_Washington, February 14, 1862_.
The breaking out of a formidable insurrection based on a conflict of
political ideas, being an event without precedent in the United States,
was necessarily attended by great confusion and perplexity of the public
mind. Disloyalty before unsuspected suddenly became bold, and treason
astonished the world by bringing at once into the field military forces
superior in number to the standing Army of the United States.
Every department of the Government was paralyzed by treason. Defection
appeared in the Senate, in the House of Representatives, in the Cabinet,
in the Federal courts; ministers and consuls returned from foreign
countries to enter the insurrectionary councils or land or naval forces;
commanding and other officers of the Army and in the Navy betrayed our
councils or deserted their posts for commands in the insurgent forces.
Treason was flagrant in the revenue and in the post-office service, as
well as in the Territorial governments and in the Indian reserves.
Not only governors, judges, legislators, and ministerial officers in the
States, but even whole States rushed one after another with apparent
unanimity into rebellion. The capital was besieged and its connection
with all the States cut off.
Even in the portions of the country which were most loyal political
combinations and secret societies were formed furthering the work of
disunion, while, from motives of disloyalty or cupidity or from excited
passions or perverted sympathies, individuals were found furnishing men,
money, and materials of war and supplies to the insurgents' military and
naval forces. Armies, ships, fortifications, navy-yards, arsenals,
military posts, and garrisons one after another were betrayed or
abandoned to the insurgents.
Congress had not anticipated, and so had not provided for, the
emergency. The municipal authorities were powerless and inactive. The
judicial machinery seemed as if it had been designed, not to sustain the
Government, but to embarrass and betray it.
Foreign intervention, openly invited and industriously instigated by the
abettors of the insurrection, became imminent, and has only been
prevented by the practice of strict and impartial justice, with the most
perfect moderation, in our intercourse with nations.
The public mind was alarmed and apprehensive, though fortunately not
distracted or disheartened. It seemed to be doubtful whether the Federal
Government, which one year before had been thought a model worthy of
universal acceptance, had indeed the ability to defend and maintain
itself.
Some reverses, which, perhaps, were unavoidable, suffered by newly
levied and inefficient forces, discouraged the loyal and gave new hopes
to the insurgents. Voluntary enlistments seemed about to cease and
desertions commenced. Parties speculated upon the question whether
conscription had not become necessary to fill up the armies of the
United States.
In this emergency the President felt it his duty to employ with energy
the extraordinary powers which the Constitution confides to him in cases
of insurrection. He called into the field such military and naval
forces, unauthorized by the existing laws, as seemed necessary. He
directed measures to prevent the use of the post-office for treasonable
correspondence. He subjected passengers to and from foreign countries to
new passport regulations, and he instituted a blockade, suspended the
writ of _habeas corpus_ in various places, and caused persons who were
represented to him as being or about to engage in disloyal and
treasonable practices to be arrested by special civil as well as
military agencies and detained in military custody when necessary to
prevent them and deter others from such practices. Examinations of such
cases were instituted, and some of the persons so arrested have been
discharged from time to time under circumstances or upon conditions
compatible, as was thought, with the public safety.
Meantime a favorable change of public opinion has occurred. The line
between loyalty and disloyalty is plainly defined. The whole structure
of the Government is firm and stable. Apprehension of public danger and
facilities for treasonable practices have diminished with the passions
which prompted heedless persons to adopt them. The insurrection is
believed to have culminated and to be declining.
The President, in view of these facts, and anxious to favor a return to
the normal course of the Administration as far as regard for the public
welfare will allow, directs that all political prisoners or state
prisoners now held in military custody be released on their subscribing
to a parole engaging them to render no aid or comfort to the enemies in
hostility to the United States.
The Secretary of War will, however, in his discretion, except from the
effect of this order any persons detained as spies in the service of the
insurgents, or others whose release at the present moment may be deemed
incompatible with the public safety.
To all persons who shall be so released and who shall keep their parole
the President grants an amnesty for any past offenses of treason or
disloyalty which they may have committed.
Extraordinary arrests will hereafter be made under the direction of the
military authorities alone.
By order of the President: