[The same message was sent to the Senate, in answer to a resolution
of that body.]
WASHINGTON, _May 26, 1862_.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:
The insurrection which is yet existing in the United States and
aims at the overthrow of the Federal Constitution and the Union was
clandestinely prepared during the winter of 1860 and 1861, and assumed
an open organization in the form of a treasonable provisional government
at Montgomery, in Alabama, on the 18th day of February, 1861. On the
12th day of April, 1861, the insurgents committed the flagrant act of
civil war by the bombardment and capture of Fort Sumter, which cut off
the hope of immediate conciliation. Immediately afterwards all the roads
and avenues to this city were obstructed, and the capital was put into
the condition of a siege. The mails in every direction were stopped, and
the lines of telegraph cut off by the insurgents, and military and naval
forces which had been called out by the Government for the defense of
Washington were prevented from reaching the city by organized and
combined treasonable resistance in the State of Maryland. There was no
adequate and effective organization for the public defense. Congress had
indefinitely adjourned. There was no time to convene them. It became
necessary for me to choose whether, using only the existing means,
agencies, and processes which Congress had provided, I should let the
Government fall at once into ruin or whether, availing myself of the
broader powers conferred by the Constitution in cases of insurrection,
I would make an effort to save it, with all its blessings, for the
present age and for posterity.
I thereupon summoned my constitutional advisers, the heads of all the
Departments, to meet on Sunday, the 20th day of April, 1861, at the
office of the Navy Department, and then and there, with their unanimous
concurrence, I directed that an armed revenue cutter should proceed to
sea to afford protection to the commercial marine, and especially the
California treasure ships then on their way to this coast. I also
directed the commandant of the navy-yard at Boston to purchase or
charter and arm as quickly as possible five steamships for purposes
of public defense. I directed the commandant of the navy-yard at
Philadelphia to purchase or charter and arm an equal number for the same
purpose. I directed the commandant at New York to purchase or charter
and arm an equal number. I directed Commander Gillis to purchase or
charter and arm and put to sea two other vessels. Similar directions
were given to Commodore Du Pont, with a view to the opening of passages
by water to and from the capital. I directed the several officers to
take the advice and obtain the aid and efficient services in the matter
of His Excellency Edwin D. Morgan, the governor of New York, or in his
absence George D. Morgan, William M. Evarts, R.M. Blatchford, and Moses
H. Grinnell, who were by my directions especially empowered by the
Secretary of the Navy to act for his Department in that crisis in
matters pertaining to the forwarding of troops and supplies for the
public defense.
On the same occasion I directed that Governor Morgan and Alexander
Cummings, of the city of New York, should be authorized by the Secretary
of War, Simon Cameron, to make all necessary arrangements for the
transportation of troops and munitions of war, in aid and assistance of
the officers of the Army of the United States, until communication by
mails and telegraph should be completely reestablished between the
cities of Washington and New York. No security was required to be given
by them, and either of them was authorized to act in case of inability
to consult with the other.
On the same occasion I authorized and directed the Secretary of the
Treasury to advance, without requiring security, $2,000,000 of public
money to John A. Dix, George Opdyke, and Richard M. Blatchford, of New
York, to be used by them in meeting such requisitions as should be
directly consequent upon the military and naval measures necessary for
the defense and support of the Government, requiring them only to act
without compensation and to report their transactions when duly called
upon. The several Departments of the Government at that time contained
so large a number of disloyal persons that it would have been impossible
to provide safely through official agents only for the performance of
the duties thus confided to citizens favorably known for their ability,
loyalty, and patriotism.
The several orders issued upon these occurrences were transmitted by
private messengers, who pursued a circuitous way to the seaboard cities,
inland across the States of Pennsylvania and Ohio and the northern
lakes. I believe that by these and other similar measures taken in that
crisis, some of which were without any authority of law, the Government
was saved from overthrow. I am not aware that a dollar of the public
funds thus confided without authority of law to unofficial persons was
either lost or wasted, although apprehensions of such misdirection
occurred to me as objections to those extraordinary proceedings, and
were necessarily overruled.
I recall these transactions now because my attention has been directed
to a resolution which was passed by the House of Representatives on the
30th day of last month, which is in these words:
_Resolved_, That Simon Cameron, late Secretary of War, by investing
Alexander Cummings with the control of large sums of the public money
and authority to purchase military supplies without restriction, without
requiring from him any guaranty for the faithful performance of his
duties, when the services of competent public officers were available,
and by involving the Government in a vast number of contracts with
persons not legitimately engaged in the business pertaining to the
subject-matter of such contracts, especially in the purchase of arms
for future delivery, has adopted a policy highly injurious to the
public service, and deserves the censure of the House.
Congress will see that I should be wanting equally in candor and in
justice if I should leave the censure expressed in this resolution to
rest exclusively or chiefly upon Mr. Cameron. The same sentiment is
unanimously entertained by the heads of Departments who participated
in the proceedings which the House of Representatives has censured.
It is due to Mr. Cameron to say that although he fully approved the
proceedings they were not moved nor suggested by himself, and that not
only the President, but all the other heads of Departments, were at
least equally responsible with him for whatever error, wrong, or fault
was committed in the premises.