THE QUEST OF A CENTURY

[The scientific part of this essay, indeed the central idea which

makes it anything more than a philosophic vagary, is borrowed from

an unpublished lecture of my brother, Prof. Louis T. More, who

holds the chair of Physics in the University of Cincinnati. If I

have printed the paper under my name rather than his, this is

because he, as a scientist, might not wish to be held responsible

for the general drift of the thought.]

The story is told of Dante that in one of his peregrinations through

Italy he stopped at a certain convent, moved either by the religion of

the place or by some other feeling, and was there questioned by the

monks concerning what he came to seek. At first the poet did not reply,

but stood silently contemplating the columns and arches of the cloister.

Again they asked him what he desired; and then slowly turning his head

and looking at the friars, he answered, "Peace!" The anecdote is

altogether too significant to escape suspicion; yet as _The Divine

Comedy_ is supposed to contain symbolically the history of the human

spirit in its upward growth and striving, so this fable of the divine

poet may be held to sum up in a single word the aim and desire of the

spirit's endless quest. So clearly is the object of our inner search

this "peace" which Dante is said to have sought, and so close has the

spirit come again and again to attaining this goal, that it should seem

as if some warring principle within ourselves turned us back ever when

the hoped-for consummation was just within reach. As Vaughan says in his

quaint way:

Man is the shuttle, to whose winding quest

And passage through these looms

God ordered motion, but ordained no rest.

It is possible, I believe, to view the ceaseless intellectual

fluctuations of mankind backward and forward as the varying fortunes of

the contest between these two hostile members of our being,--between the

deep-lying principle that impels us to seek rest and the principle that

drags us back into the region of change and motion and forever forbids

us to acquiesce in what is found. And I believe further that the moral

disposition of a nation or of an individual may be best characterised by

the predominance of the one or the other of these two elements. We may

find a people, such as the ancient Hindus, in whom the longing after

peace was so intense as to make insignificant every other concern of

life, and among whom the aim of saint and philosopher alike was to close

the eyes upon the theatre of this world's shifting scenes and to look

only upon that changeless vision of

central peace subsisting at the heart

Of endless agitation.

The spectacle of division and mutation became to them at last a mere

phantasmagoria, like the morning mists that melt away beneath the

upspringing day-star.

Again, we may find a race, like the Greeks, in whom the imperturbable

stillness of the Orient and the restless activity of the Occident meet

together in intimate union and produce that peculiar repose in action,

that unity in variety, which we call harmony or beauty and which is the

special field of art. But if this harmonious union was a source of the

artistic sense among the Greeks, their logicians, like logicians

everywhere, were not content until the divergent tendencies were drawn

out to the extreme; and nowhere is the conflict between the two

principles more vividly displayed than in that battle between the

followers of Xenophanes, who sought to adapt the world of change to

their haunting desire for peace by denying motion altogether, and the

disciples of Heraclitus, who saw only motion and mutation in all things

and nowhere rest. "All things flow and nothing abides," said the

Ephesian, and looked upon man in the midst of the universe as upon one

who stands in the current of a ceaselessly gliding river. The brood of

Sophists, carrying this law into human consciousness, disclaimed the

possibility of truth altogether; and it is no wonder that Plato, while

avoiding the other extreme of motionless pantheism, regarded the

sophistic acceptance of this law of universal flux as the last

irreconcilable enemy of philosophy and morality alike. "The war over

this point is indeed no trivial matter and many are concerned therein,"

said he, not without bitterness.

It is, when rightly considered, this same question that lends dramatic

unity and human value to the long debate of the mediaeval schoolmen.

Their dispute may be regarded from more than one point of view,--as a

struggle of the reason against the bondage of authority, as an attempt

to lay bare the foundation of philosophy, as a contest between science

and mysticism; but above all it seems to me a long conflict in words

between these two warring members within us. The desire of infinite

peace was the impulse, I think, which drove on the realists to that

"abyss of pantheism," from the brink of which the vision of most men

recoils as from the horror of shoreless vacuity. In this way Erigena,

the greatest of realists, spoke of God as that which neither acts nor is

acted upon, neither loves nor is loved; and then, as if frightened by

these blank words, avowed that God though he does not love is in a way

Love itself, defining love as the _finis quietaque statio_ of the

natural motion of all things that move. On the other hand it was the

impulse toward unresting activity which led the nominalists to deny

reality to the stationary ideas of genera and species, and to fix the

mind upon the shifting combinations of individual objects. In this

direction lay the labour of accurate observation and experimental

classification, and it is with prefect justice that Haureau, the

historian of scholastic philosophy, closes his chapter on William of

Occam, the last of the schoolmen, with these words: "It is then in truth

on this soil so well prepared by the prince of the nominalists that

Francis Bacon founded his eternal monument,"--and that monument is the

scientific method as we see it developed in the nineteenth century.

The justification of scholastic philosophy, as I understand it, was the

hope of finding in the dictates of pure reason an immovable

resting-place for the human spirit; the recoil from the abyss of

pantheism and absolute quietism was the work of the nominalists who in

William of Occam finally won the day; and with him scholastic philosophy

brought an end to its own activity. But a greater champion than William

was needed to wipe away what seems to the world the cobwebs of mediaeval

logomachy. Kant's _Critique of Pure Reason_ accomplished what the

nominalistic schoolmen failed to achieve: it showed the impossibility of

establishing by means of logic the dogma of God or any absolute

conception of the universe. Henceforth the real support of metaphysics

was taken away, and the study fell more and more into disrepute as the

nineteenth century waxed old. Not many men to-day look to the pure

reason for aid in attaining the consummation of faith. That

consummation, if it be derived at all from external aid, must come

henceforth by way of the imagination and of the moral sense. We say

with Kant: "Two things fill the mind with ever-new and increasing

admiration and reverence, the oftener and the more persistently they are

reflected on: the starry heaven above me, and the moral law within me."

But neither the imagination nor the conscience alone, any more than

reason, can create faith. They may prepare the soil for the growth of

that perfect flower of joy, but they cannot plant the seed or give the

increase; for they, both the imagination and the conscience, are

concerned in the end with the light of this life, and faith looks for

guidance to a different and rarer illumination. Faith is a power of

itself; _fidem rem esse, non scientiam, non opinionem vel

imaginationem_, said Zwingle. It is that faculty of the will, mysterious

in its source and inexplicable in its operation, which turns the desire

of a man away from contemplating the fitful changes of the world toward

an ideal, an empty dream it may be, or a shadow, or a mere name, of

peace in absolute changelessness. Reason and logic may have no words to

express the object of this desire, but experience is rich with the

influence of such an aspiration on human character. To the saints it was

that peace of God which passeth all understanding; to the mystics it was

figured as the raptures of a celestial love, as the yearning for that

Passionless bride, divine Tranquillity.

To the ignorant it was the unquestioning trust in those who seemed to

them endowed with a grace beyond their untutored comprehension.

Even if the imagination or the conscience could lift us to this blissful

height, they would avail us little to-day; for we have put away the

imagination as one of the pleasant but unfruitful play-things of youth,

and the conscience in this age of humanitarian pity has become less than

ever a sense of man's responsibility to the supermundane powers and more

than ever a feeling of brotherhood among men. Of faith, speaking

generally, the past century had no recking, for it turned deliberately

to observe and study the phenomena of change. We call that time, which

is still our own time, the age of reason, but scarcely with justice. The

Middle Ages, despite the obscurantism of the Church, had far better

claim to that title. One needs but to turn the pages of the doctors,

even before the day of Abelard who is supposed first to have been the

champion of reason against authority, to see how profound was their

conviction that in reason might be discovered a justification of the

faith they held. And indeed Abelard is styled the champion of reason

because only with him do men begin to perceive the inability of reason

to establish faith. Better we should call ours an age of observation,

for never before have men given themselves with such complete abandon to

observing and recording systematically. By long and intent observation

of the phenomenal world the eye has discovered a seeming order in

disorder, the shifting visions of time have assumed a specious

regularity which we call law, and the mind has made for itself a home on

this earth which to the wise of old seemed but a house of bondage.

For life is but a dream whose shapes return,

Some frequently, some seldom, some by night

And some by day, some night and day: we learn,

The while all change and many vanish quite,

In their recurrence with recurrent changes

A certain seeming order; where this ranges

We count things real; such is memory's might.

From this wealth of observation and record the modern age, and

especially the century just past, has developed two fields of

intellectual activity to such an extent as almost to claim the creation

of them. Gradually through accumulated observation the nineteenth

century came to look on human affairs in a new light; like everything

else they were seen to be subject to the Heraclitean ebb and flow; and

history was written from a new point of view. We learned to regard eras

of the past as subject each to its peculiar passions and ambitions, and

this taught us to throw ourselves back into their life with a kind of

sympathy never before known. We did not judge them by an immutable code,

but by reference to time and place. Nor is this all. Within the small

arc of our observation we observed a certain regularity of change

similar to the changes due to growth in an individual, and this we

called the law of progress. History was then no longer a mere chronicle

of events or, if philosophical, the portrayal and judgment of characters

from a fixed point of view; it became at its best the systematic

examination of the causes of progress and development. And naturally

this attention to change and motion, this historic sense, was extended

to every other branch of human interest: in religion it taught

Christians to accept the Bible as the history of revelation instead of

something complete from the beginning; in literature it taught us to

portray the development of character or the influence of environment on

character rather than the interplay of fixed passions; in art it created

impressionism or the endeavour to reproduce what the individual sees at

the moment instead of a rationalised picture; in criticism it introduced

what Sainte-Beuve, the master of the movement, sought to write, a

history of the human spirit.

But history, like Cronos of old, possessed a strange power of devouring

its own offspring. Gradually, from the habit of regarding human affairs

in a state of flux and more particularly from the growth of the idea of

progress, the past lost its hold over men. It became a matter of

curiosity but not of authority, and history as it was understood in

Renan's day has in ours almost ceased to be written. Science on the

other hand is the observation of phenomena regarded chiefly in the

relation of space--for it is correct, I believe, to assert that the

laws of energy may be reduced to this point--and as such is not subject

to this devouring act of time. It frankly discards the past and as

frankly dwells in the present. It is not my purpose, indeed it would be

quite superfluous, to reckon up the immense acquisitions of the

scientific method in the past century: they are the theme of schoolboys

and savants alike, the pride and wonder of our civilisation. Nor need I

dwell on the new philosophy which sprang up from the union of the

historic and the scientific sense and still subsists. Not the system of

Hegel or Schopenhauer or of any other professor of metaphysics is the

true philosophy of the age; these are but echoes of a past civilisation,

voices and _praeterea nil_. Evolution is the living guide of our thought,

assigning to the region of the unknowable the conceptions of unity and

perfect rest, and building up its theories on the visible experience of

motion and change and development. It has reduced the universal flux of

Heraclitus to a scientific system and assimilated it to our inner

growth; it has become as essentially a factor of our attitude toward the

natural world as Newton's laws of gravitation.

But if our thoughts are directed almost wholly to the sphere of motion,

yet this does not mean that the longing after quietude and peace has

passed entirely from the mind of man; the thirst of the human heart is

too deep for that. Only the world has learned to look for peace in

another direction. In place of that faith which would deny valid

reality to changing forms, we have taught ourselves to find a certain

order in disorder, which we call law,--whether it be the law of progress

or the law of energy,--and on the stability of this law we are willing

to stake our desired tranquillity.

In this way, through what may be called the offspring begotten on the

historic sense by science, the mind has turned its regard into the

future and seemed to discern there a continuation of the same law of

progress which it saw working in the past. Hence have arisen the

manifold dreams and visions of socialism, altruism, humanitarianism, and

all the other isms that would fix the hope of mankind upon some coming

perfectibility of human life, and that like Prometheus in the play have

implanted blind hopes in the hearts of men. It is indeed one of the most

curious instances of the recrudescence of ideas to see the mediaeval

visions of a city of golden streets and eternal bliss in another

existence brought down to the future of this world itself. What to the

mystic of that age was to come suddenly, with the twinkling of an eye,

when we are changed and have put away mortal things, when the angel of

the Apocalypse has sworn that time shall be no longer,--all this, the

heavenly city of joy and endless content, is now to be the natural

outcome here in this world of causes working in time. The theory is

beautiful in itself and might satisfy the hunger of the heart, even

though its main hope concerns only generations to come, were it not for

a lingering and fatal suspicion that progress does not involve increased

capability of happiness to the individual, and that somehow the race

does not move toward content. Physical comfort has perhaps become more

widely distributed, but of the placid joy of life the recent years have

known singularly little; we need but turn over the pages of the more

representative poets and prose writers of the past sixty years to

discover how deep is the unrest of our souls. The higher literature has

come to be chiefly the "blank misgivings of a creature moving about in

worlds not realised"; and missing the note of deeper peace we sigh at

times even for

A draught of dull complacency.

Alas, those who would find a resting-place for the spirit in the

relations of man to man seem not to reckon that the very essence--if

such a term may be used of so contingent a nature--that the very essence

of this world's life is motion and change and contention, and that Peace

spreads her wings in another and purer atmosphere. One might suppose

that a single glance into the heart would show how vain are such

aspirations, and how utterly dreary and illusory is every conceived

ideal of progress and socialism because each and all are based on an

inherent contradiction. He who waits for peace until the course of

events has become stable is like the silly peasant by the river side,

watching and waiting while the current flows forever and will ever flow.

Not less vain is the hope of those who would find in the laws of science

a permanent abiding place--perhaps one should say was rather than is,

for the avowed gospel of science which was to usurp the office of

olden-time religious faith is already like the precedent historic sense,

itself becoming a thing of the past. Yet the much discussed war between

science and religion is none the less real because to-day the din of

battle has ceased. It does not depend on criticism of the Mosaic story

of creation by the one, nor on hostility to progress offered by the

other. These things were only signs of a deeper and more radical

difference: religion is the voice of faith uttering in symbols of the

imagination its distrust of the world as a scene of deception and

unreality, whereas science is the attempt to discover fixed laws in the

midst of this very world of change. If to-day the strife between the two

seems reconciled, this only means that faith has grown dimmer and that

science has learned the futility of its more dogmatic assumptions.[10]

The very growth of science is in fact a gradual recognition of motion as

the basis of phenomena and an increasing comprehension of what may be

called the laws of motion. When motion was regarded as simple and

regular, it seemed possible to explain phenomena by correspondingly

simple and regular laws; but when each primary motion was seen to be

the resultant of an infinite series of motions the question became in

like manner infinitely complex, or in other words insoluble. But to be

clear we must consider the matter more in detail.

From the days of the old Greek Heraclitus, who built up his theory of

the world on the axiom of eternal flux and change, the Doctrine of

Motion as a distinct enunciation has lingered on in the world well-nigh

unnoticed and buried from sight in the bulk of suppositions and guesses

that have made up the passing systems of philosophy. Now and then some

lonely thinker took up the doctrine, but only to let it drop back into

obscurity; until during the great burst of scientific enquiry in the

fifteenth and sixteenth centuries it assumed new significance and began

to grow. From that time to this its progress in acceptance as the basis

of phenomena may be regarded as a measure of scientific advance.

By a strange fatality Kant, who had been so efficient as an iconoclast

in metaphysics, was perhaps with his nebular hypothesis, followed later

by the work of Goethe on animal and plant variations, the one most

largely responsible for the new hope that in science at last was to be

found an answer to the riddle of existence which had baffled the search

of pure reason. The achievement of Kant both destructive and

constructive is well known, if vaguely understood, by the world at

large; but it is not so well known that a contemporary of Kant did

precisely for science what the sage of Koenigsberg accomplished in

metaphysics. In the very decade in which _The Critique of Pure Reason_

saw the light, Lagrange, a scholar of France, published a work which

carried the analytic method, or the method of motion, to its farthest

limit. In this work, the _Mecanique Analytique_, Lagrange develops an

equation from which it can be proved conclusively that to explain any

group of phenomena measured by energy an infinite number of hypotheses

may be employed. So, for instance, if we establish any one theory which

will sufficiently account for the known phenomena of light, such as

reflection, refraction, polarisation, etc., there will yet remain an

infinite number of other hypotheses equally capable of explaining the

same group of phenomena. Or to use the words of Poincare: "If then we

can give one complete mechanical explanation of a phenomenon, there will

also be possible an infinite number of others which will account equally

well for all the particulars revealed by experiment." That is to say, no

_experimentum crucis_ can be imagined which will reveal the truth or

error of any given theory. This restriction on the finality of our

knowledge is borne out in all physical reasoning,--and I venture also to

say in the other sciences; thus in optics we can perform no experiment

which will establish as finally true the theory that light is caused by

the motion of corpuscles of matter emitted from a luminous body, or

that it is due to vibrations propagated through a medium by a wave

motion, or that it is generated by certain disturbances in the

electrical state of bodies. Each of these hypotheses has its advantages

and disadvantages; and in our choice we merely adopt that theory which

explains the greater number of phenomena in the simplest way.

If any one should here ask: Granted that from phenomena expressed in

terms of energy no ultimate law can be educed, yet may not some other

view of phenomena lead to other results? We answer that no other view is

possible. Not that the system of the universe, if we may use such an

expression, is necessarily constructed on what we call energy, but that

our minds can conceive it only in terms of energy. An analysis of the

concepts which enter into the idea of energy must make it evident that

in our understanding of nature we cannot go beyond this point.

There is an agreement among philosophers and scientists that the concept

of space is not derived from external experience, but is inherently

intuitive. As stated by Kant:

The representation of space cannot be borrowed through experience

from relations of external phenomena, but, on the contrary, those

external phenomena become possible only by means of the

representation of space. Space is a necessary representation, _a

priori_, forming the very foundation of external intuitions. It is

impossible to imagine that there should be no space, though it is

possible to imagine space without objects to fill it.

The concept of space therefore makes possible the intuition of external

phenomena; but these phenomena to be realised must appeal to one of our

senses, and this connecting link between the outer world and our

consciousness is the concept which we call time. Quoting again from

Kant:

Time is the formal condition, _a priori_, of all phenomena

whatsoever. But, as all representations, whether they have for

their objects external things or not, belong by themselves, as

determinations of the mind, to our inner state;... therefore, if I

am able to say, _a priori_, that all external phenomena are in

space, I can, according to the principle of the internal sense,

make the general assertion that all phenomena, that is, all

objects of the senses, are _in time_, and stand necessarily in

relations of time.

It follows, then, that our simplest possible expression for phenomena

will be in terms of space and time, and that beyond this the human mind

cannot go.

Turning here from metaphysical to scientific language, we speak of space

and time as the fundamental units from which we deduce the laws of the

external world. The fact that space appeals to us only through time

furnishes us with our concept or unit of motion, which is the ratio of

space to time. The external phenomena so revealed to us we call the

manifestations of mass or energy, thus providing ourselves with a second

unit. It must be observed, however, that mass or energy is not a new

concept, but bears precisely the same relation to motion as Kant's

_Ding-an-sich_ bears to space and time: it is the unknowable cause of

motion--or more properly speaking it is the ability residing in an

object to change the motion of another object and is measured by the

degree of change it can produce. And I say mass or energy, advisedly,

for the two are merely different names or different views of the same

thing; we cannot conceive of matter without energy or of energy without

matter. Our choice between the two depends solely on the simplicity and

convenience with which deductions may be made from one or the other.

From a physical standpoint the concept energy is rather the simpler, but

mathematically our deductions flow more readily from the concept mass.

If then our explanations of phenomena must ultimately involve the two

units of motion and of energy or mass, and if it can be demonstrated

that on this basis we may account for any group of phenomena in an

infinite number of ways, what shall we say but that the attempt to

attain any resting-place for the mind in the laws of nature is, and must

always be, futile? Further than this, any given law is itself only an

approximate explanation of phenomena, and must be continually modified

as we add to our experimental knowledge. In all cases a law must be

considered valid only within the limits of the sensitiveness of the

instruments by which we get our measurements. With more delicate

instruments variations will be observed that must be expressed by

additional terms in the formula. Thus we maintain that the law of

gravitation is true only within the range of our observation; it does

not apply to masses of molecular dimensions. Another formula, the

well-known law of the pressure of gases, can be shown by experiment to

be merely an approximation, because the variations in it are not of a

dimension negligible in comparison with the sensibility of our

instruments. As the pressure increases the error in the formular

equation becomes constantly greater. To remedy this a second

approximation, which is still inadequate, has been added to the equation

by Van der Waals; yet greater accuracy will require the addition of

other terms; and a complete demonstration would demand an infinite

series of approximations.

The meaning of all this is quite plain: there is no reach of the human

intellect which can bridge the gap between motion and rest. Our senses

are adapted to a world of universal flux which is, so far as we can

determine, subject to no absolute law but the law of probabilities. He

who attempts to circumscribe the ebb and flow of circumstance within the

bounds of our spiritual needs, he who attempts to find peace in any

formula of science or in any promise of historic progress, is like one

who labours on the old and vain problem of squaring the circle:

Qual e'l geometra, che tutto s'affige

Per misurar lo cerchio, e non ritrova,

Pensando, quel principio ond' egli indige.

The desire of peace, as the world has known it in past times, signified

always a turning away from the flotsam and jetsam of time and an attempt

to fix the mind on absolute rest and unity,--the desire of peace has

been the aspiration of faith. And because the object of faith cannot be

seen by the eyes of the body or expressed in terms of the understanding,

a firm grasp of the will has been necessary to keep the desire of the

heart from falling back into the visible, tangible things of change and

motion. For this reason, when the will is relaxed, doubts spring up and

men give themselves wholly to the transient intoxication of the senses.

Yet blessed are they that believe and have not seen. It was the peculiar

quest of the nineteenth century to discover fixed laws and an unshaken

abiding place for the mind in the very kingdom of unrest; we have sought

to chain the waves of the sea with the winds.

And how does all this affect one who stands apart, striving in his own

small way to live in the serene contemplation of the universe? I cannot

doubt that there are some in the world to-day who look back over the

long past and watch the toiling of the human race toward peace as a

traveller in the Alps may with a telescope follow the mountain-climbers

in their slow ascent through the snows of Mont Blanc; or again they

watch our labours and painstaking in the valley of the senses and wonder

at our grotesque industry; or look upon the striving of men to build a

city for the soul amid the uncertainties of this life, as men look at

the play of children who build castles and domes in the sands of the

seashore and cry out when the advancing waves wash all their hopes away.

I think there are some such men in the world to-day who are absorbed in

the fellowship of the wise men of the East, and of the no less wise

Plato, with whom they would retort upon the accusing advocates of the

present: "Do you think that a spirit full of lofty thoughts, and

privileged to contemplate all time and all existence, can possibly

attach any great importance to this life?" They live in the world of

action, but are not of it. They pass each other at rare intervals on the

thoroughfares of life and know each other by a secret sign, and smile to

each other and go on their way comforted and in better hope.

Shelburne Essays, Third Series · 第 23 / 33 题