however, been found clearly described by M. Jobard

in his _Nouvelles Inventions aux Expositions Universelles_, 1857, taken

from a translation from the German three hundred years ago.

An ancient gold coin _recast_ is, after all, the same precious metal;

even so, truths long lost are, when found, restamped by human thought

and made current again for the world’s good. How few are privileged, or

have the genius, to enrich mankind with an original discovery!

BY ORDER OF THE LEAGUE.

CHAPTER XIV.

Le Gautier followed the footman into the drawing-room, where Enid

was engaged with some visitors—three tall showy-looking girls, with

an extremely vivacious mother. Le Gautier stood looking out of one

of the windows, and noticed with satisfaction their intention of a

speedy exit. For some moments the visitors remained chattering, and

then, after a profusion of compliments, accompanied by much laughter,

their voluminous skirts were heard switching down the broad staircase.

It has often been a matter of speculation as to whether a man can be

in love with two women at the same time; but without going into this

delicate question, it is possible to imagine a man with a penchant for

two women, though the experiment probably would be attended with great

hazard and danger. Le Gautier forgot the dark-eyed Marie, as he gazed

upon Enid’s fairer charms.

‘You have heard nothing of Maxwell?’ he asked after a pause in the

desultory conversation. ‘A strange thing he does not write. Many men

would imagine that such a thing is not altogether an accident; there

are occasions when a little absence from the gaze of man is desirable,

Miss Charteris.’

‘Many men, as usual, would be wrong,’ Enid answered coldly. ‘You should

not shield your want of charity by these generalities, Monsieur le

Gautier, though perhaps you have derived benefit from these absences

yourself, you seem to understand the subject so thoroughly.’

Enid was angry at his cool insolence, and replied to his want of taste

by a little plain language herself; and her random shaft went home.

‘You are severe; but really, while sorry for Maxwell, there is

something in it which is comforting to me. Can you not guess what I

mean?’

Enid Charteris, though guileless and pure as woman can be, had not

mixed with the great world for nothing. She had had suitors enough to

know what a proposal was, and above all things she dreaded one from

this man. Some instinct told her he would be a dangerous enemy. ‘You

speak in riddles,’ she said calmly. ‘I have not been educated to the

language of diplomacy. Pray, explain yourself.’

‘Then I must be more explicit. Maxwell’s absence rids me of a dangerous

rival. Now he is away, the path is all the smoother for me. Need I tell

you, Miss Charteris—Enid—that I love you? Surely you must have known

that for a long time past. While another was in the way, I sealed my

lips; but I can restrain myself no longer now.’

‘It would be affectation not to understand you,’ Enid replied with a

calmness that boded ill for Le Gautier’s success. ‘I am sorry to hear

it. If you are wise, you will not put me to the pain of a refusal.’

‘I will take no refusal,’ Le Gautier burst out passionately; ‘for I

swear that if you are not mine, you shall wed no other man. Enid, you

must, you shall be mine! You may look upon me coldly now, but the time

will come when you shall love me well enough.’

‘The time will come when I shall—love—you?’ The bitter scorn in

these words stung Le Gautier to madness, stirring up a desperate

passion in his veins, now that the prize seemed like slipping from

his grasp. He fell at her feet on his knees. ‘Hear me!’ he exclaimed

passionately—‘only listen to me, Enid. I have vowed that you are the

only woman I have chosen—the only girl I could really love. Such love

as mine must win a return some day; only try; only give me a little

chance of hope.’

‘If you are a man, you will rise from that absurd position. Who am I,

that you should kneel to me? You must take my word for it; and if you

have any consideration for my feelings, you will change the subject.’

‘And this is your absolute and final decision?’

‘Yes, it is my absolute and final decision.’

Le Gautier rose to his feet, pale but smiling, and there was a darkly

evil look upon his white set face. When he spoke again his words were

cold and incisive. ‘Consider, before you wilfully make an enemy of

me.’ He uttered the words with a low sibilation. ‘I have made you an

offer—the highest compliment I could pay, and you have scornfully

rejected it. The next favour you ask from me you may seek for on your

knees.’

‘And to what purpose, sir, shall _I_ ask a favour from _you_?’

‘For your father,’ Le Gautier answered quietly, though his tones were

deep and earnest. ‘You have guessed that Maxwell has gone away on a

dangerous mission. Why should not Sir Geoffrey be chosen in his turn?

And if so, who can save him? I, Hector le Gautier, and no other man.’

‘And by whose evil counsel has my poor father been dragged into your

infamous Brotherhood?—By yours alone! He would be a happy man now, if

he had never known you’——

‘On the contrary,’ Le Gautier interrupted, ‘I tried to save him. He has

joined on his own wish. You do not credit my words. Go and ask him now

if my words are not true, and that, if it is not his dearest wish that

you should become my wife.’

‘He might think so,’ Enid answered haughtily; ‘but he does not wish it

in his heart. Monsieur le Gautier, if you are a gentleman, you will

cease this discussion. The subject is painful to me.’ She stood there,

looking at him coldly and scornfully.

But her very iciness only served to increase the warmth of his passion.

‘I cannot!’ he exclaimed. ‘I will not cease! For five years, ever since

I first met you at Rome, I have never ceased to love you. Bid me do

anything in reason; ask me any favour; but to forget you is impossible!’

‘I am sorry for you,’ Enid said gently, touched a little by the ring of

genuine passion in his voice—‘I am sorry; but it cannot be. I do not

break my pledges so lightly, even if I wished to do so.’

‘Which you do not,’ Le Gautier bitterly remarked. ‘I do not care.

I am desperate now. You despise and scorn me; but I will not be

rejected thus. If you will not be my wife for my sake, you must for

your father’s and the honour of your house.’ He stopped abruptly, for

standing in the room was Sir Geoffrey, his face pale, and his whole

aspect downcast and degraded to a pitiable degree.

Enid turned to her father eagerly. ‘Did you hear these words?’ she

asked. ‘Can it be possible that you—that I—that the honour of our house

is in any man’s hands? Can it be your wish, father, that I—I—should

form an alliance with Monsieur le Gautier? Speak, and show him how

mistaken he can be!’

But Sir Geoffrey never spoke. His head sank lower upon his breast.

For the first time, he realised the sacrifice he had imposed upon his

daughter, and so he stood there, an English gentleman no longer, but a

poor enfeebled, shamefaced old man.

A wild feeling of alarm took possession of Enid as she saw this thing.

‘Why do you not speak?’ she demanded. ‘What cause have you to hesitate

in indorsing my words?’

Still the baronet never spoke, never raised his head.

Enid ran swiftly to his side and threw one arm round his shoulder.

She could feel the spasm that struck him as he encountered her touch.

‘Father,’ she asked in a dull even voice, ‘does your silence mean that

he is right?’

‘Yes, my dear child; he is right. There is no alternative.’

There is a providence which helps us in such times as these, a numbness

of the senses that for a time deadens pain. Enid’s voice was very

calm as she turned to Le Gautier, standing there trying to disguise

his triumph. ‘I do not know what all this means,’ she said. ‘I do not

understand whence you derive your power. I cannot think now. For his

sake,’ she continued, pointing to her father, ‘I consent.’

Le Gautier sprang forward; but she repelled him with a glance.

‘Listen to my conditions,’ she continued. ‘I have said I consent; but

I warn you that if there is any loophole for escape from you, I shall

take it. You are going away, you say. Nothing must be done till your

return, and then the contract shall be fulfilled. Now, go.’

When Lucrece entered the room a few moments later, she found her

mistress lying unconscious upon the floor. Looking out of the window,

she saw the slim figure of Le Gautier disappearing in the distance, and

smiled. He was smiling, too, as he walked away. Nothing remained now

but only the final interview with Marie, and to regain possession of

the lost moidore. A few weeks at Warsaw, and then——

CHAPTER XV.

Maxwell had been gone a week now, and no tidings of him had reached

England, save one letter to say he was in Rome. As Le Gautier turned

away from Grosvenor Square, his heart one glow of triumph, he

determined that, come what may, the artist should never see England

again. When he returned from Warsaw, he calculated that, through Marie

St Jean’s assistance, all information concerning the League would be

in the hands of the police, freeing him from any further bondage, and

throwing all the odium and danger on her. Full of these schemes, he

arrived at his lodgings. A telegram was lying on the table. He took it

up mechanically, and tore it open. The contents were terse: ‘Visci died

this morning from heart disease.’ Le Gautier was wild with rage. Here

was a pretty combination, he thought. Nothing now to detain Maxwell

in Rome. The victim had fallen by a higher Hand than that of man, and

Maxwell was free.

As a Head Centre of the Order, Le Gautier wielded much power, and even

now he did not despair, with the command of nearly all the desperadoes

in Rome at his command. He had only to get Maxwell arrested in Rome

on some false charge and carried to the mountains; and there—after a

little delay and a packed meeting of the League—shot. Desperate men

such as Le Gautier, especially with such a prize in their grasp, do

not long hesitate over such a trifling matter as a human life, and he

trusted to his own good luck and native audacity to pull him through.

It was getting dark the same night as he despatched a telegram to Rome,

and then turned in the direction of Fitzroy Square. He was as eager now

to see Isodore as he had been to encounter Enid in the afternoon, and

looked forward not only to a pleasant evening but a remunerative one.

She did not keep him long waiting in the drawing-room ere she sailed in

all smiles and welcome. She was looking radiantly beautiful to-night;

there was a deeper flush on her face, and a glitter in her glorious

eyes not usually seen there—signs of a loving welcome, Le Gautier

imagined in his egotistical way. There was, besides, a warmth in her

manner and a gladness in the pressure of her hand which inspired him,

and sent an electric thrill coursing through his veins.

‘You are looking more transcendently lovely than usual, Marie!’ he

exclaimed with a fervour unusual even to him. ‘Every time I see you,

there is some additional charm in you to note.’

‘It depends upon whether the observing eye is a prejudiced one,’ she

replied with a caressing smile, which brought him at once to her side.

‘You say that now, Hector. How long will you continue to think so?’

‘As long as I have power to think at all—as long as memory serves me. I

shall remember you to the last day of my life.’

‘I believe you will,’ Isodore smiled bewilderingly. ‘And yet, strange

as it may seem, the time will perhaps come when you will wish you had

never seen my face.’

‘You are more than usually enigmatical to-night, Marie. You are a

puzzle to me. I do not even know who you are. Tell me something about

yourself, and why you are living in this solitude here.’

‘No; not to-night; but, as I have often promised you, I will tell you

some time. I will tell you who I am before you go away; and then, when

your curiosity is satisfied, you will leave me.’

‘Never!’ Le Gautier exclaimed passionately. ‘Leave you!—the only woman

I ever saw that I could really love. Leave you, Marie! How can you

entertain the bare idea!’

He would have approached her nearer, but she waved him gently but

firmly aside. The distance she kept him fanned his passion all the

more. ‘Tell me something about yourself,’ she said. ‘That is a topic

which never fails to interest me. How about the League, this Maxwell’s

journey? Has he accomplished his mission yet?’

‘He is not likely to, now. Visci is dead!—Gracious powers, Marie! what

ails you? Are you ill?’

Isodore uttered a sharp exclamation, and then reeled forward in her

chair. Her face was white and drawn, her lips trembled. Gradually her

bosom ceased to heave so painfully, and she turned to Le Gautier with

a white wan smile, though he could see the fan still trembling in her

hands. ‘It is nothing,’ she said with an effort. ‘I am subject to these

attacks of the heart, and any news of sudden death always affects me

so.—Do not look distressed; it is past now.’

‘There is nothing in the name to cause you any distress?’ Le Gautier

asked suspiciously.

‘I have heard the name before, if that is what you mean. Tell me all

you know of this Carlo Visci.’

‘I did not say his name was Carlo,’ Le Gautier observed, somewhat

sharply. ‘I can tell you nothing more. When I reached home this

afternoon, I had a telegram to say he was dead.’

‘And this Maxwell, what of him? I suppose he will return home now?’

‘He has been somewhat dilatory in obeying orders. No; he will not

return. He will be detained at Rome for the present.’

‘Tell me why you hate this Englishman so.’

Le Gautier started. ‘How do you know I hate him?’ he asked. ‘I have

never said so.’

‘Not in so many words; but in gesture and look, when you speak of him,

your actions are eloquent, my friend. He has crossed your path. Ah,

well, I like a good hater. Maxwell will suffer yet.’

‘Yes,’ Le Gautier exclaimed involuntarily, ‘he will.’

Isodore rose and walked to the piano, where she sat for a moment

striking the chords idly. ‘When do you go to Warsaw?’ she asked.

‘I have six days remaining to me.—Marie, the time has come when we must

no longer delay. The pear is ripe now; all my plans are matured. I have

only to hold up my hand and the League will vanish.’

All this time, Isodore played on softly, musingly, the music serving

like the accompaniment of a song to force the speaker’s voice. As he

stood there, and she answered him, she never ceased to play the soft

chords.

‘Then you have everything prepared?’

‘Yes, everything is ready.’ He drew a low seat to her side, and seated

himself there. ‘All the names are made out, the whole plot prepared.’

‘And you propose to hand them over to me. It is a great compliment; and

I suppose I must take them. I would run greater risks than this for

your sake and—my own.’

She took one hand from the ivory keys and held it out to him. Drawing a

packet from his pocket, he gave it to her. She thrust it in her bosom,

and ran her fingers over the keys again.

‘All is there, I suppose,’ she asked, ‘down to the minutest detail,

everything necessary to betray the League and pull it up root and

branch? You have taken good care to shield yourself, I presume?’

‘Of course.—And now, to talk of more pleasant things. You know I am

going away in a few days; and when I return, I shall expect to find

myself perfectly free.’

‘You may depend upon me. I will do all I can for you.’

Le Gautier looked up sharply—the words were coldly, sternly uttered,

but the quiet placid smile never left her face.

‘How strangely you speak! But oh, Marie—my Marie, the only woman I ever

loved, you will stand by me now, and help me, for both our sakes! Look

at me, and say you will do what I ask!’

Isodore looked down, smiling brightly. ‘Yes, I will do what you ask,’

she said. ‘And so you really love me?’

‘Passionately and sincerely, such as I never expected to love woman

yet.’

‘I am glad to hear you say that,’ Isodore replied with a thrill of

exultation in her voice. ‘I have waited and hoped for the time to come;

but never in my wildest dreams did I look for this.’

‘With your nobleness and beauty, how could it be otherwise? I should be

more than a man—or less—if I looked upon you unmoved.’

‘Then, for the first time for years, I am happy.’

Le Gautier started to his feet rapturously. He did not understand her

yet; he thought the soft earnest words all for him. He would have

caught her there and then in his eager arms, but again she repulsed

him. ‘No, no!’ she cried; ‘I have not proved you yet. Let things remain

as they are till you return again to England.’

How strange, Le Gautier thought vaguely, that she should use words

so similar to those of Enid to a precisely similar plea. Despite his

passion, he had not thrown all prudence to the winds.

‘You had better leave me now,’ Isodore continued—‘leave me to think and

dwell over this thing.’

‘But what about my badge of membership? I dare not leave England

without that.’

‘I had almost forgotten it in this interesting conversation. It is not

in my possession; it is in Paris. You have a meeting of the League

before you go for final instructions. Come to me after that, and you

shall have it. I am going to Paris to-morrow, and will bring it with

me.’

‘You are a witch!’ Le Gautier exclaimed with admiration. ‘You seem to

know as much as the mysterious Isodore, that princess who never shows

herself unless danger besets the League. If she is the wonder men who

have seen her say she is, they stand in dire need of her now.’

‘Beware how you talk so lightly of her—she has the gift of fernseed. At

this very moment she may know of your perfidy.’

‘Perfidy is a hard word, my queen, and sounds not prettily.—And now,

good-night. And you will not fail me?’

‘I will _not_ fail you,’ Isodore replied with the stern inflection Le

Gautier had noticed before, and marvelled over. ‘I never fail.’

‘A woman, and never fail!’

‘Not in my promises. If I make a vow or pledge my word, I can wait five

years or ten to fulfil it.—Good-night. And when we meet again, you will

not say I have belied my contract.’

When Valerie entered some minutes later, she found Isodore with

firm-set face and gleaming eyes. ‘My brother is dead,’ she said

quietly. ‘Poor Carlo! And he loved me so at one time. Now, he can never

know.’

‘Dead!’ Valerie exclaimed. ‘You do not mean to say’——

‘That Maxwell killed him?—No. His heart has been failing for years,

long before I left Rome; his life was not worth an hour’s purchase. But

I have no time to mourn over him now.—Let me see if I can do a little

good with my useless occupation. I start for Rome to-morrow.’

Valerie looked at her friend in stupid astonishment.

‘I cannot explain to you now. Maxwell is free to return home. As you

know, it means destruction to Le Gautier’s plans, if he does. I dared

not press him too closely to-night; but Maxwell will be detained in

Rome, in all probability by Paulo Lucci, till some charge can be

trumped up for his destruction. But Lucci and his band dare not cross

me; my power is too great for that. To-morrow, I leave for Rome, and

pray heaven that I may not be too late!’

AMERICAN TRAITS.

It is usual in this country to regard the Americans as a homogeneous

people, and to accept the Yankee as a fair type of the whole nation.

But this is a fallacy. The inhabitants of the South, and more

especially the descendants of the early French and Spanish colonists

to be found in the Gulf States, differ radically in their morals,

manners, and customs from the population of other sections of the

Union. It is not, however, our purpose in this paper to enter into an

extended disquisition upon the characteristics of the people of the

United States, our object being simply to touch briefly upon a few

of their more prominent traits. The Puritan element in the character

of the first settlers of New England has exercised an influence upon

social life there which has not been confined to that limited area,

but has made itself felt, in a more or less marked degree, throughout

the whole of the Northern States. The differences of race and climate

have, however, not only been obstacles to the inhabitants of the South

accepting the Puritan standard of morals, but have also prevented

the development of those traits of character to be found in the

population of other parts of the country, and which are more peculiarly

distinctive of the Americans as a people. We shall therefore limit

ourselves to dealing with those national characteristics which have

come under our observation in the Northern States.

That submission to the will of the majority which is inculcated by

democratic institutions has exercised a marked influence upon the

social no less than upon the political life of the people of the United

States, save in the late Slave States. It has not only had the result

of preventing the development of individuality of character, but

likewise has considerably modified that obstinacy of temper and dogged

tenacity of opinion which are to be found in the Anglo-Saxon race. The

late Lord Beaconsfield on one occasion said in the House of Commons

that a gentleman who had spent several years in America had declared to

him that it was his belief that ‘the citizens of the republic were the

most tractable people in the world, and the readiest open to conviction

by argument.’

In the United States, the absence of that segregation of the various

grades of society which exist in Europe is evinced by the habits and

manners of the masses in that country. If the national independence of

character be occasionally pushed too far, and degenerate into offensive

self-assertion, at least it prevents any approach to servility. No

inequality of position or circumstances will induce a native of any

of the Northern States to submit to being dealt with in the manner

or spoken to in the tone which, in England, the man in broadcloth

too frequently adopts, as a matter of course, towards the man in

fustian. The late Sydney Godolphin Osborne used to relate how, once, a

respectable artisan said to him: ‘I like you, my lord; there is nothing

of the gentleman about you.’ The meaning of the speaker was undoubtedly

that Lord Osborne did not treat him in the patronising manner that

members of the higher class usually address those whom they regard as

their social inferiors. Now, no one perhaps has a keener appreciation

of the advantages of wealth and education than the American; but that

the possessor of them should feel himself justified in using towards

the man who lacks these adventitious gifts the language of a superior

to an inferior, is what he cannot understand, and which he will not

for one moment put up with. An anecdote Thackeray used to relate of an

experience of his when in the United States well illustrates this trait

of the people. While in New York, he expressed to a friend a desire

to see some of the ‘Bowery Bhoys,’ who, he had heard, were a class of

the community peculiar to that city. So one evening he was taken to

the Bowery, and he was shown a ‘Bhoy.’ The young man, the business

of the day being over, had changed his attire. He wore a dress-coat,

black trousers, and a satin waistcoat; whilst a tall hat rested on the

back of his head, which was adorned with long well-greased hair—known

as ‘soap-locks’—a style which the rowdies of that day affected. The

youth was leaning against a lamp-post, smoking an enormous cigar; and

his whole aspect was one of ineffable self-satisfaction. The eminent

novelist, after contemplating him for a few moments with silent

admiration, said to the gentleman by whom he was accompanied: ‘This is

a great and gorgeous creature!’ adding: ‘Can I speak to him without his

taking offence?’

Receiving an answer in the affirmative, Thackeray went up to the

fellow, on the pretext of asking his way, and said: ‘My good man, I

want to go to Broome Street.’

But the unlucky phrase, ‘My good man,’ roused the gall of the

individual spoken to. Instead, therefore, of affording the information

sought, the ‘Bhoy’—a diminutive specimen of humanity, scarcely over

five feet in height—eyeing the tall form of his interlocutor askance,

answered the query in the sense that his permission had been asked

for the speaker to visit the locality in question, and he said,

patronisingly: ‘Well, sonny, yer kin go thar.’

When Thackeray subsequently related the incident, he laughingly

declared that he was so disconcerted by the unexpected response, that

he had not the courage to continue the dialogue.

The question, however, differently put would, in all probability,

have elicited a civil answer from ninety-nine out of a hundred of

the members of the class to which the man belonged. In fact, the

discourtesy, and even rudeness, of which some travellers in the

United States complain have arisen from the fact of their failing to

appreciate the difference existing between the social systems of that

country and their own.

The wide gulf in culture which in England separates the upper and

middle classes from the lower orders, does not exist in America. This

has arisen from various causes. In the first place, the great bulk of

the people of the Union are much better educated than is as yet the

case in this country. The admirable system of common or, as they are

termed, ‘public’ schools which prevails in America affords facilities

for all children obtaining a sound English education without the

payment by their parents of any school fees, and at a trifling cost to

the taxpayer in all sections of the Union, and especially in the West,

where large grants have been made of the State lands in support of the

public schools. In the second place, the social status of the working

classes who are _natives_ of the United States has been raised by the

fact that the Americans are almost exclusively engaged in avocations

demanding intelligence and skilled labour. This has been owing to the

circumstance that upon the coloured population and the Irish and German

immigrants have devolved those coarse and irksome occupations which

have to be followed by a portion of the inhabitants of other countries.

To give one instance of this alone, it may be stated that rarely is a

native American citizen, man or woman, found occupying the position of

a domestic servant in any of the Atlantic cities.

The wages, too, commanded by artisans and mechanics averaging nearly

double those of the same class in other countries, it follows,

necessarily, that vice and crime—the inevitable concomitants of a state

of society in which the condition of the mass of the lower classes is

but one step removed from absolute indigence, as is the case in most

European countries—are not nearly so prevalent in America. In the New

England States, where the foreign population is small, there is not a

country in Europe—possibly with the exception of Holland—where there is

so little crime. Few persons, indeed, are aware how much the foreign

element in the community, in many of the States, contributes to the

statistics of the offences which come under the cognisance of the

criminal tribunals. In the State of New York alone, seventy per cent.

of the infractions of the law are committed by the Irish, whilst the

fair ratio of this class in proportion to the whole population would be

a little less than twenty per cent.

One of the most marked characteristics of the Americans is their rooted

determination to resist any legislation which shall recognise any class

distinctions in the community. Of course, no one contends that the man

of wealth, education, and culture is not the superior, in one sense of

the word, of him who lacks these. The equality insisted upon is simply

this: that no class of society shall make the circumstance of enjoying

these adventitious advantages a ground for the members of it basing a

claim to be a separate caste, possessing rights and privileges—fenced

in by law—denied to the bulk of their countrymen. This sentiment found

expression in the opposition which the proposal met with, a few years

ago, that persons in the Civil Service of the Federal government should

be irremovable, save for misconduct, instead of being turned out of

their places after every change of administration, as had previously

been the case. It was argued that fixity of tenure of office would

have the result of creating a bureaucracy, the members of which would

come in time to regard themselves as a privileged class. That these

apprehensions were unfounded, experience of the practical working of

the new system of government patronage has proved. But the very fact

of the objection having been raised at all shows how sensitive public

opinion was on the subject.

One noticeable feature of American society is that in none of the

Northern States does an officer in the army or navy enjoy the social

status that he commands in all European countries. Holmes, in _The

Autocrat of the Breakfast Table_, has commented upon this trait of his

countrymen. He says: ‘It is curious to observe of how small account

military folk are held among our Northern people. Our young men must

gild their spurs, but they need not win them. The equal division of

property keeps the younger sons of rich people above the necessity of

military service. Thus, the army loses one element of refinement, and

the moneyed upper classes forget what it is to count heroism amongst

their virtues. Still, I don’t believe in any aristocracy without pluck

as its backbone. Ours may show it when the day comes, if ever it does

come.’

The opportunity for young men of the wealthier class proving their

manhood came sooner than Holmes anticipated when he penned the above

remarks; for less than three years later, the civil war broke out,

and then this class were not slack in responding to the call of their

country for their services. Numerous instances occurred of young

men reared in luxury—unable to obtain commissions owing to their

want of military training—shouldering muskets in the ranks of the

Federal armies; and their patriotism received due recognition from

their fellow-citizens. But in time of peace it is the members of the

community who are engaged in those pursuits best remunerated who are

held in the highest estimation—a necessary result of a condition of

society in which wealth is the standard by which social position is

measured and defined. The girl who in the French song exclaims, ‘Oh!

que j’aime les militaires!’ utters a sentiment which as a rule finds no

echo in the hearts of the American fair. An odd illustration of this

fact came under the observation of the writer when he was resident in

New York. A lady—whose brother had been educated at the government

Military Academy at West Point—gave, in all seriousness, the reason

why this gentleman, after graduating, had not accepted a commission in

the army, in these words: ‘He had a higher ambition than to be a mere

soldier, so he has become a dry-goods merchant.’

In New York, and indeed in all the larger Atlantic cities, a class has

sprung up of late years which affects to look down upon the political

and social institutions of their country. Mr Howells, in his novel _A

Woman’s Reason_, speaking of one of the Upper Ten, says: ‘He saw what

a humbug democracy and equality really were. He must have seen that

nobody practically believes in them.’ This sentiment may accurately

reflect the opinions of a limited class, but it is an absolute fallacy

to assert that such views are generally entertained. On the contrary,

they have not to any appreciable extent permeated the people at large,

and there is not the slightest likelihood of their affecting the

national life or changing its standards.

In closing these desultory observations upon some of the characteristic

traits of the Americans, the writer may state that they are based upon

personal observation during a residence of several years in the United

States.

COUSIN GEORGE.

IN TWO CHAPTERS.—CHAP. I.

Mr Nicholas Smethby lived, in pretty easy circumstances, at a town some

thirty or forty miles distant from London, from which metropolis he had

retired on leaving off business. His profession had been, nominally,

that of an accountant; but he had seldom troubled himself greatly

about accounts, and had not received many commissions to investigate

them. He had really been a speculator in stocks and shares, in a small

but profitable way; and while he lent but little of his own money

in loans, had made a great deal of profit as agent, or ‘middleman,’

between those who wished to borrow and those who were able to lend. So

Mr Smethby had lived in a circle in which it was necessary for him

to have his wits about him, and in which a somewhat decided hankering

for gain was likely to be developed; yet in this he was perhaps no

worse than most of his neighbours; while, ’cute as he was, he was not

a bad sort of fellow, take him altogether. He was pleasant and social

enough in his family circle, a pretty large one, but reduced, as far as

his own household was concerned, to one daughter, Harriet, the other

members having married. Two of these had settled in the neighbourhood

of Valeborough, the town referred to; while Mr Smethby had long been

a widower. He had no other relations, that he knew of, and, as he was

wont to say when speaking on the subject, he did not want to hear of

any. His cousin, George Styles, was the last he had had much to do

with, and, ah!—Mr Smethby would exclaim at such times as the subject

was brought up—he did not care about any more like him.

Chambers's Journal of Popular Literature, Science, and Art, fifth series, no. 151, vol. III, November 20, 1886 · 第 1 / 3 段