CHAPTER VIII.

OF THE ISLAND CALLED PENTAM, AND THE CITY MALAIUR.

When you leave Locac and sail for 500 miles towards the south, you come

to an island called PENTAM, a very wild place. All the wood that grows

thereon consists of odoriferous trees.{1} There is no more to say about

it; so let us sail about sixty miles further between those two Islands.

Throughout this distance there is but four paces’ depth of water, so

that great ships in passing this channel have to lift their rudders,

for they draw nearly as much water as that.{2}

And when you have gone these 60 miles, and again about 30 more, you

come to an Island which forms a Kingdom, and is called MALAIUR. The

people have a King of their own, and a peculiar language. The city is

a fine and noble one, and there is great trade carried on there. All

kinds of spicery are to be found there, and all other necessaries of

life.{3}

NOTE 1.—_Pentam_, or as in Ram. _Pentan_, is no doubt the Bintang

of our maps, more properly BENTĂN, a considerable Island at the

eastern extremity of the Straits of Malacca. It appears in the

list, published by Dulaurier from a Javanese Inscription, of the

kingdoms conquered in the 15th century by the sovereigns reigning

at Majapahit in Java. (_J. A._ sér. IV. tom. xiii. 532.) Bintang

was for a long time after the Portuguese conquest of Malacca the

chief residence of the Malay Sultans who had been expelled by that

conquest, and it still nominally belongs to the Sultan of Johore,

the descendant of those princes, though in fact ruled by the Dutch,

whose port of Rhio stands on a small island close to its western

shore. It is the _Bintão_ of the Portuguese whereof Camoens speaks

as the persistent enemy of Malacca (X. 57).

[Cf. _Professor Schlegel’s Geog. Notes_, VI. _Ma-it_; regarding the

odoriferous trees, Professor Schlegel remarks (p. 20) that they

were probably santal trees.—H. C.]

NOTE 2.—There is a good deal of confusion in the text of this

chapter. Here we have a passage spoken of between “those two

Islands,” when only one island seems to have been mentioned.

But I imagine the other “island” in the traveller’s mind to be

the continuation of the same Locac, _i.e._ the Malay Peninsula

(included by him under that name), which he has coasted for 500

miles. This is confirmed by Ramusio, and the old Latin editions

(as Müller’s): “between the kingdom of Locac and the Island of

Pentan.” The passage in question is the Strait of Singapore, or as

the old navigators called it, the Straits of Gobernador, having

the mainland of the Peninsula and the Island of Singapore, on the

one side, and the Islands of Bintang and Batang on the other. The

length of the strait is roughly 60 geographical miles, or a little

more; and I see in a route given in the _Lettres Edifiantes_ (II.

p. 118) that the length of navigation is so stated: “Le détroit de

Gobernador a vingt lieues de long, et est fort difficile quand on

n’y a jamais passé.”

The Venetian _passo_ was 5 feet. Marco here alludes to the

well-known practice with the Chinese junks of raising the rudder,

for which they have a special arrangement, which is indicated in

the cut at p. 248.

NOTE 3.—There is a difficulty here about the indications, carrying

us, as they do, first 60 miles through the Strait, and then 30

miles further to the Island Kingdom and city of Malaiur. There

is also a singular variation in the readings as to this city and

island. The G. T. has “_Une isle qe est roiame, et s’apelle_

Malanir e l’isle Pentam.” The Crusca has the same, only reading

_Malavir_. Pauthier: “_Une isle qui est royaume, et a nom_ Maliur.”

The Geog. Latin: “_Ibi invenitur una insula in qua est unus rex_

quem vocant Lamovich. _Civitas et insula vocantur_ Pontavich.”

Ram.: “_Chiamasi la città_ Malaiur, e cosi l’isola Malaiur.”

All this is very perplexed, and it is difficult to trace what may

have been the true readings. The 30 miles beyond the straits,

whether we give the direction _south-east_ as in G. T. or no, will

not carry us to the vicinity of any place known to have been the

site of an important city. As the point of departure in the next

chapter is from _Pentam_ and not from Malaiur, the introduction of

the latter is perhaps a digression from the route, on information

derived either from hearsay or from a former voyage. But there is

not information enough to decide what place is meant by Malaiur.

Probabilities seem to me to be divided between _Palembang_, and

its colony _Singhapura_. Palembang, according to the Commentaries

of Alboquerque, was called by the Javanese MALAYO. The List of

Sumatran Kingdoms in De Barros makes TANA-MALAYU the _next_ to

Palembang. On the whole, I incline to this interpretation.

[In _Valentyn_ (V. 1, _Beschryvinge van Malakka_, p. 317) we find

it stated that the Malay people just dwelt on the River _Malayu_

in the Kingdom of Palembang, and were called from the River _Orang

Malayu.—MS. Note._—H. Y.]

[Professor Schlegel in his _Geog. Notes_, IV., tries to prove by

Chinese authorities that Maliur and Tana-Malayu are two quite

distinct countries, and he says that Maliur may have been situated

on the coast opposite Singapore, perhaps a little more to the S.W.

where now lies Malacca, and that Tana-Malayu may be placed in

Asahan, upon the east coast of Sumatra.—H. C.]

Singhapura was founded by an emigration from Palembang, itself a

Javanese colony. It became the site of a flourishing kingdom, and

was then, according to the tradition recorded by De Barros, the

most important centre of population in those regions, “whither

used to gather all the navigators of the Eastern Seas, from both

East and West; to this great city of Singapura all flocked as to

a general market.” (Dec. II. 6, 1.) This suits the description in

our text well; but as Singhapura was in sight of any ship passing

through the straits, mistake could hardly occur as to its position,

even if it had not been visited.

I omit _Malacca_ entirely from consideration, because the evidence

appears to me conclusive against the existence of Malacca at this

time.

The Malay Chronology, as published by Valentyn, ascribes the

foundation of that city to a king called Iskandar Shah, placing

it in A.D. 1252, fixes the reign of Mahomed Shah, the third King

of Malacca and first Mussulman King, as extending from 1276 to

1333 (not stating _when_ his conversion took place), and gives 8

kings in all between the foundation of the city and its capture by

the Portuguese in 1511, a space, according to those data, of 259

years. As Sri Iskandar Shah, the founder, had reigned 3 years in

Singhapura _before_ founding Malacca, and Mahomed Shah, the loser,

reigned 2 years in Johore _after_ the loss of his capital, we have

264 years to divide among 8 kings, giving 33 years to each reign.

This certainly indicates that the period requires considerable

curtailment.

Again, both De Barros and the Commentaries or Alboquerque ascribe

the foundation of Malacca to a Javanese fugitive from Palembang

called Paramisura, and Alboquerque makes Iskandar Shah (_Xaquem

darxa_) the _son_ of Paramisura, and the first convert to

Mahomedanism. _Four_ other kings reign in succession after him, the

last of the four being Mahomed Shah, expelled in 1511.

[Godinho de Eredia says expressly (Cap. i. _Do Citio Malaca_, p.

4) that Malacca was founded by _Permicuri, primeiro monarcha de

Malayos_, in the year 1411, in the Pontificate of John XXIV.,

and in the reign of Don Juan II. of Castille and Dom Juan I. of

Portugal.]

The historian De Couto, whilst giving the same number of reigns

from the conversion to the capture, places the former event about

1384. And the Commentaries of Alboquerque allow no more than some

ninety years from the foundation of Malacca to his capture of the

city.

There is another approximate check to the chronology afforded by

a Chinese record in the XIVth volume of Amyot’s collection. This

informs us that Malacca first acknowledged itself as tributary to

the Empire in 1405, the king being _Sili-ju-eul-sula_ (?). In 1411

the King of Malacca himself, now called _Peilimisula_ (Paramisura),

came in person to the court of China to render homage. And in 1414

the Queen-Mother of Malacca came to court, bringing her son’s

tribute.

Now this notable fact of the visit of a King of Malacca to the

court of China, and his acknowledgment of the Emperor’s supremacy,

is also recorded in the Commentaries of Alboquerque. This work, it

is true, attributes the visit, not to Paramisura, the founder of

Malacca, but to his son and successor Iskandar Shah. This may be

a question of a _title_ only, perhaps borne by both; but we seem

entitled to conclude with confidence that Malacca was founded by

a prince whose son was reigning, and visited the court of China

in 1411. And the real chronology will be about midway between the

estimates of De Couto and of Alboquerque. Hence Malacca did not

exist for a century, more or less, after Polo’s voyage.

[Mr. C. O. Blagden, in a paper on the Mediæval Chronology of

Malacca (_Actes du XIᵉ Cong. Int. Orient. Paris_, 1897), writes (p.

249) that “if Malacca had been in the middle of the 14th century

anything like the great emporium of trade which it certainly was in

the 15th, Ibn Batuta would scarcely have failed to speak of it.”

The foundation of Malacca by Sri Iskandar Shah in 1252, according

to the _Sejarah Malayu_ “must be put at least 125 years later,

and the establishment of the Muhammadan religion there would then

precede by only a few years the end of the 14th century, instead of

taking place about the end of the 13th, as is generally supposed”

(p. 251). (Cf. _G. Schlegel, Geog. Notes_, XV.)—H. C.]

Mr. Logan supposes that the form _Malayu-r_ may indicate that the

Malay language of the 13th century “had not yet replaced the strong

naso-guttural terminals by pure vowels.” We find the same form in a

contemporary Chinese notice. This records that in the 2nd year of

the Yuen, tribute was sent from Siam to the Emperor. “The Siamese

had long been at war with the _Maliyi_ or MALIURH, but both nations

laid aside their feud and submitted to China.” (_Valentyn_, V. p.

352; _Crawford’s Desc. Dict._ art. _Malacca_; _Lassen_, IV. 541

_seqq._; _Journ. Ind. Archip._ V. 572, II. 608–609; _De Barros_,

Dec. II. 1. vi. c. 1; _Comentarios do grande Afonso d’Alboquerque_,

Pt. III. cap. xvii.; _Couto_, Dec. IV. liv. ii.; _Wade_ in

_Bowring’s Kingdom and People of Siam_, I. 72.)

[From I-tsing we learn that going from China to India, the

traveller visits the country of _Shih-li-fuh-shi_ (_Çrībhôja_

or simply _Fuh-shi_ = Bhôja), then _Mo-louo-yu_, which seems to

Professor Chavannes to correspond to the _Malaiur_ of Marco Polo

and to the modern Palembang, and which in the 10th century formed

a part of Çribhôdja identified by Professor Chavannes with Zabedj.

(_I-tsing_, p. 36.) The Rev. S. Beal has some remarks on this

question in the _Merveilles de l’Inde_, p. 251, and he says that

he thinks “there are reasons for placing this country [Çrībhôja],

or island, on the East coast of Sumatra, and near Palembang, or,

on the Palembang River.” Mr. Groeneveldt (_T’oung Pao_, VII. abst.

p. 10) gives some extracts from Chinese authors, and then writes:

“We have therefore to find now a place for the Molayu of I-tsing,

the Malaiur of Marco Polo, the Malayo of Alboquerque, and the

Tana-Malayu of De Barros, all which may be taken to mean the same

place. I-tsing tells us that it took fifteen days to go from Bhôja

to Molayu and fifteen days again to go from there to Kieh-ch’a.

The latter place, suggesting a native name Kada, must have been

situated in the north-west of Sumatra, somewhere near the present

Atjeh, for going from there west, one arrived in thirty days at

Magapatana, near Ceylon, whilst a northern course brought one in

ten days to the Nicobar Islands. Molayu should thus lie half-way

between Bhôja and Kieh-ch’a, but this indication must not be taken

too literally where it is given for a sailing vessel, and there

is also the statement of De Barros, which does not allow us to go

too far away from Palembang, as he mentions Tana-Malayu _next_ to

that place. We have therefore to choose between the next three

larger rivers: those of Jambi, Indragiri, and Kampar, and there

is an indication in favour of the last one, not very strong, it

is true, but still not to be neglected. I-tsing tells us: ‘Le

roi me donna des secours grâce auxquels je parvins au pays de

_Mo-louo-yu_; j’y séjournai derechef pendant deux mois. Je changeai

de direction pour aller dans le pays de _Kie-tcha_.’ The change

of direction during a voyage along the east coast of Sumatra from

Palembang to Atjeh is nowhere very perceptible, because the course

is throughout more or less north-west, still one may speak of a

change of direction at the mouth of the River Kampar, about the

entrance of the Strait of Malacca, whence the track begins to run

more west, whilst it is more north before. The country of Kampar

is of little importance now, but it is not improbable that there

has been a Hindoo settlement, as the ruins of religious monuments

decidedly Buddhist are still existing on the upper course of the

river, the only ones indeed on this side of the island, it being

a still unexplained fact that the Hindoos in Java have built on a

very large scale, and those of Sumatra hardly anything at all.”—Mr.

Takakusu (_A Record of the Buddhist Religion_, p. xli.) proposes to

place Shih-li-fuh-shi at Palembang and Mo-louo-yu farther on the

northern coast of Sumatra.—(Cf. _G. Schlegel, Geog. Notes_, XVI.;

_P. Pelliot, Bul. Ecole Franç. Ext. Orient_, II. pp. 94–96.)—H. C.]

The Travels of Marco Polo — Volume 2 · 第 8 / 40 章