THE INAUGURATION.
There were unusual circumstances attending the close of Mr. Lincoln’s
journey to the Capital. So bitter was the feeling engendered among his
opponents that plots were entered into against his life. Dr. Holland
states that the President-elect was cognizant of his danger. An attempt
was made to throw the train off the track on which he journeyed from
Springfield. There was a rumor that when he reached Baltimore
conspirators would surround his carriage in the guise of friends, and
accomplish his assassination. These reports were probably exaggerated,
and Mr. Lamon discredits them altogether, but it is likely that they
were well founded. At any rate, measures were taken to ferret out the
conspiracy, and, by advice of General Scott and Senator Seward, then in
Washington, Mr. Lincoln quietly left Harrisburg by a special train in
advance of his party, and arrived in Washington at half-past six in the
morning, when no one expected him except those who had arranged this
deviation from the regular programme. The moment he left Harrisburg the
telegraph wires were cut, so that intelligence of his departure could
not be sent to a distance.
It was strange and as yet unprecedented, this secret and
carefully-guarded journey, but the circumstances seemed to make it
necessary. His friends received him with a feeling of happy relief, and,
as the morning advanced, and it was learned that he was in the city,
Washington enjoyed a sensation. There were many at the time who
ridiculed the fears of Mr. Lincoln’s friends, and disapproved of the
caution which counselled his secret arrival; but sad events that have
since saddened and disgraced the nation, show that both he and his
friends were wise. The assassination of Lincoln on his way to the
Capital would have had far more disastrous effects than the unhappy
tragedy of April, 1865, and might have established Jefferson Davis in
the White House.
There was a strong disloyal element in Washington, and there were more
perhaps who regarded Mr. Lincoln with hostility than with friendship,
but among those who probably were heartily glad to hear of his arrival
was President James Buchanan, who was anxious and eager to lay down the
sceptre, and transfer his high office to his lawful successor. Timid by
nature, he was not the pilot to guide the ship of State in a storm. No
one ever more willingly retired to the peace and security of private
life.
Indeed, as we consider the condition of the country and the state of
public feeling, we are disposed rather to condole with the new President
than to congratulate him. In times of peace and prosperity the position
of Chief Magistrate is a prize worth competing for; but, in 1861, even a
strong man and experienced statesman might well have shrunk from
assuming its duties.
General Winfield Scott was at that time in military command of
Washington. He was fearful that the inaugural exercises might be
interrupted by some violent demonstration, and made preparations
accordingly, but he was happily disappointed. The day dawned bright and
clear. Washington was in holiday attire. Business was generally
suspended, and there was an unusual interest to hear Mr. Lincoln’s
inaugural address. Among the attentive listeners were the retiring
President and Chief-Justice Taney, of the Supreme Court, a man whose
sympathies were with the slave power. It was a creditable and noteworthy
incident of this memorable occasion, that among the friends who stood by
Mr. Lincoln most staunchly, even holding his hat as he delivered his
inaugural, was his old Senatorial and Presidential competitor, Stephen
A. Douglas. Whatever his sentiments were on the issues of the day, he
was not willing to side with, or in any way assist, those who menaced
the national existence. Another defeated candidate, Mr. Breckinridge,
was present, having just surrendered the Vice-President’s chair to Mr.
Hamlin. It was a scene for an artist. There could be no more striking
picture than one which should faithfully represent Abraham Lincoln,
reading his first inaugural before an audience of representative men,
half of whom were hostile, and many of whom, three months later, were in
arms against the Government. All alike, foes as well as friends, were
eager to hear what the new President had to say. Had it been Seward
instead of Lincoln, they could have formed a reasonable conjecture, but
this giant from the Western prairies; this Backwoods Boy, who had grown
to maturity under the most unpromising circumstances; this man, with his
limited experience in but one national office, was an unknown quantity
in politics, and no one knew what manner of man he was. But we shall
never have such a picture. People had more important things to think of
then, and it is too late now. In a time of intense feeling, when the
national existence was at stake, and no one knew what events the next
week would bring forth, there was little taste or time for art.
We, too, may well feel interested in the utterances of the
President-elect. I should be glad to quote the entire address, but as
this is impracticable, I will make a few significant extracts:
“I do not consider it necessary at present,” said Mr. Lincoln, “for me
to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no
special anxiety or excitement. Apprehensions seem to exist among the
people of the Southern States, that, by the accession of a Republican
administration, their property and their peace and personal security
are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such
apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all
the while existed, and been open to their inspection. It is found in
nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but
quote from one of those speeches, when I declare that ‘I have no
purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of
slavery in the States where it exists.’ I believe I have no lawful right
to do so; and I have no inclination to do so. Those who nominated and
elected me did so with the full knowledge that I had made this, and made
many similar declarations, and had never recanted them.”
Further on he says:
“It is seventy-two years to-day since the first inauguration of a
President under our national Constitution. During that period fifteen
different and very distinguished citizens have, in succession,
administered the executive branch of the Government. They have conducted
it through many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all
this scope for precedent, I now enter upon the same task, for the brief
constitutional term of four years, under great and peculiar
difficulties.
“A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now
formidably attempted. I hold that in the contemplation of universal law
and of the Constitution, the union of these States is perpetual.
Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all
national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper
ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination.
Continue to execute all the express provisions of our national
Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to
destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument
itself.
“It follows from these views that no State, upon its own mere motion,
can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that
effect are legally void; and that acts of violence within any State or
States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or
revolutionary, according to circumstances.
“I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws,
the Union is unbroken, and, to the extent of my ability, I shall take
care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the
laws of the Union shall be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing
this, which I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, I shall
perfectly perform it, so far as is practicable, unless my rightful
masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisition, or in some
authoritative manner direct the contrary.
“I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared
purpose of the Union, that it will constitutionally defend and maintain
itself.”
After arguing at some length against separation, Mr. Lincoln closes his
address with an appeal to his fellow-citizens:
“My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole
subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time.
“If there be an object to hurry any of you, in hot haste, to a step
which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated
by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it.
“Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution
unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing,
under it; while the new administration will have no immediate power, if
it would, to change either.
“If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side
in the dispute, there is still no single reason for precipitate action.
Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who
has never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust,
in the best way, all our present difficulties.
“In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is
the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you.
“You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You
have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I
shall have the most solemn one to ‘preserve, protect, and defend’ it.
“I am loth to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be
enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds
of affection.
“The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field and
patriotic grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this
broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched,
as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.”