So much for this most modern method of classification, which has

probably found adherents because it would deliver us from the

relationship to apes which many people so much dislike. In contrast to

it we have the second class of special hypotheses of descent, which

keeps strictly to the nearest structural relationship. This is the

only basis that justifies the drawing up of a special hypothesis of

descent. If this fundamental proposition be recognised, it will be

admitted that the doctrine of special descent upheld by Haeckel, and

set forth in Darwin's _Descent of Man_, is still valid to-day. In the

genealogical tree, man's place is quite close to the anthropoid apes;

these again have as their nearest relatives the lower Old World

monkeys, and their progenitors must be sought among the less

differentiated Platyrrhine monkeys, whose most important characters

have been handed on to the present day New World monkeys. How the

different genera are to be arranged within the general scheme

indicated depends in the main on the classificatory value attributed

to individual characters. This is particularly true in regard to

_Pithecanthropus_, which I consider as the root of a branch which has

sprung from the anthropoid ape root and has led up to man; the latter

I have designated the family of the Hominidae.

For the rest, there are, as we have said, various possible ways of

constructing the narrower genealogy within the limits of this branch

including men and apes, and these methods will probably continue to

change with the accumulation of new facts. Haeckel himself has

modified his genealogical tree of the Primates in certain details

since the publication of his _Generelle Morphologie_ in 1866, but its

general basis remains the same.[123] All the special genealogical

trees drawn up on the lines laid down by Haeckel and Darwin--and that

of Dubois may be specially mentioned--are based, in general, on the

close relationship of monkeys and men, although they may vary in

detail. Various hypotheses have been formulated on these lines, with

special reference to the evolution of man. _Pithecanthropus_ is

regarded by some authorities as the direct ancestor of man, by others

as a side-track failure in the attempt at the evolution of man. The

problem of the monophyletic or polyphyletic origin of the human race

has also been much discussed. Sergi[124] inclines towards the

assumption of a polyphyletic origin of the three main races of man,

the African primitive form of which has given rise also to the

gorilla and chimpanzee, the Asiatic to the Orang, the Gibbon, and

_Pithecanthropus_. Kollmann regards existing human races as derived

from small primitive races (pigmies), and considers that _Homo

primigenius_ must have arisen in a secondary and degenerative manner.

But this is not the place, nor have I the space to criticise the

various special theories of descent. One, however, must receive

particular notice. According to Ameghino, the South American monkeys

(_Pitheculites_) from the oldest Tertiary of the Pampas are the forms

from which have arisen the existing American monkeys on the one hand,

and on the other, the extinct South American Homunculidae, which are

also small forms. From these last, anthropoid apes and man have, he

believes, been evolved. Among the progenitors of man, Ameghino reckons

the form discovered by him (_Tetraprothomo_), from which a South

American primitive man, _Homo pampaeus_, might be directly evolved,

while on the other hand all the lower Old World monkeys may have

arisen from older fossil South American forms (Clenialitidae), the

distribution of which may be explained by the bridge formerly existing

between South America and Africa, as may be the derivation of all

existing human races from _Homo pampaeus_.[125] The fossil forms

discovered by Ameghino deserve the most minute investigation, as does

also the fossil man from South America of which Lehmann-Nitsche[126]

has made a thorough study.

It is obvious that, notwithstanding the necessity for fitting man's

line of descent into the genealogical tree of the Primates, especially

the apes, opinions in regard to it differ greatly in detail. This

could not be otherwise, since the different Primate forms, especially

the fossile forms, are still far from being exhaustively known. But

one thing remains certain,--the idea of the close relationship between

man and monkeys set forth in Darwin's _Descent of Man_. Only those who

deny the many points of agreement, the sole basis of classification,

and thus of a natural genealogical tree, can look upon the position of

Darwin and Haeckel as antiquated, or as standing on an insufficient

foundation. For such a genealogical tree is nothing more than a

summarised representation of what is known in regard to the degree of

resemblance between the different forms.

Darwin's work in regard to the descent of man has not been surpassed;

the more we immerse ourselves in the study of the structural

relationships between apes and man, the more is our path illumined by

the clear light radiating from him, and through his calm and

deliberate investigation, based on a mass of material in the

accumulation of which he has never had an equal. Darwin's fame will be

bound up for all time with the unprejudiced investigation of the

question of all questions, the descent of the human race.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 75: _Life and Letters of Thomas Henry Huxley_, Vol. I. p.

171, London, 1900.]

[Footnote 76: _Ibid._, p. 363.]

[Footnote 77: No italics in original.]

[Footnote 78: _Life and Letters of Charles Darwin_, Vol. I. p. 93.]

[Footnote 79: _Ibid._ Vol. II. p. 263.]

[Footnote 80: _Ibid._ Vol. I. p. 94.]

[Footnote 81: _Life and Letters_, Vol. III. p. 175.]

[Footnote 82: _Ibid._ Vol. II. p. 109.]

[Footnote 83: _Ibid._ Vol. III. p. 112.]

[Footnote 84: _Ibid._ Vol. I. pp. 304-317.]

[Footnote 85: _Life and Letters_, Vol. I. p. 309.]

[Footnote 86: _Loc. cit._ p. 313.]

[Footnote 87: _Ibid._ Vol. II. p. 310.]

[Footnote 88: _Ibid._ Vol. III. p. 236. ["C. Ridley," Mr. Francis

Darwin points out to me, should be H. N. Ridley. A.C.S.]]

[Footnote 89: _Descent of Man_ (Popular Edit., 1901), fig. 1, p. 14.]

[Footnote 90: G. Schwalbe, "Das Darwin'sche Spitzohr beim menschlichen

Embryo," _Anatom. Anzeiger_, 1889, pp. 176-189, and other papers.]

[Footnote 91: _Descent of Man_, fig. 3, p. 24.]

[Footnote 92: _Descent of man_, p. 6.]

[Footnote 93: _Ibid._ p. 54.]

[Footnote 94: _Descent of Man_, p. 92.]

[Footnote 95: _Ibid._ p. 100.]

[Footnote 96: _Life and letters_, Vol. II. p. 161, June 22, 1859.]

[Footnote 97: _Ibid._ Vol. III. p. 15, March 17, 1863.]

[Footnote 98: _Descent of Man_, p. 132.]

[Footnote 99: _Ibid._ pp. 136, 137.]

[Footnote 100: _Ibid._ p. 143.]

[Footnote 101: _Ibid._ p. 193.]

[Footnote 102: _Descent of Man_, p. 231.]

[Footnote 103: _Descent of Man_, p. 308.]

[Footnote 104: _Life and Letters_, Vol. II. p. 23.]

[Footnote 105: _Loc. cit._ p. 39.]

[Footnote 106: _Loc. cit._ (1856), p. 82.]

[Footnote 107: _Ibid._ Vol. III p. 159.]

[Footnote 108: _Descent of Man_, p. 924.]

[Footnote 109: "Die Hautfarbe des Menschen," _Mitteilungen der

Anthropologischen Gessellschaft in Wien_, Vol. XXXIV. pp. 331-352.]

[Footnote 110: _Ibid._ p. 947.]

[Footnote 111: _Descent of Man_, p. 240.]

[Footnote 112: "Das geologische Alter der Pithecanthropus-Schichten

bei Trinil, Ost-Java." _Neues Jahrb. f. Mineralogie_. Festband, 1907.]

[Footnote 113: _Descent of Man_, p. 82.]

[Footnote 114: "La race humaine de Neanderthal ou de Canstatt en

Belgique." _Arch. de Biologie_, VII. 1887.]

[Footnote 115: Gorjanovic-Kramberger. _Der diluviale Mensch van

Krapina in Kroatien_, 1906.]

[Footnote 116: _Studien zur Vorgeschichte des Menschen_, 1906, pp. 154

ff.]

[Footnote 117: "On the cranial and facial characters of the Neandertal

Race." _Trans. R. Soc._ London, vol. 199, 1908, p. 281.]

[Footnote 118: Since this essay was written Schoetensack has

discovered near Heidelberg and briefly described an exceedingly

interesting lower jaw from rocks between the Pliocene and Diluvial

beds. This exhibits interesting differences from the forms of lower

jaw of _Homo primigenius_. (Schoetensack, _Der Unterkiefer des Homo

heidelbergensis_, Leipzig, 1908.) G. S.]

[Footnote 119: _Life and Letters of Thomas Henry Huxley_, Vol. II. p.

394.]

[Footnote 120: _Descent of Man_, p. 229.]

[Footnote 121: _Loc. cit._]

[Footnote 122: Klaatsch in his last publications speaks in the main

only of an ancestral form common to men and anthropoid apes.]

[Footnote 123: Haeckels latest genealogical tree is to be found in his

most recent work, _Unsere Ahnenreihe_. Jena, 1908.]

[Footnote 124: Sergi, G. _Europa_, 1908.]

[Footnote 125: _See_ Ameghino's latest paper, "_Notas preliminaries

sobre el Tetraprothomo argentinus_," etc. _Anales del Museo nacional

de Buenos Aires_, XVI. pp. 107-242, 1907.]

[Footnote 126: "Nouvelles recherches sur la formation pampeenne et

l'homme fossile de la Republique Argentine." _Rivista del Museo de la

Plata_, T. XIV. pp. 193-488.]

V

CHARLES DARWIN AS AN ANTHROPOLOGIST

BY ERNST HAECKEL

_Professor of Zoology in the University of Jena_

The great advance that anthropology has made in the second half of the

nineteenth century is due, in the first place, to Darwin's discovery

of the origin of man. No other problem in the whole field of research

is so momentous as that of "Man's place in nature," which was justly

described by Huxley (1863) as the most fundamental of all questions.

Yet the scientific solution of this problem was impossible until the

theory of descent had been established.

It is now a hundred years since the great French biologist Jean

Lamarck published his _Philosophie Zoologique_. By a remarkable

coincidence the year in which that work was issued, 1809, was the year

of the birth of his most distinguished successor, Charles Darwin.

Lamarck had already recognised that the descent of man from a series

of other Vertebrates--that is, from a series of Ape-like Primates--was

essentially involved in the general theory of transformation which he

had erected on a broad inductive basis; and he had sufficient

penetration to detect the agencies that had been at work in the

evolution of the erect bimanous man from the arboreal and quadrumanous

ape. He had, however, few empirical arguments to advance in support of

his hypothesis, and it could not be established until the further

development of the biological sciences--the founding of comparative

embryology by Baer (1828) and of the cell-theory by Schleiden and

Schwann (1838), the advance of physiology under Johannes Mueller

(1833), and the enormous progress of palaeontology and comparative

anatomy between 1820 and 1860--provided this necessary foundation.

Darwin was the first to coordinate the ample results of these lines of

research. With no less comprehensiveness than discrimination he

consolidated them as a basis of a modified theory of descent, and

associated with them his own theory of natural selection, which we

take to be distinctive of "Darwinism" in the stricter sense. The

illuminating truth of these cumulative arguments was so great in every

branch of biology that, in spite of the most vehement opposition, the

battle was won within a single decade, and Darwin secured the general

admiration and recognition that had been denied to his forerunner,

Lamarck, up to the hour of his death (1829).

Before, however, we consider the momentous influence that Darwinism

has had in anthropology, we shall find it useful to glance at its

history in the course of the last half century, and notice the various

theories that have contributed to its advance. The first attempt to

give extensive expression to the reform of biology by Darwin's work

will be found in my _Generelle Morphologie_ (1866)[127] which was

followed by a more popular treatment of the subject in my _Natuerliche

Schoepfungsgeschichte_ (1868),[128] a compilation from the earlier

work. In the first volume of the _Generelle Morphologie_ I endeavoured

to show the great importance of evolution in settling the fundamental

questions of biological philosophy, especially in regard to

comparative anatomy. In the second volume I dealt broadly with the

principle of evolution, distinguishing ontogeny and phylogeny as its

two coordinate main branches, and associating the two in the

Biogenetic Law. The Law may be formulated thus: "Ontogeny (embryology

or the development of the individual) is a concise and compressed

recapitulation of phylogeny (the palaeontological or genealogical

series) conditioned by laws of heredity and adaptation." The

"Systematic introduction to general evolution," with which the second

volume of the _Generelle Morphologie_ opens, was the first attempt to

draw up a natural system of organisms (in harmony with the principles

of Lamarck and Darwin) in the form of a hypothetical pedigree, and was

provisionally set forth in eight genealogical tables.

In the nineteenth chapter of the _Generelle Morphologie_--a part of

which has been republished, without any alteration, after a lapse of

forty years--I made a critical study of Lamarck's theory of descent

and of Darwin's theory of selection, and endeavoured to bring the

complex phenomena of heredity and adaptation under definite laws for

the first time. Heredity I divided into conservative and progressive:

adaptation into indirect (or potential) and direct (or actual). I then

found it possible to give some explanation of the correlation of the

two physiological functions in the struggle for life (selection), and

to indicate the important laws of divergence (or differentiation) and

complexity (or division of labor), which are the direct and inevitable

outcome of selection. Finally, I marked off dysteleology as the

science of the aimless (vestigial, abortive, atrophied, and useless)

organs and parts of the body. In all this I worked from a strictly

monistic standpoint, and sought to explain all biological phenomena on

the mechanical and naturalistic lines that had long been recognised in

the study of inorganic nature. Then (1866), as now, being convinced of

the unity of nature, the fundamental identity of the agencies at work

in the inorganic and the organic worlds, I discarded vitalism,

teleology, and all hypotheses of a mystic character.

It was clear from the first that it was essential, in the monistic

conception of evolution, to distinguish between the laws of

conservative and progressive heredity. Conservative heredity maintains

from generation to generation the enduring characters of the species.

Each organism transmits to its descendants a part of the morphological

and physiological qualities that it has received from its parents and

ancestors. On the other hand, progressive heredity brings new

characters to the species--characters that were not found in preceding

generations. Each organism may transmit to its offspring a part of the

morphological and physiological features that it has itself acquired,

by adaptation, in the course of its individual career, through the use

or disuse of particular organs, the influence of environment, climate,

nutrition, etc. At that time I gave the name of "progressive heredity"

to this inheritance of acquired characters, as a short and convenient

expression, but have since changed the term to "transformative

heredity" (as distinguished from conservative). This term is

preferable, as inherited regressive modifications (degeneration,

retrograde metamorphosis, etc.) come under the same head.

Transformative heredity--or the transmission of acquired

characters--is one of the most important principles in evolutionary

science. Unless we admit it most of the facts of comparative anatomy

and physiology are inexplicable. That was the conviction of Darwin no

less than of Lamarck, of Spencer as well as Virchow, of Huxley as well

as Gegenbaur, indeed of the great majority of speculative biologists.

This fundamental principle was for the first time called in question

and assailed in 1885 by August Weismann of Freiburg, the eminent

zoologist to whom the theory of evolution owes a great deal of

valuable support, and who has attained distinction by his extension of

the theory of selection. In explanation of the phenomena of heredity

he introduced a new theory, the "theory of the continuity of the

germ-plasm." According to him the living substance in all organisms

consists of two quite distinct kinds of plasm, somatic and germinal.

The permanent germ-plasm, or the active substance of the two

germ-cells (egg-cell and sperm-cell), passes unchanged through a

series of generations, and is not affected by environmental

influences. The environment modifies only the soma-plasm, the organs

and tissues of the body. The modifications that these parts undergo

through the influence of the environment or their own activity (use

and habit), do not affect the germ-plasm, and cannot therefore be

transmitted.

This theory of the continuity of the germ-plasm has been expounded by

Weismann during the last twenty-four years in a number of able

volumes, and is regarded by many biologists, such as Mr. Francis

Galton, Sir E. Ray Lankester, and Professor J. Arthur Thomson (who has

recently made a thorough-going defence of it in his important work

_Heredity_),[129] as the most striking advance in evolutionary

science. On the other hand, the theory has been rejected by Herbert

Spencer, Sir W. Turner, Gegenbaur, Koelliker, Hertwig, and many others.

For my part I have, with all respect for the distinguished Darwinian,

contested the theory from the first, because its whole foundation

seems to me erroneous, and its deductions do not seem to be in accord

with the main facts of comparative morphology and physiology.

Weismann's theory in its entirety is a finely conceived molecular

hypothesis, but it is devoid of empirical basis. The notion of the

absolute and permanent independence of the germ-plasm, as

distinguished from the soma-plasm, is purely speculative; as is also

the theory of germinal selection. The determinants, ids, and idants,

are purely hypothetical elements. The experiments that have been

devised to demonstrate their existence really prove nothing.

It seems to me quite improper to describe this hypothetical structure

as "Neodarwinism." Darwin was just as convinced as Lamarck of the

transmission of acquired characters and its great importance in the

scheme of evolution. I had the good fortune to visit Darwin at Down

three times and discuss with him the main principles of his system,

and on each occasion we were fully agreed as to the incalculable

importance of what I may call transformative inheritance. It is only

proper to point out that Weismann's theory of the germ-plasm is in

express contradiction to the fundamental principles of Darwin and

Lamarck. Nor is it more acceptable in what one may call its

"ultradarwinism"--the idea that the theory of selection explains

everything in the evolution of the organic world. This belief in the

"omnipotence of natural selection" was not shared by Darwin himself.

Assuredly, I regard it as of the utmost value, as the process of

natural selection through the struggle for life affords an explanation

of the mechanical origin of the adapted organisation. It solves the

great problem: how could the finely adapted structure of the animal or

plant body be formed unless it was built on a preconceived plan? It

thus enables us to dispense with the teleology of the metaphysician

and the dualist, and to set aside the old mythological and poetic

legends of creation. The idea had occurred in vague form to the great

Empedocles 2000 years before the time of Darwin, but it was reserved

for modern research to give it ample expression. Nevertheless, natural

selection does not of itself give the solution of all our evolutionary

problems. It has to be taken in conjunction with the transformism of

Lamarck, with which it is in complete harmony.

The monumental greatness of Charles Darwin, who surpasses every other

student of science in the nineteenth century by the loftiness of his

monistic conception of nature and the progressive influence of his

ideas, is perhaps best seen in the fact that not one of his many

successors has succeeded in modifying his theory of descent in any

essential point or in discovering an entirely new standpoint in the

interpretation of the organic world. Neither Naegeli nor Weismann,

neither De Vries nor Roux, has done this. Naegeli, in his

_Mechanisch-Physiologische Theorie der Abstammungslehre_[130] which is

to a great extent in agreement with Weismann, constructed a theory of

the idioplasm, that represents it (like the germ-plasm) as developing

continuously in a definite direction from internal causes. But his

internal "principle of progress" is at the bottom just as teleological

as the vital force of the Vitalists, and the micella structure of the

idioplasm is just as hypothetical as the "dominant" structure of the

germ-plasm. In 1889 Moritz Wagner sought to explain the origin of

species by migration and isolation, and on that basis constructed a

special "migration-theory." This, however, is not out of harmony with

the theory of selection. It merely elevates one single factor in the

theory to a predominant position. Isolation is only a special case of

selection, as I had pointed out in the fifteenth chapter of my

_Natural history of creation_. The "mutation-theory" of De Vries,[131]

that would explain the origin of species by sudden and saltatory

variations rather than by gradual modification, is regarded by many

botanists as a great step in advance, but it is generally rejected by

zoologists. It affords no explanation of the facts of adaptation, and

has no causal value.

Much more important than these theories is that of Wilhelm Roux[132]

of "the struggle of parts within the organism, a supplementation of

the theory of mechanical adaptation." He explains the functional

autoformation of the purposive structure by a combination of Darwin's

principle of selection with Lamarck's idea of transformative heredity,

and applies the two in conjunction to the facts of histology. He lays

stress on the significance of functional adaptation, which I had

described in 1866, under the head of cumulative adaptation, as the

most important factor in evolution. Pointing out its influence in the

cell-life of the tissues, he puts "cellular selection" above "personal

selection," and shows how the finest conceivable adaptations in the

structure of the tissue may be brought about quite mechanically,

without preconceived plan. This "mechanical teleology" is a valuable

extension of Darwin's monistic principle of selection to the whole

field of cellular physiology and histology, and is wholly destructive

of dualistic vitalism.

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