_Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives_:
Again the blessings of health and abundant harvests claim our
profoundest gratitude to Almighty God.
The condition of our foreign affairs is reasonably satisfactory.
Mexico continues to be a theater of civil war. While our political
relations with that country have undergone no change, we have at the
same time strictly maintained neutrality between the belligerents.
At the request of the States of Costa Rica and Nicaragua, a competent
engineer has been authorized to make a survey of the river San Juan and
the port of San Juan. It is a source of much satisfaction that the
difficulties which for a moment excited some political apprehensions and
caused a closing of the interoceanic transit route have been amicably
adjusted, and that there is a good prospect that the route will soon be
reopened with an increase of capacity and adaptation. We could not
exaggerate either the commercial or the political importance of that
great improvement.
It would be doing injustice to an important South American State not to
acknowledge the directness, frankness, and cordiality with which the
United States of Colombia have entered into intimate relations with this
Government. A claims convention has been constituted to complete the
unfinished work of the one which closed its session in 1861.
The new liberal constitution of Venezuela having gone into effect with
the universal acquiescence of the people, the Government under it has
been recognized and diplomatic intercourse with it has opened in a
cordial and friendly spirit. The long-deferred Aves Island claim has
been satisfactorily paid and discharged.
Mutual payments have been made of the claims awarded by the late joint
commission for the settlement of claims between the United States and
Peru. An earnest and cordial friendship continues to exist between the
two countries, and such efforts as were in my power have been used to
remove misunderstanding and avert a threatened war between Peru and
Spain.
Our relations are of the most friendly nature with Chile, the Argentine
Republic, Bolivia, Costa Rica, Paraguay, San Salvador, and Hayti.
During the past year no differences of any kind have arisen with any of
those Republics, and, on the other hand, their sympathies with the
United States are constantly expressed with cordiality and earnestness.
The claim arising from the seizure of the cargo of the brig _Macedonian_
in 1821 has been paid in full by the Government of Chile.
Civil war continues in the Spanish part of San Domingo, apparently
without prospect of an early close.
Official correspondence has been freely opened with Liberia, and it
gives us a pleasing view of social and political progress in that
Republic. It may be expected to derive new vigor from American
influence, improved by the rapid disappearance of slavery in the United
States.
I solicit your authority to furnish to the Republic a gunboat at
moderate cost, to be reimbursed to the United States by installments.
Such a vessel is needed for the safety of that State against the native
African races, and in Liberian hands it would be more effective in
arresting the African slave trade than a squadron in our own hands. The
possession of the least organized naval force would stimulate a generous
ambition in the Republic, and the confidence which we should manifest by
furnishing it would win forbearance and favor toward the colony from all
civilized nations.
The proposed overland telegraph between America and Europe, by the way
of Behrings Straits and Asiatic Russia, which was sanctioned by Congress
at the last session, has been undertaken, under very favorable
circumstances, by an association of American citizens, with the cordial
good will and support as well of this Government as of those of Great
Britain and Russia. Assurances have been received from most of the South
American States of their high appreciation of the enterprise and their
readiness to cooperate in constructing lines tributary to that
world-encircling communication. I learn with much satisfaction that the
noble design of a telegraphic communication between the eastern coast of
America and Great Britain has been renewed, with full expectation of its
early accomplishment.
Thus it is hoped that with the return of domestic peace the country will
be able to resume with energy and advantage its former high career of
commerce and civilization.
Our very popular and estimable representative in Egypt died in April
last. An unpleasant altercation which arose between the temporary
incumbent of the office and the Government of the Pasha resulted in a
suspension of intercourse. The evil was promptly corrected on the
arrival of the successor in the consulate, and our relations with Egypt,
as well as our relations with the Barbary Powers, are entirely
satisfactory.
The rebellion which has so long been flagrant in China has at last been
suppressed, with the cooperating good offices of this Government and of
the other Western commercial States. The judicial consular establishment
there has become very difficult and onerous, and it will need
legislative revision to adapt it to the extension of our commerce and to
the more intimate intercourse which has been instituted with the
Government and people of that vast Empire. China seems to be accepting
with hearty good will the conventional laws which regulate commercial
and social intercourse among the Western nations.
Owing to the peculiar situation of Japan and the anomalous form of its
Government, the action of that Empire in performing treaty stipulations
is inconstant and capricious. Nevertheless, good progress has been
effected by the Western powers, moving with enlightened concert. Our own
pecuniary claims have been allowed or put in course of settlement, and
the inland sea has been reopened to commerce. There is reason also to
believe that these proceedings have increased rather than diminished the
friendship of Japan toward the United States.
The ports of Norfolk, Fernandina, and Pensacola have been opened by
proclamation. It is hoped that foreign merchants will now consider
whether it is not safer and more profitable to themselves, as well as
just to the United States, to resort to these and other open ports than
it is to pursue, through many hazards and at vast cost, a contraband
trade with other ports which are closed, if not by actual military
occupation, at least by a lawful and effective blockade.
For myself, I have no doubt of the power and duty of the Executive,
under the law of nations, to exclude enemies of the human race from an
asylum in the United States. If Congress should think that proceedings
in such cases lack the authority of law, or ought to be further
regulated by it, I recommend that provision be made for effectually
preventing foreign slave traders from acquiring domicile and facilities
for their criminal occupation in our country.
It is possible that if it were a new and open question the maritime
powers, with the lights they now enjoy, would not concede the privileges
of a naval belligerent to the insurgents of the United States,
destitute, as they are, and always have been, equally of ships of war
and of ports and harbors. Disloyal emissaries have been neither less
assiduous nor more successful during the last year than they were before
that time in their efforts, under favor of that privilege, to embroil
our country in foreign wars. The desire and determination of the
governments of the maritime states to defeat that design are believed to
be as sincere as and can not be more earnest than our own. Nevertheless,
unforeseen political difficulties have arisen, especially in Brazilian
and British ports and on the northern boundary of the United States,
which have required, and are likely to continue to require, the practice
of constant vigilance and a just and conciliatory spirit on the part of
the United States, as well as of the nations concerned and their
governments.
Commissioners have been appointed under the treaty with Great Britain on
the adjustment of the claims of the Hudsons Bay and Pugets Sound
Agricultural Companies, in Oregon, and are now proceeding to the
execution of the trust assigned to them.
In view of the insecurity of life and property in the region adjacent to
the Canadian border, by reason of recent assaults and depredations
committed by inimical and desperate persons who are harbored there, it
has been thought proper to give notice that after the expiration of six
months, the period conditionally stipulated in the existing arrangement
with Great Britain, the United States must hold themselves at liberty to
increase their naval armament upon the Lakes if they shall find that
proceeding necessary. The condition of the border will necessarily come
into consideration in connection with the question of continuing or
modifying the rights of transit from Canada through the United States,
as well as the regulation of imposts, which were temporarily established
by the reciprocity treaty of the 5th June, 1854.
I desire, however, to be understood while making this statement that the
colonial authorities of Canada are not deemed to be intentionally unjust
or unfriendly toward the United States, but, on the contrary, there is
every reason to expect that, with the approval of the Imperial
Government, they will take the necessary measures to prevent new
incursions across the border.
The act passed at the last session for the encouragement of immigration
has so far as was possible been put into operation. It seems to need
amendment which will enable the officers of the Government to prevent
the practice of frauds against the immigrants while on their way and on
their arrival in the ports, so as to secure them here a free choice of
avocations and places of settlement. A liberal disposition toward this
great national policy is manifested by most of the European States, and
ought to be reciprocated on our part by giving the immigrants effective
national protection. I regard our immigrants as one of the principal
replenishing streams which are appointed by Providence to repair the
ravages of internal war and its wastes of national strength and health.
All that is necessary is to secure the flow of that stream in its
present fullness, and to that end the Government must in every way make
it manifest that it neither needs nor designs to impose involuntary
military service upon those who come from other lands to cast their lot
in our country.
The financial affairs of the Government have been successfully
administered during the last year. The legislation of the last session
of Congress has beneficially affected the revenues, although sufficient
time has not yet elapsed to experience the full effect of several of the
provisions of the acts of Congress imposing increased taxation.
The receipts during the year from all sources, upon the basis of
warrants signed by the Secretary of the Treasury, including loans and
the balance in the Treasury on the 1st day of July, 1863, were
$1,394,796,007.62, and the aggregate disbursements, upon the same basis,
were $1,298,056,101.89, leaving a balance in the Treasury, as shown by
warrants, of $96,739,905.73.
Deduct from these amounts the amount of the principal of the public debt
redeemed and the amount of issues in substitution therefor, and the
actual cash operations of the Treasury were: Receipts, $884,076,646.57;
disbursements, $865,234,087.86; which leaves a cash balance in the
Treasury of $18,842,558,71.
Of the receipts there were derived from customs $102,316,152.99, from
lands $588,333.29, from direct taxes $475,648.96, from internal revenue
$109,741,134.10, from miscellaneous sources $47,511,448.10, and from
loans applied to actual expenditures, including former balance,
$623,443,929.13.
There were disbursed for the civil service $27,505,599.46, for pensions
and Indians $7,517,930.97, for the War Department $690,791,842.97, for
the Navy Department $85,733,292.77, for interest on the public debt
$53,685,421.69, making an aggregate of $865,234,087.86 and leaving a
balance in the Treasury of $18,842,558.71, as before stated.
For the actual receipts and disbursements for the first quarter and the
estimated receipts and disbursements for the three remaining quarters of
the current fiscal year, and the general operations of the Treasury in
detail, I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury. I
concur with him in the opinion that the proportion of moneys required to
meet the expenses consequent upon the war derived from taxation should
be still further increased; and I earnestly invite your attention to
this subject, to the end that there may be such additional legislation
as shall be required to meet the just expectations of the Secretary.
The public debt on the 1st day of July last, as appears by the books of
the Treasury, amounted to $1,740,690,489.49. Probably, should the war
continue for another year, that amount may be increased by not far from
five hundred millions. Held, as it is, for the most part by our own
people, it has become a substantial branch of national, though private,
property. For obvious reasons the more nearly this property can be
distributed among all the people the better. To favor such general
distribution, greater inducements to become owners might, perhaps, with
good effect and without injury be presented to persons of limited means.
With this view I suggest whether it might not be both competent and
expedient for Congress to provide that a limited amount of some future
issue of public securities might be held by any _bona fide_ purchaser
exempt from taxation and from seizure for debt, under such restrictions
and limitations as might be necessary to guard against abuse of so
important a privilege. This would enable every prudent person to set
aside a small annuity against a possible day of want.
Privileges like these would render the possession of such securities to
the amount limited most desirable to every person of small means who
might be able to save enough for the purpose. The great advantage of
citizens being creditors as well as debtors with relation to the public
debt is obvious. Men readily perceive that they can not be much
oppressed by a debt which they owe to themselves.
The public debt on the 1st day of July last, although somewhat exceeding
the estimate of the Secretary of the Treasury made to Congress at the
commencement of the last session, falls short of the estimate of that
officer made in the preceding December as to its probable amount at the
beginning of this year by the sum of $3,995,097.31. This fact exhibits a
satisfactory condition and conduct of the operations of the Treasury.
The national banking system is proving to be acceptable to capitalists
and to the people. On the 25th day of November 584 national banks had
been organized, a considerable number of which were conversions from
State banks. Changes from State systems to the national system are
rapidly taking place, and it is hoped that very soon there will be in
the United States no banks of issue not authorized by Congress and no
bank-note circulation not secured by the Government. That the Government
and the people will derive great benefit from this change in the banking
systems of the country can hardly be questioned. The national system
will create a reliable and permanent influence in support of the
national credit and protect the people against losses in the use of
paper money. Whether or not any further legislation is advisable for the
suppression of State-bank issues it will be for Congress to determine.
It seems quite clear that the Treasury can not be satisfactorily
conducted unless the Government can exercise a restraining power over
the bank-note circulation of the country.
The report of the Secretary of War and the accompanying documents will
detail the campaigns of the armies in the field since the date of the
last annual message, and also the operations of the several
administrative bureaus of the War Department during the last year. It
will also specify the measures deemed essential for the national defense
and to keep up and supply the requisite military force.
The report of the Secretary of the Navy presents a comprehensive and
satisfactory exhibit of the affairs of that Department and of the naval
service. It is a subject of congratulation and laudable pride to our
countrymen that a Navy of such vast proportions has been organized in so
brief a period and conducted with so much efficiency and success.
The general exhibit of the Navy, including vessels under construction on
the 1st of December, 1864, shows a total of 671 vessels, carrying 4,610
guns, and of 510,396 tons, being an actual increase during the year,
over and above all losses by shipwreck or in battle, of 83 vessels, 167
guns, and 42,427 tons.
The total number of men at this time in the naval service, including
officers, is about 51,000.
There have been captured by the Navy during the year 324 vessels, and
the whole number of naval captures since hostilities commenced is 1,379,
of which 267 are steamers.
The gross proceeds arising from the sale of condemned prize property
thus far reported amount to $14,396,250.51. A large amount of such
proceeds is still under adjudication and yet to be reported.
The total expenditure of the Navy Department of every description,
including the cost of the immense squadrons that have been called into
existence from the 4th of March, 1861, to the 1st of November, 1864, is
$238,647,262.35.
Your favorable consideration is invited to the various recommendations
of the Secretary of the Navy, especially in regard to a navy-yard and
suitable establishment for the construction and repair of iron vessels
and the machinery and armature for our ships, to which reference was
made in my last annual message.
Your attention is also invited to the views expressed in the report in
relation to the legislation of Congress at its last session in respect
to prize on our inland waters.
I cordially concur in the recommendation of the Secretary as to the
propriety of creating the new rank of vice-admiral in our naval service.
Your attention is invited to the report of the Postmaster-General for a
detailed account of the operations and financial condition of the
Post-Office Department.
The postal revenues for the year ending June 30, 1864, amounted to
$12,438,253.78 and the expenditures to $12,644,786.20, the excess of
expenditures over receipts being $206,652.42.
The views presented by the Postmaster-General on the subject of special
grants by the Government in aid of the establishment of new lines of
ocean mail steamships and the policy he recommends for the development
of increased commercial intercourse with adjacent and neighboring
countries should receive the careful consideration of Congress.
It is of noteworthy interest that the steady expansion of population,
improvement, and governmental institutions over the new and unoccupied
portions of our country have scarcely been checked, much less impeded or
destroyed, by our great civil war, which at first glance would seem to
have absorbed almost the entire energies of the nation.
The organization and admission of the State of Nevada has been completed
in conformity with law, and thus our excellent system is firmly
established in the mountains, which once seemed a barren and
uninhabitable waste between the Atlantic States and those which have
grown up on the coast of the Pacific Ocean.
The Territories of the Union are generally in a condition of prosperity
and rapid growth. Idaho and Montana, by reason of their great distance
and the interruption of communication with them by Indian hostilities,
have been only partially organized; but it is understood that these
difficulties are about to disappear, which will permit their
governments, like those of the others, to go into speedy and full
operation.
As intimately connected with and promotive of this material growth of
the nation, I ask the attention of Congress to the valuable information
and important recommendations relating to the public lands, Indian
affairs, the Pacific Railroad, and mineral discoveries contained in the
report of the Secretary of the Interior which is herewith transmitted,
and which report also embraces the subjects of patents, pensions, and
other topics of public interest pertaining to his Department.
The quantity of public land disposed of during the five quarters ending
on the 30th of September last was 4,221,342 acres, of which 1,538,614
acres were entered under the homestead law. The remainder was located
with military land warrants, agricultural scrip certified to States for
railroads, and sold for cash. The cash received from sales and location
fees was $1,019,446.
The income from sales during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1864, was
$678,007.21, against $136,077.95 received during the preceding year. The
aggregate number of acres surveyed during the year has been equal to the
quantity disposed of, and there is open to settlement about 133,000,000
acres of surveyed land.
The great enterprise of connecting the Atlantic with the Pacific States
by railways and telegraph lines has been entered upon with a vigor that
gives assurance of success, notwithstanding the embarrassments arising
from the prevailing high prices of materials and labor. The route of the
main line of the road has been definitely located for 100 miles westward
from the initial point at Omaha City, Nebr., and a preliminary location
of the Pacific Railroad of California has been made from Sacramento
eastward to the great bend of the Truckee River in Nevada.
Numerous discoveries of gold, silver, and cinnabar mines have been added
to the many heretofore known, and the country occupied by the Sierra
Nevada and Rocky mountains and the subordinate ranges now teems with
enterprising labor, which is richly remunerative. It is believed that
the product of the mines of precious metals in that region has during
the year reached, if not exceeded, one hundred millions in value.
It was recommended in my last annual message that our Indian system be
remodeled. Congress at its last session, acting upon the recommendation,
did provide for reorganizing the system in California, and it is
believed that under the present organization the management of the
Indians there will be attended with reasonable success. Much yet remains
to be done to provide for the proper government of the Indians in other
parts of the country, to render it secure for the advancing settler, and
to provide for the welfare of the Indian. The Secretary reiterates his
recommendations, and to them the attention of Congress is invited.
The liberal provisions made by Congress for paying pensions to invalid
soldiers and sailors of the Republic and to the widows, orphans, and
dependent mothers of those who have fallen in battle or died of disease
contracted or of wounds received in the service of their country have
been diligently administered. There have been added to the pension rolls
during the year ending the 30th day of June last the names of 16,770
invalid soldiers and of 271 disabled seamen, making the present number
of army invalid pensioners 22,767 and of navy invalid pensioners 712.
Of widows, orphans, and mothers 22,198 have been placed on the army
pension rolls and 248 on the navy rolls. The present number of army
pensioners of this class is 25,433 and of navy pensioners 793. At the
beginning of the year the number of Revolutionary pensioners was 1,430.
Only 12 of them were soldiers, of whom 7 have since died. The remainder
are those who under the law receive pensions because of relationship to
Revolutionary soldiers. During the year ending the 30th of June, 1864,
$4,504,616.92 have been paid to pensioners of all classes.
I cheerfully commend to your continued patronage the benevolent
institutions of the District of Columbia which have hitherto been
established or fostered by Congress, and respectfully refer for
information concerning them and in relation to the Washington Aqueduct,
the Capitol, and other matters of local interest to the report of the
Secretary.
The Agricultural Department, under the supervision of its present
energetic and faithful head, is rapidly commending itself to the great
and vital interest it was created to advance. It is peculiarly the
people's Department, in which they feel more directly concerned than in
any other. I commend it to the continued attention and fostering care of
Congress.
The war continues. Since the last annual message all the important lines
and positions then occupied by our forces have been maintained and our
arms have steadily advanced, thus liberating the regions left in rear,
so that Missouri, Kentucky, Tennessee, and parts of other States have
again produced reasonably fair crops.
The most remarkable feature in the military operations of the year is
General Sherman's attempted march of 300 miles directly through the
insurgent region. It tends to show a great increase of our relative
strength that our General in Chief should feel able to confront and hold
in check every active force of the enemy, and yet to detach a
well-appointed large army to move on such an expedition. The result not
yet being known, conjecture in regard to it is not here indulged.
Important movements have also occurred during the year to the effect of
molding society for durability in the Union. Although short of complete
success, it is much in the right direction that 12,000 citizens in each
of the States of Arkansas and Louisiana have organized loyal State
governments, with free constitutions, and are earnestly struggling to
maintain and administer them. The movements in the same direction, more
extensive though less definite, in Missouri, Kentucky, and Tennessee
should not be overlooked. But Maryland presents the example of complete
success. Maryland is secure to liberty and union for all the future.
The genius of rebellion will no more claim Maryland. Like another foul
spirit being driven out, it may seek to tear her, but it will woo her
no more.
At the last session of Congress a proposed amendment of the Constitution
abolishing slavery throughout the United States passed the Senate, but
failed for lack of the requisite two-thirds vote in the House of
Representatives. Although the present is the same Congress and nearly
the same members, and without questioning the wisdom or patriotism of
those who stood in opposition, I venture to recommend the
reconsideration and passage of the measure at the present session. Of
course the abstract question is not changed; but an intervening election
shows almost certainly that the next Congress will pass the measure if
this does not. Hence there is only a question of _time_ as to when the
proposed amendment will go to the States for their action. And as it is
to so go at all events, may we not agree that the sooner the better? It
is not claimed that the election has imposed a duty on members to change
their views or their votes any further than, as an additional element to
be considered, their judgment may be affected by it. It is the voice of
the people now for the first time heard upon the question. In a great
national crisis like ours unanimity of action among those seeking a
common end is very desirable--almost indispensable. And yet no approach
to such unanimity is attainable unless some deference shall be paid to
the will of the majority simply because it is the will of the majority.
In this case the common end is the maintenance of the Union, and among
the means to secure that end such will, through the election, is most
clearly declared in favor of such constitutional amendment.
The most reliable indication of public purpose in this country is
derived through our popular elections. Judging by the recent canvass
and its result, the purpose of the people within the loyal States to
maintain the integrity of the Union was never more firm nor more nearly
unanimous than now. The extraordinary calmness and good order with which
the millions of voters met and mingled at the polls give strong
assurance of this. Not only all those who supported the Union ticket, so
called, but a great majority of the opposing party also may be fairly
claimed to entertain and to be actuated by the same purpose. It is an
unanswerable argument to this effect that no candidate for any office
whatever, high or low, has ventured to seek votes on the avowal that he
was for giving up the Union. There have been much impugning of motives
and much heated controversy as to the proper means and best mode of
advancing the Union cause, but on the distinct issue of Union or no
Union the politicians have shown their instinctive knowledge that there
is no diversity among the people. In affording the people the fair
opportunity of showing one to another and to the world this firmness
and unanimity of purpose, the election has been of vast value to the
national cause.
The election has exhibited another fact not less valuable to be
known--the fact that we do not approach exhaustion in the most important
branch of national resources, that of living men. While it is melancholy
to reflect that the war has filled so many graves and carried mourning
to so many hearts, it is some relief to know that, compared with the
surviving, the fallen have been so few. While corps and divisions and
brigades and regiments have formed and fought and dwindled and gone out
of existence, a great majority of the men who composed them are still
living. The same is true of the naval service. The election returns
prove this. So many voters could not else be found. The States regularly
holding elections, both now and four years ago, to wit, California,
Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky, Maine,
Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, New Hampshire,
New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont,
West Virginia, and Wisconsin, cast 3,982,011 votes now, against
3,870,222 cast then, showing an aggregate now of 3,982,011. To this is
to be added 33,762 cast now in the new States of Kansas and Nevada,
which States did not vote in 1860, thus swelling the aggregate to
4,015,773 and the net increase during the three years and a half
of war to 145,551. A table is appended showing particulars. To this
again should be added the number of all soldiers in the field from
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New Jersey, Delaware, Indiana, Illinois,
and California, who by the laws of those States could not vote away from
their homes, and which number can not be less than 90,000. Nor yet is
this all. The number in organized Territories is triple now what it
was four years ago, while thousands, white and black, join us as
the national arms press back the insurgent lines. So much is shown,
affirmatively and negatively, by the election. It is not material to
inquire _how_ the increase has been produced or to show that it would
have been _greater_ but for the war, which is probably true. The
important fact remains demonstrated that we have _more_ men _now_ than
we had when the war _began_; that we are not exhausted nor in process of
exhaustion; that we are _gaining_ strength and may if need be maintain
the contest indefinitely. This as to men. Material resources are now
more complete and abundant than ever.
The national resources, then, are unexhausted, and, as we believe,
inexhaustible. The public purpose to reestablish and maintain the
national authority is unchanged, and, as we believe, unchangeable.
The manner of continuing the effort remains to choose. On careful
consideration of all the evidence accessible it seems to me that no
attempt at negotiation with the insurgent leader could result in any
good. He would accept nothing short of severance of the Union, precisely
what we will not and can not give. His declarations to this effect are
explicit and oft repeated. He does not attempt to deceive us. He affords
us no excuse to deceive ourselves. He can not voluntarily reaccept the
Union; we can not voluntarily yield it. Between him and us the issue is
distinct, simple, and inflexible. It is an issue which can only be tried
by war and decided by victory. If we yield, we are beaten; if the
Southern people fail him, he is beaten. Either way it would be the
victory and defeat following war. What is true, however, of him who
heads the insurgent cause is not necessarily true of those who follow.
Although he can not reaccept the Union, they can. Some of them, we know,
already desire peace and reunion. The number of such may increase. They
can at any moment have peace simply by laying down their arms and
submitting to the national authority under the Constitution. After so
much the Government could not, if it would, maintain war against them.
The loyal people would not sustain or allow it. If questions should
remain, we would adjust them by the peaceful means of legislation,
conference, courts, and votes, operating only in constitutional and
lawful channels. Some certain, and other possible, questions are and
would be beyond the Executive power to adjust; as, for instance, the
admission of members into Congress and whatever might require the
appropriation of money. The Executive power itself would be greatly
diminished by the cessation of actual war. Pardons and remissions of
forfeitures, however, would still be within Executive control. In what
spirit and temper this control would be exercised can be fairly judged
of by the past.
A year ago general pardon and amnesty, upon specified terms, were
offered to all except certain designated classes, and it was at
the same time made known that the excepted classes were still within
contemplation of special clemency. During the year many availed
themselves of the general provision, and many more would, only that
the signs of bad faith in some led to such precautionary measures as
rendered the practical process less easy and certain. During the same
time also special pardons have been granted to individuals of the
excepted classes, and no voluntary application has been denied. Thus
practically the door has been for a full year open to all except such
as were not in condition to make free choice; that is, such as were in
custody or under constraint. It is still so open to all. But the time
may come, probably will come, when public duty shall demand that it be
closed and that in lieu more rigorous measures than heretofore shall
be adopted.
In presenting the abandonment of armed resistance to the national
authority on the part of the insurgents as the only indispensable
condition to ending the war on the part of the Government, I retract
nothing heretofore said as to slavery. I repeat the declaration made
a year ago, that "while I remain in my present position I shall not
attempt to retract or modify the emancipation proclamation, nor shall
I return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that
proclamation or by any of the acts of Congress." If the people should,
by whatever mode or means, make it an Executive duty to reenslave such
persons, another, and not I, must be their instrument to perform it.
In stating a single condition of peace I mean simply to say that the war
will cease on the part of the Government whenever it shall have ceased
on the part of those who began it.