1. Before they do anything they assay the bullion, which is done, if it be

gold, by taking an equal weight of that and of silver, of each a small

weight, which they reckon to be six ounces or half a pound troy; this they

wrap up in within lead. If it be silver, they put such a quantity of that

alone and wrap it up in lead, and then putting them into little earthen

cupps made of stuff like tobacco pipes, and put them into a burning hot

furnace, where, after a while, the whole body is melted, and at last the

lead in both is sunk into the body of the cupp, which carries away all the

copper or dross with it, and left the pure gold and silver embodyed

together, of that which hath both been put into the cupp together, and the

silver alone in these where it was put alone in the leaden case. And to

part the silver and the gold in the first experiment, they put the mixed

body into a glass of aqua-fortis, which separates them by spitting out the

silver into such small parts that you cannot tell what it becomes, but

turns into the very water and leaves the gold at the bottom clear of

itself, with the silver wholly spit out, and yet the gold in the form that

it was doubled together in when it was a mixed body of gold and silver,

which is a great mystery; and after all this is done to get the silver

together out of the water is as strange. But the nature of the assay is

thus: the piece of gold that goes into the furnace twelve ounces, if it

comes out again eleven ounces, and the piece of silver which goes in

twelve and comes out again eleven and two pennyweight, are just of the

alloy of the standard of England. If it comes out, either of them, either

the gold above eleven, as very fine will sometimes within very little of

what it went in, or the silver above eleven and two pennyweight, as that

also will sometimes come out eleven and ten penny weight or more, they are

so much above the goodness of the standard, and so they know what

proportion of worse gold and silver to put to such a quantity of the

bullion to bring it to the exact standard. And on the contrary, [if] it

comes out lighter, then such a weight is beneath the standard, and so

requires such a proportion of fine metal to be put to the bullion to bring

it to the standard, and this is the difference of good and bad, better and

worse than the standard, and also the difference of standards, that of

Seville being the best and that of Mexico worst, and I think they said

none but Seville is better than ours.

2. They melt it into long plates, which, if the mould do take ayre, then

the plate is not of an equal heaviness in every part of it, as it often

falls out.

3. They draw these plates between rollers to bring them to an even

thickness all along and every plate of the same thickness, and it is very

strange how the drawing it twice easily between the rollers will make it

as hot as fire, yet cannot touch it.

4. They bring it to another pair of rollers, which they call adjusting

it, which bring it to a greater exactness in its thickness than the first

could be.

5. They cut them into round pieces, which they do with the greatest ease,

speed, and exactness in the world.

6. They weigh these, and where they find any to be too heavy they file

them, which they call sizeing them; or light, they lay them by, which is

very seldom, but they are of a most exact weight, but however, in the

melting, all parts by some accident not being close alike, now and then a

difference will be, and, this filing being done, there shall not be any

imaginable difference almost between the weight of forty of these against

another forty chosen by chance out of all their heaps.

7. These round pieces having been cut out of the plates, which in passing

the rollers are bent, they are sometimes a little crooked or swelling out

or sinking in, and therefore they have a way of clapping 100 or 2 together

into an engine, which with a screw presses them so hard that they come out

as flat as is possible.

8. They blanch them.

9. They mark the letters on the edges, which is kept as the great secret

by Blondeau, who was not in the way, and so I did not speak with him

to-day.

[Professor W. C. Roberts-Austen, C.B., F.R.S., chemist to the Royal

Mint, refers to Pepys's Diary and to Blondeau's machine in his

Cantor Lectures on "Alloys used for Coinage," printed in the

"journal of the Society of Arts" (vol. xxxii.). He writes, "The

hammer was still retained for coining in the Mint in the Tower of

London, but the question of the adoption of the screw-press by the

Moneyers appears to have been revived in 1649, when the Council of

State had it represented to them that the coins of the Government

might be more perfectly and beautifully done, and made equal to any

coins in Europe. It was proposed to send to France for Peter

Blondeau, who had invented and improved a machine and method for

making all coins 'with the most beautiful polish and equality on the

edge, or with any proper inscription or graining.' He came on the

3rd of September, and although a Committee of the Mint reported in

favour of his method of coining, the Company of Moneyers, who appear

to have boasted of the success of their predecessors in opposing the

introduction of the mill and screw-press in Queen Elizabeth's reign,

prevented the introduction of the machinery, and consequently he did

not produce pattern pieces until 1653 . . . . It is certain that

Blondeau did not invent, but only improved the method of coining by

the screw-press, and I believe his improvements related chiefly to a

method for 'rounding the pieces before they are sized, and in making

the edges of the moneys with letters and graining,' which he

undertook to reveal to the king. Special stress is laid on the

engines wherewith the rims were marked, 'which might be kept secret

among few men.' I cannot find that there is any record in the Paris

mint of Blondeau's employment there, and the only reference to his

invention in the Mint records of this country refers to the

'collars,' or perforated discs of metal surrounding the 'blank'

while it was struck into a coin. There is, however, in the British

Museum a MS. believed to be in Blondeau's hand, in which he claims

his process, 'as a new invention, to make a handsome coyne, than can

be found in all the world besides, viz., that shall not only be

stamped on both flat sides, but shall even be marked with letters on

the thickness of the brim.' The letters were raised. The press

Blondeau used was, I believe, the ordinary screw-press, and I

suppose that the presses drawn in Akerman's well-known plate of the

coining-room of the Mint in the Tower, published in 1803 ['Microcosm

of London,' vol. ii., p. 202], if not actually the same machines,

were similar to those erected in 1661-62 by Sir William Parkhurst

and Sir Anthony St. Leger, wardens of the Mint, at a cost of L1400,

Professor Roberts-Austen shows that Benvenuto Cellini used a similar

press to that attributed to Blondeau, and he gives an illustration

of this in his lecture (p. 810). In a letter to the editor the

professor writes: "Pepys's account of the operations of coining, and

especially of assaying gold and silver, is very interesting and

singularly accurate considering that he could not have had technical

knowledge of the subject."]

10. They mill them, that is, put on the marks on both sides at once with

great exactness and speed, and then the money is perfect. The mill is

after this manner: one of the dyes, which has one side of the piece cut,

is fastened to a thing fixed below, and the other dye (and they tell me a

payre of dyes will last the marking of L10,000 before it be worn out, they

and all other their tools being made of hardened steel, and the Dutchman

who makes them is an admirable artist, and has so much by the pound for

every pound that is coyned to find a constant supply of dyes) to an engine

above, which is moveable by a screw, which is pulled by men; and then a

piece being clapped by one sitting below between the two dyes, when they

meet the impression is set, and then the man with his finger strikes off

the piece and claps another in, and then the other men they pull again and

that is marked, and then another and another with great speed. They say

that this way is more charge to the King than the old way, but it is

neater, freer from clipping or counterfeiting, the putting of the words

upon the edges being not to be done (though counterfeited) without an

engine of the charge and noise that no counterfeit will be at or venture

upon, and it employs as many men as the old and speedier. They now coyne

between L16 and L24,000 in a week. At dinner they did discourse very

finely to us of the probability that there is a vast deal of money hid in

the land, from this:--that in King Charles's time there was near ten

millions of money coyned, besides what was then in being of King James's

and Queene Elizabeth's, of which there is a good deal at this day in

being. Next, that there was but L750,000 coyned of the Harp and Crosse

money,

[The Commonwealth coins (stamped with the cross and harp, and the

inscription, "The Commonwealth of England") were called in by

proclamation, September, 1660, and when brought to the Mint an equal

amount of lawful money was allowed for them, weight for weight,

deducting only for the coinage (Ruding's "Annals of the Coinage," 18

19, vol. iii., p. 293). The harp was taken out of the naval flags

in May, 1660.]

and of this there was L500,000 brought in upon its being called in. And

from very good arguments they find that there cannot be less of it in

Ireland and Scotland than L100,000; so that there is but L150,000 missing;

and of that, suppose that there should be not above 650,000 still

remaining, either melted down, hid, or lost, or hoarded up in England,

there will then be but L100,000 left to be thought to have been

transported. Now, if L750,000 in twelve years' time lost but a L100,000

in danger of being transported, then within thirty-five years' time will

have lost but L3,888,880 and odd pounds; and as there is L650,000

remaining after twelve years' time in England, so after thirty-five years'

time, which was within this two years, there ought in proportion to have

been resting L6,111,120 or thereabouts, beside King James's and Queen

Elizabeth's money. Now that most of this must be hid is evident, as they

reckon, because of the dearth of money immediately upon the calling-in of

the State's money, which was L500,000 that came in; and yet there was not

any money to be had in this City, which they say to their own observation

and knowledge was so. And therefore, though I can say nothing in it

myself, I do not dispute it.

20th. Up and to my office, and anon home and to see my wife dancing with

Pembleton about noon, and I to the Trinity House to dinner and after

dinner home, and there met Pembleton, who I perceive has dined with my

wife, which she takes no notice of, but whether that proceeds out of

design, or fear to displease me I know not, but it put me into a great

disorder again, that I could mind nothing but vexing, but however I

continued my resolution of going down by water to Woolwich, took my wife

and Ashwell; and going out met Mr. Howe come to see me, whose horse we

caused to be set up, and took him with us. The tide against us, so I went

ashore at Greenwich before, and did my business at the yard about putting

things in order as to their proceeding to build the new yacht ordered to

be built by Christopher Pett,

[In the minutes of the Royal Society is the following entry: "June

11, 1662. Dr. Pett's brother shewed a draught of the pleasure boat

which he intended to make for the king" (Birch's "History of the

Royal Society," vol. i., p. 85). Peter Pett had already built a

yacht for the king at Deptford.]

and so to Woolwich town, where at an alehouse I found them ready to attend

my coming, and so took boat again, it being cold, and I sweating, with my

walk, which was very pleasant along the green come and pease, and most of

the way sang, he and I, and eat some cold meat we had, and with great

pleasure home, and so he took horse again, and Pembleton coming, we danced

a country dance or two and so broke up and to bed, my mind restless and

like to be so while she learns to dance. God forgive my folly.

21st. Up, but cannot get up so early as I was wont, nor my mind to

business as it should be and used to be before this dancing. However, to

my office, where most of the morning talking of Captain Cox of Chatham

about his and the whole yard's difference against Mr. Barrow the

storekeeper, wherein I told him my mind clearly, that he would be upheld

against the design of any to ruin him, he being we all believed, but Sir

W. Batten his mortal enemy, as good a servant as any the King has in the

yard. After much good advice and other talk I home and danced with

Pembleton, and then the barber trimmed me, and so to dinner, my wife and I

having high words about her dancing to that degree that I did enter and

make a vow to myself not to oppose her or say anything to dispraise or

correct her therein as long as her month lasts, in pain of 2s. 6d. for

every time, which, if God pleases, I will observe, for this roguish

business has brought us more disquiett than anything [that] has happened a

great while. After dinner to my office, where late, and then home; and

Pembleton being there again, we fell to dance a country dance or two, and

so to supper and bed. But being at supper my wife did say something that

caused me to oppose her in, she used the word devil, which vexed me, and

among other things I said I would not have her to use that word, upon

which she took me up most scornfully, which, before Ashwell and the rest

of the world, I know not now-a-days how to check, as I would heretofore,

for less than that would have made me strike her. So that I fear without

great discretion I shall go near to lose too my command over her, and

nothing do it more than giving her this occasion of dancing and other

pleasures, whereby her mind is taken up from her business and finds other

sweets besides pleasing of me, and so makes her that she begins not at all

to take pleasure in me or study to please me as heretofore. But if this

month of her dancing were but out (as my first was this night, and I paid

off Pembleton for myself) I shall hope with a little pains to bring her to

her old wont. This day Susan that lived with me lately being out of

service, and I doubt a simple wench, my wife do take her for a little time

to try her at least till she goes into the country, which I am yet

doubtful whether it will be best for me to send her or no, for fear of her

running off in her liberty before I have brought her to her right temper

again.

22nd. Up pretty betimes, and shall, I hope, come to myself and business

again, after a small playing the truant, for I find that my interest and

profit do grow daily, for which God be praised and keep me to my duty. To

my office, and anon one tells me that Rundall, the house-carpenter of

Deptford, hath sent me a fine blackbird, which I went to see. He tells me

he was offered 20s. for him as he came along, he do so whistle. So to my

office, and busy all the morning, among other things, learning to

understand the course of the tides, and I think I do now do it. At noon

Mr. Creed comes to me, and he and I to the Exchange, where I had much

discourse with several merchants, and so home with him to dinner, and then

by water to Greenwich, and calling at the little alehouse at the end of

the town to wrap a rag about my little left toe, being new sore with

walking, we walked pleasantly to Woolwich, in our way hearing the

nightingales sing. So to Woolwich yard, and after doing many things

there, among others preparing myself for a dispute against Sir W. Pen in

the business of Bowyer's, wherein he is guilty of some corruption to the

King's wrong, we walked back again without drinking, which I never do

because I would not make my coming troublesome to any, nor would become

obliged too much to any. In our going back we were overtook by Mr.

Steventon, a purser, and uncle to my clerk Will, who told me how he was

abused in the passing of his accounts by Sir J. Minnes to the degree that

I am ashamed to hear it, and resolve to retrieve the matter if I can

though the poor man has given it over. And however am pleased enough to

see that others do see his folly and dotage as well as myself, though I

believe in my mind the man in general means well.

Took boat at Greenwich and to Deptford, where I did the same thing, and

found Davis, the storekeeper, a knave, and shuffling in the business of

Bewpers, being of the party with Young and Whistler to abuse the King, but

I hope I shall be even with them. So walked to Redriffe, drinking at the

Half-way house, and so walked and by water to White Hall, all our way by

water coming and going reading a little book said to be writ by a person

of Quality concerning English gentry to be preferred before titular

honours, but the most silly nonsense, no sense nor grammar, yet in as good

words that ever I saw in all my life, but from beginning to end you met

not with one entire and regular sentence. At White Hall Sir G. Carteret

was out of the way, and so returned back presently, and home by water and

to bed.

23rd. Waked this morning between four and five by my blackbird, which

whistles as well as ever I heard any; only it is the beginning of many

tunes very well, but there leaves them, and goes no further. So up and to

my office, where we sat, and among other things I had a fray with Sir J.

Minnes in defence of my Will in a business where the old coxcomb would

have put a foot upon him, which was only in Jack Davis and in him a

downright piece of knavery in procuring a double ticket and getting the

wrong one paid as well as the second was to the true party. But it

appeared clear enough to the board that Will was true in it. Home to

dinner, and after dinner by water to the Temple, and there took my Lyra

Viall book bound up with blank paper for new lessons. Thence to

Greatorex's, and there seeing Sir J. Minnes and Sir W. Pen go by coach I

went in to them and to White Hall; where, in the Matted Gallery, Mr.

Coventry was, who told us how the Parliament have required of Sir G.

Carteret and him an account what money shall be necessary to be settled

upon the Navy for the ordinary charge, which they intend to report

L200,000 per annum. And how to allott this we met this afternoon, and

took their papers for our perusal, and so we parted. Only there was

walking in the gallery some of the Barbary company, and there we saw a

draught of the arms of the company, which the King is of, and so is called

the Royall Company, which is, in a field argent an elephant proper, with a

canton on which England and France is quartered, supported by two Moors.

The crest an anchor winged, I think it is, and the motto too tedious:

"Regio floret, patrocinio commercium, commercioque Regnum." Thence back by

water to Greatorex's, and there he showed me his varnish which he had

invented, which appears every whit as good, upon a stick which he hath

done, as the Indian, though it did not do very well upon my paper ruled

with musique lines, for it sunk and did not shine. Thence home by water,

and after a dance with Pembleton to my office and wrote by the post to Sir

W. Batten at Portsmouth to send for him up against next Wednesday, being

our triall day against Field at Guildhall, in which God give us good end.

So home: to supper and to bed.

24th (Lord's day). Having taken one of Mr. Holliard's pills last night it

brought a stool or two this morning, and so forebore going to church this

morning, but staid at home looking over my papers about Tom Trice's

business, and so at noon dined, and my wife telling me that there was a

pretty lady come to church with Peg Pen to-day, I against my intention had

a mind to go to church to see her, and did so, and she is pretty handsome.

But over against our gallery I espied Pembleton, and saw him leer upon my

wife all the sermon, I taking no notice of him, and my wife upon him, and

I observed she made a curtsey to him at coming out without taking notice

to me at all of it, which with the consideration of her being desirous

these two last Lord's days to go to church both forenoon and afternoon do

really make me suspect something more than ordinary, though I am loth to

think the worst, but yet it put and do still keep me at a great loss in my

mind, and makes me curse the time that I consented to her dancing, and

more my continuing it a second month, which was more than she desired,

even after I had seen too much of her carriage with him. But I must have

patience and get her into the country, or at least to make an end of her

learning to dance as soon as I can. After sermon to Sir W. Pen's, with

Sir J. Minnes to do a little business to answer Mr. Coventry to-night.

And so home and with my wife and Ashwell into the garden walking a great

while, discoursing what this pretty wench should be by her garb and

deportment; with respect to Mrs. Pen she may be her woman, but only that

she sat in the pew with her, which I believe he would not let her do. So

home, and read to my wife a fable or two in Ogleby's AEsop, and so to

supper, and then to prayers and to bed. My wife this evening discoursing

of making clothes for the country, which I seem against, pleading lack of

money, but I am glad of it in some respects because of getting her out of

the way from this fellow, and my own liberty to look after my business

more than of late I have done. So to prayers and to bed. This morning it

seems Susan, who I think is distracted, or however is since she went from

me taught to drink, and so gets out of doors 2 or 3 times a day without

leave to the alehouse, did go before 5 o'clock to-day, making Griffin rise

in his shirt to let her out to the alehouse, she said to warm herself, but

her mistress, falling out with her about it, turned her out of doors this

morning, and so she is gone like an idle slut. I took a pill also this

night.

25th. Up, and my pill working a little I staid within most of the

morning, and by and by the barber came and Sarah Kite my cozen, poor

woman, came to see me and borrow 40s. of me, telling me she will pay it at

Michaelmas again to me. I was glad it was no more, being indifferent

whether she pays it me or no, but it will be a good excuse to lend her nor

give her any more. So I did freely at first word do it, and give her a

crown more freely to buy her child something, she being a good-natured and

painful wretch, and one that I would do good for as far as I can that I

might not be burdened. My wife was not ready, and she coming early did

not see her, and I was glad of it. She gone, I up and then hear that my

wife and her maid Ashwell had between them spilled the pot . . . . upon

the floor and stool and God knows what, and were mighty merry making of it

clean. I took no great notice, but merrily. Ashwell did by and by come

to me with an errand from her mistress to desire money to buy a country

suit for her against she goes as we talked last night, and so I did give

her L4, and believe it will cost me the best part of 4 more to fit her

out, but with peace and honour I am willing to spare anything so as to be

able to keep all ends together, and my power over her undisturbed. So to

my office and by and by home, where my wife and her master were dancing,

and so I staid in my chamber till they had done, and sat down myself to

try a little upon the Lyra viall, my hand being almost out, but easily

brought to again. So by and by to dinner, and then carried my wife and

Ashwell to St. James's, and there they sat in the coach while I went in,

and finding nobody there likely to meet with the Duke, but only Sir J.

Minnes with my Lord Barkely (who speaks very kindly, and invites me with

great compliments to come now and then and eat with him, which I am glad

to hear, though I value not the thing, but it implies that my esteem do

increase rather than fall), and so I staid not, but into the coach again,

and taking up my wife's taylor, it raining hard, they set me down, and who

should our coachman be but Carleton the Vintner, that should have had Mrs.

Sarah, at Westminster, my Lord Chancellor's, and then to Paternoster Row.

I staid there to speak with my Lord Sandwich, and in my staying, meeting

Mr. Lewis Phillips of Brampton, he and afterwards others tell me that news

came last night to Court, that the King of France is sick of the spotted

fever, and that they are struck in again; and this afternoon my Lord

Mandeville is gone from the King to make him a visit; which will be great

news, and of great import through Europe. By and by, out comes my Lord

Sandwich, and he and I talked a great while about his business, of his

accounts for his pay, and among other things he told me that this day a

vote hath passed that the King's grants of land to my Lord Monk and him

should be made good; which pleases him very well. He also tells me that

things don't go right in the House with Mr. Coventry; I suppose he means

in the business of selling of places; but I am sorry for it. Thence by

coach home, where I found Pembleton, and so I up to dance with them till

the evening, when there came Mr. Alsopp, the King's brewer, and Lanyon of

Plymouth to see me. Mr. Alsopp tells me of a horse of his that lately,

after four days' pain, voided at his fundament four stones, bigger than

that I was cut of, very heavy, and in the middle of each of them either a

piece of iron or wood. The King has two of them in his closett, and a

third the College of Physicians to keep for rarity, and by the King's

command he causes the turd of the horse to be every day searched to find

more. At night to see Sir W. Batten come home this day from Portsmouth.

I met with some that say that the King of France is poisoned, but how true

that is is not known. So home to supper and to bed pleasant.

Diary of Samuel Pepys — Volume 22: May/June 1663 · 第 2 / 6 段