Lord Lieutenant's castle. He expressed a wish to see the Council
Chamber, but was informed that it was not open to strangers. "I have a
mind to go and try," said he to his companion. "Wilt thou go with me?"
"No indeed," he replied; "and I would advise you not to go."
He marched in, however, with his broad beaver on, and found the Lord
Lieutenant surrounded by a number of gentleman. "I am an American," said
he. "I have heard a great deal about the Lord Lieutenant's castle, and
if it will give no offence, I should like very much to see it."
His lordship seemed surprised by this unceremonious introduction, but he
smiled, and said to a servant, "Show this American whatever he wishes to
see."
He was conducted into various apartments, where he saw pictures,
statues, ancient armor, antique coins, and many other curious articles.
At parting, the master of the mansion was extremely polite, and gave him
much interesting information on a variety of topics. When he rejoined
his companion, who had agreed to wait for him at some appointed place,
he was met with the inquiry, "Well, what luck?"
"O, the best luck in the world," he replied, "I was treated with great
politeness."
"Well certainly, Mr. Hopper, you are an extraordinary man," responded
the lawyer. "I wouldn't have ventured to try such an experiment."
At the expiration of four months, having completed the business which
rendered his presence in Ireland necessary, he made a short visit to
England, on his way home. There also his hat was objected to on several
occasions. While in Bristol, he asked permission to look at the interior
of the Cathedral. He had been walking about some little time, when a
rough-looking man said to him, in a very surly tone, "Take off your hat,
sir!"
He replied very courteously, "I have asked permission to enter here to
gratify my curiosity as a stranger. I hope it is no offence."
"Take off your hat!" rejoined the rude man. "If you don't, I'll take it
off for you."
Friend Hopper leaned on his cane, looked him full in the face, and
answered very coolly, "If thou dost, I hope thou wilt send it to my
lodgings; for I shall have need of it this afternoon. I lodge at No. 35,
Lower Crescent, Clifton." The place designated was about a mile from the
Cathedral. The man stared at him, as if puzzled to decide whether he
were talking to an insane person, or not. When the imperturbable Quaker
had seen all he cared to see, he deliberately walked away.
At Westminster Abbey he paid the customary fee of two shillings sixpence
for admission. The door-keeper followed him, saying, "You must uncover
yourself, sir."
"Uncover myself!" exclaimed the Friend, with an affectation of ignorant
simplicity. "What dost thou mean? Must I take off my coat?"
"Your coat!" responded the man, smiling. "No indeed. I mean your hat."
"And what should I take off my hat for?" he inquired.
"Because you are in a church, sir," answered the door-keeper.
"I see no church here," rejoined the Quaker. "Perhaps thou meanest the
house where the church assembles. I suppose thou art aware that it is
the _people_, not the _building_, that constitutes a church?"
The idea seemed new to the man, but he merely repeated, "You must take
off your hat, sir."
But the Friend again inquired, "What for? On account of these images?
Thou knowest Scripture commands us not to worship graven images."
The man persisted in saying that no person could be permitted to pass
through the church without uncovering his head. "Well friend," rejoined
Isaac, "I have some conscientious scruples on that subject; so give me
back my money, and I will go out."
The reverential habits of the door-keeper were not quite strong enough
to compel him to that sacrifice; and he walked away, without saying
anything more on the subject.
When Friend Hopper visited the House of Lords, he asked the
sergeant-at-arms if he might sit upon the throne. He replied, "No, sir.
No one but his majesty sits there."
"Wherein does his majesty differ from other men?" inquired he. "If his
head were cut off, wouldn't he die?"
"Certainly he would," replied the officer.
"So would an American," rejoined Friend Hopper. As he spoke, he stepped
up to the gilded railing that surrounded the throne, and tried to open
the gate. The officer told him it was locked. "Well won't the same key
that locked it unlock it?" inquired he. "Is this the key hanging here?"
Being informed that it was, he took it down and unlocked the gate. He
removed the satin covering from the throne, carefully dusted the railing
with his handkerchief, before he hung the satin over it, and then seated
himself in the royal chair. "Well," said he, "do I look anything like
his majesty?"
The man seemed embarrassed, but smiled as he answered, "Why, sir, you
certainly fill the throne very respectably."
There were several noblemen in the room, who seemed to be extremely
amused by these unusual proceedings.
At a place called Jordans, about twenty-two miles from London, he
visited the grave of William Penn.
In his journal, he says: "The ground is surrounded by a neat hedge, and
is kept in good order. I picked some grass and moss from the graves of
William Penn, Thomas Ellwood, and Isaac Pennington; and some ivy and
holly from the hedge; which I intend to take with me to America, as a
memorial of my visit. I entered the meeting-house, and sat on the
benches which had been occupied by George Fox, William Penn, and George
Whitehead, in years long since passed away. It brought those old
Friends so distinctly before the view of my mind, that my heart was
ready to exclaim, 'Surely this is no other than the house of God, and
this is the gate of heaven.' I cannot describe my feelings. The manly
and majestic features of George Fox, and the mournful yet benevolent
countenance of Isaac Pennington, seemed to rise before me. But this is
human weakness. Those men bore the burthen and heat of their own day;
they faithfully used the talents committed to their trust; and I doubt
not they are now reaping the reward given to faithful servants. It is
permitted us to love their memories, but not to idolize them. They could
deliver neither son or daughter by their righteousness; but only their
own souls."
"In the great city of London everything tended to satisfy me that the
state of our religious Society is generally very low. A light was once
kindled there, that illuminated distant lands. As I walked the streets,
I remembered the labors, the sufferings, and the final triumph of those
illustrious sons of the morning, George Fox, George Whitehead, William
Penn, and a host of others; men who loved not their lives in comparison
with the holy cause of truth and righteousness, in which they were
called to labor. These worthies have been succeeded by a generation, who
seem disposed to garnish the sepulchres of their fathers, and live upon
the fruit of their labors, without submitting to the power of that
Cross, which made them what they were. There appears to me to be much
formality and dryness among them; though there are a few who mourn,
almost without hope, over the desolation that has been made by the
world, the flesh, and the devil."
There were many poor emigrants on board the merchant ship, in which
Friend Hopper returned home. He soon established friendly communication
with them, and entered with sympathy into all their troubles. He made
frequent visits to the steerage during the long voyage, and always had
something comforting and cheering to say to the poor souls. There was a
clergyman on board, who also wished to benefit them, but he approached
them in an official way, to which they did not so readily respond. One
day, when he invited the emigrants to join him in prayer, an old Irish
woman replied, "I'd rather play a game o' cards, than hear you prache and
pray." She pointed to Friend Hopper, and added, "_He_ comes and stays
among us, and always spakes a word o' comfort, and does us some good.
But _you_ come and prache and pray, and then you are gone. One look from
that Quaker gintleman is worth all the praching and praying that be in
you."
The vessel encountered a dense fog, and ran on a sand bank as they
approached the Jersey shore. A tremendous sea was rolling, and dashed
against the ship with such force, that she seemed every moment in
danger of being shattered into fragments. If there had been a violent
gale of wind, all must have been inevitably lost. The passengers were
generally in a state of extreme terror. Screams and groans were heard in
every direction. But Friend Hopper's mind was preserved in a state of
great equanimity. He entreated the people to be quiet, and try to keep
possession of their faculties, that they might be ready to do whatever
was best, in case of emergency. Seeing him so calm, they gathered
closely round him, as if they thought he had some power to save them.
There was a naval officer on board, whose frenzied state of feeling
vented itself in blasphemous language. Friend Hopper, who was always
disturbed by irreverent use of the name of Deity, was peculiarly shocked
by it under these solemn circumstances. He walked up to the officer, put
his hand on his shoulder, and looking him in the face, said, "From what
I have heard of thy military exploits, I supposed thou wert a brave man;
but here thou art pouring forth blasphemies, to keep up the appearance
of courage, while thy pale face and quivering lips show that thou art in
mortal fear. I am ashamed of thee. If thou hast no reverence for Deity
thyself, thou shouldst show some regard for the feelings of those who
have." The officer ceased swearing, and treated his adviser with marked
respect. A friendship was formed between them, which continued as long
as the captain lived.
The clergyman on board afterward said to Friend Hopper, "If any other
person had talked to him in that manner, he would have knocked him
down."
In about two hours, the vessel floated off the sandbar and went safely
into the harbor of New-York. At the custom-house, the clergyman was in
some perplexity about a large quantity of books he had brought with him,
on which it was proposed to charge high duties. "Perhaps I can get them
through for thee," said Friend Hopper. "I will try." He went up to the
officer, and said, "Isn't it a rule of the custom-house not to charge a
man for the tools of his trade?" He replied that it was. "Then thou art
bound to let this priest's books pass free," rejoined the Friend.
"Preaching is the trade he gets his living by; and these books are the
tools he must use." The clergyman being aware of Quaker views with
regard to a paid ministry, seemed doubtful whether to be pleased or not,
with _such_ a mode of helping him out of difficulty. However, he took
the joke as good naturedly as it was offered, and the books passed free,
on the assurance that they were all for his own library.
Friend Hopper's bookstore in New-York was a place of great resort for
members of his own sect. His animated style of conversation, his
thousand and one anecdotes of runaway slaves, his descriptions of keen
encounters with the "Orthodox," in the process of separation, attracted
many listeners. His intelligence and well-known conscientiousness
commanded respect, and he was held in high estimation by his own branch
of the Society, though the opposite party naturally entertained a less
favorable opinion of the "Hicksite" champion. Such a character as he was
must necessarily always be a man of mark, with warm friends and bitter
enemies.
His resemblance to Bonaparte attracted attention in New-York, as it had
done in Philadelphia. Not long after he removed to that city, there was
a dramatic representation at the Park Theatre, in which Placide
personated the French Emperor. While this play was attracting public
attention, the manager happened to meet Friend Hopper in the street. As
soon as he saw him, he exclaimed, "Here is Napoleon himself come back
again!" He remarked to some of his acquaintance that he would gladly
give that Quaker gentleman one hundred dollars a night, if he would
consent to appear on the stage in the costume of Bonaparte.
About this period northern hostility to slavery took a new form, more
bold and uncompromising than the old Abolition Societies. It demanded
the immediate and unconditional emancipation of every slave, in a voice
which has not yet been silenced, and never will be, while the
oppressive system continues to disgrace our country. Of course, Friend
Hopper could not otherwise than sympathize with any movement for the
abolition of slavery, based on pacific principles. Pictures and
pamphlets, published by the Anti-Slavery Society were offered for sale
in his book-store. During the popular excitement on this subject, in
1834, he was told that his store was about to be attacked by an
infuriated rabble, and he had better remove all such publications from
the window. "Dost thou think I am such a coward as to forsake my
principles, or conceal them, at the bidding of a mob?" said he.
Presently, another messenger came to announce that the mob were already
in progress, at the distance of a few streets. He was earnestly advised
at least to put up the shutters, that their attention might not be
attracted by the pictures. "I shall do no such thing," he replied. The
excited throng soon came pouring down the street, with loud and
discordant yells. Friend Hopper walked out and stood on the steps. The
mob stopped in front of his store. He looked calmly and firmly at them,
and they looked irresolutely at him, like a wild animal spell-bound by
the fixed gaze of a human eye. After a brief pause, they renewed their
yells, and some of their leaders called out, "Go on, to Rose-street!"
They obeyed these orders, and in the absent of Lewis Tappan, a
well-known abolitionist, they burst open his house, and destroyed his
furniture.
In 1835, Judge Chinn, of Mississippi, visited New-York, and brought with
him a slave, said to have cost the large sum of fifteen hundred dollars.
A few days after their arrival in the city, the slave eloped, and a
reward of five hundred dollars was offered for his apprehension. Friend
Hopper knew nothing about him; but some mischievous person wrote a note
to Judge Chinn, stating that the fugitive was concealed at his store, in
Pearl-street. A warrant was procured and put into the hands of a
constable frequently employed in that base business. At that season of
the year, many Southerners were in the city to purchase goods. A number
of them accompanied the judge to Pearl-street, and distributed
themselves at short distances, in order to arrest the slave, in case he
attempted to escape. They preferred to search the store in the absence
of Friend Hopper, and watched nearly an hour for a favorable
opportunity. Meanwhile, he was entirely unconscious of their
proceedings; and having occasion to call at a house a few doors below,
he left the store for a short time in charge of one of his sons. As soon
as he was gone, four or five men rushed in. Not finding the object of
their pursuit, they jumped out of a back window, and began to search
some buildings in the rear. When people complained of such
unceremonious intrusion upon their premises, the constable excused
himself by saying they were trying to apprehend a felon. Friend Hopper's
son called out that it was a slave, not a felon, they were in search of;
for he heard them say so. This made the constable very angry; for, like
most slave-catchers, he was eager for the reward, but rather ashamed of
the services by which he sought to obtain it. He swore roundly, and one
of his party gave the young man a blow on his face.
Friend Hopper, being sent for, returned immediately; and for some time
after, he observed a respectable looking person occasionally peeping
into the store, and skulking out of sight as soon as he thought himself
observed. At last, he went to the door, and said, "My friend, if thou
hast business with me, come in and let me know what it is; but don't be
prying about my premises in that way." He walked off, and joined a group
of people, who seemed to be much excited. Friend Hopper followed, and
found they were the men who had been recently searching his store. He
said to their leader, "Art thou the impertinent fellow who has been
intruding upon my premises, in my absence?" The constable replied that
he had a warrant, and was determined to execute it. Though a stranger to
his countenance, Friend Hopper was well aware that he was noted for
hunting slaves, and being unable to disguise his abhorrence of the
odious business, he said, "Judas betrayed his master for thirty pieces
of silver; and for a like sum, I suppose thou wouldst seize thy brother
by the throat, and send him into interminable bondage. If thy conscience
were as susceptible of conviction as his was, thou wouldst do as he did;
and thus rid the community of an intolerable nuisance."
One of the Southerners repeated the word "Brother!" in a very sneering
tone.
"Yes," rejoined Friend Hopper, "I said brother."
He returned to his store, but was soon summoned into the street again,
by a complaint that the constable and his troop of slaveholders were
very roughly handling a colored man, saying he had no business to keep
in their vicinity. When Friend Hopper interfered, to prevent further
abuse, several of the Southerners pointed bowie-knives and pistols at
him. He told the constable it was his duty, as a police-officer, to
arrest those men for carrying deadly weapons and making such a turmoil
in the street; and he threatened to complain of him if he did not do it.
He complied very reluctantly, and of course the culprits escaped before
they reached the police-office.
A few days after, as young Mr. Hopper was walking up Chatham-street, on
his way home in the evening, some unknown person came behind him,
knocked him down, and beat him in a most savage manner, so that he was
unable to leave his room for many days. No doubt was entertained that
this brutal attack was by one of the company who were on the search for
Judge Chinn's slave.
It was afterward rumored that the fugitive had arrived safely in Canada.
I never heard that he returned to the happy condition of slavery; though
his master predicted that he would do so, and said he never would have
been so foolish as to leave it, if it had not been for the false
representations of abolitionists.
In 1836, the hatred which Southerners bore to Friend Hopper's name was
manifested in a cruel and altogether unprovoked outrage on his son,
which caused the young man a great deal of suffering, and well nigh cost
him his life. John Hopper, Esq., now a lawyer in the city of New-York,
had occasion to go to the South on business. He remained in Charleston
about two months, during which time he was treated with courtesy in his
business relations, and received many kind attentions in the intercourse
of social life. One little incident that occurred during his visit
illustrates the tenacious attachment of Friends to their own mode of
worship. When he left home, his father had exhorted him to attend
Friends' meeting while he was in Charleston. He told him that a meeting
had been established there many years ago, but he supposed there were
not half a dozen members remaining, and probably they had no ministry;
for the original settlers had died, or left Carolina on account of their
testimony against slavery. But as Quakers believe that silent worship is
often more blessed to the soul, than the most eloquent preaching, he had
a strong desire that his son should attend the meeting constantly, even
if he found but two or three to unite with him. The young man promised
that he would do so. Accordingly, when he arrived in Charleston, he
inquired for the meeting-house, and was informed that it was well nigh
deserted. On the first day of the week, he went to the place designated,
and found a venerable, kind-looking Friend seated under the preachers'
gallery. In obedience to a signal from him, he took a seat by his side,
and they remained there in silence nearly two hours. Then the old man
turned and shook hands with him, as an indication that the meeting was
concluded, according to the custom of the Society of Friends. When he
found that he was talking to the son of Isaac T. Hopper, and that he had
promised to attend meeting there, during his stay in Charleston, he was
so much affected, that his eyes filled with tears. "Oh, I shall be glad
of thy company," said he; "for most of the time, this winter, I am here
all alone. My old friends and companions have all died, or moved away. I
come here twice on First days, and once on Fifth day, and sit all, all
alone, till I feel it right to leave the house and go home."
This lonely old worshipper once had an intimate friend, who for a long
time was his only companion in the silent meeting. At the close, they
shook hands and walked off together, enjoying a kindly chat on their way
home. Unfortunately, some difficulty afterward occurred between them,
which completely estranged them from each other. Both still clung to
their old place of worship. They took their accustomed seats, and
remained silent for a couple of hours; but they parted without shaking
hands, or speaking a single word. This alienation almost broke the old
man's heart. After awhile, he lost even, this shadow of companionship,
and there remained only "the voice within," and echoes of memory from
the empty benches.
While Mr. Hopper remained in Charleston, he went to the Quaker
meeting-house every Sunday, and rarely found any one there except the
persevering old Friend, who often invited him to go home with him. He
seemed to take great satisfaction in talking with him about his father,
and listening to what he had heard him say concerning the Society of
Friends. When the farewell hour came, he was much affected; for he felt
it not likely they would ever meet again; and the conversation of the
young stranger had formed a link between him and the Quakerism he loved
so well. The old man continued to sit alone under the preacher's gallery
till the house took fire and was burned to the ground. He died soon
after that event, at a very advanced age.
Another incident, which occurred during Mr. Hopper's stay in Charleston,
seemed exceedingly trivial at the time, but came very near producing
fatal consequences. One day, when a clergyman whom he visited was
showing him his library, he mentioned that his father had quite an
antiquarian taste for old documents connected with the Society of
Friends. At parting, the clergyman gave him several pamphlets for his
father, and among them happened to be a tract published by Friends in
Philadelphia, describing the colony at Sierra Leone, and giving an
account of the slave trade on the coast of Africa. He put the pamphlets
in his trunk, and started for Savannah, where he arrived on the
twenty-eighth of January. At the City Hotel, he unfortunately
encountered a marshal of the city of New-York, who was much employed in
catching runaway slaves, and of course sympathized with slaveholders. He
pointed the young stranger out, as a son of Isaac T. Hopper, the
notorious abolitionist. This information kindled a flame immediately,
and they began to discuss plans of vengeance. The traveller, not
dreaming of danger, retired to his room soon after supper. In a few
minutes, his door was forced open by a gang of intoxicated men, escorted
by the New-York marshal. They assailed him with a volley of blasphemous
language, struck him, kicked him, and spit in his face. They broke open
and rifled his trunk, and searched his pockets for abolition documents.
When they found the harmless little Quaker tract about the colony at
Sierra Leone, they screamed with exultation. They shouted, "Here is what
we wanted! Here is proof of abolitionism!" Some of them rushed out and
told the mob, who crowded the bar-room and entries, that they had found
a trunk full of abolition tracts. Others seized Mr. Hopper violently,
telling him to say his last prayers, and go with them. The proprietor of
the City Hotel was very naturally alarmed for the safety of the
building. He was in a great passion, and conjured them to carry their
victim down forthwith; saying he could do nothing with the mob below,
who were getting very impatient waiting for him. Turning to Mr. Hopper,
he said, "Young man, you are in a very unfortunate situation. You ought
never to have left your home. But it is your own doing; and you deserve
your fate." When appealed to for protection, he exclaimed, "Good God!
you must not appeal to me. This is a damned delicate business. I shall
not be able to protect my own property. But I will go for the mayor."
One of the bar-keeper's confidential friends sent him a slip of paper,
on which was written, "His only mode of escape is by the window;" and
the bar-keeper, who had previously shown himself decidedly unfriendly,
urged him again and again to profit by this advice. He occupied the
third story, and the street below his window was thronged with an
infuriated mob, thirsting and clamoring for his blood. In view of these
facts, it seems not very uncharitable to suppose that the advice was
given to make sure of his death, apparently by his own act, and thus
save the city of Savannah from the disgrace of the deed. Of the two
terrible alternatives, he preferred going down-stairs into the midst of
the angry mob, who were getting more and more maddened by liquor, having
taken forcible possession of the bar. He considered his fate inevitable,
and had made up his mind to die. But at the foot of the stairs, he was
met by the mayor and several aldermen, whose timely arrival saved his
life. After asking some questions, and receiving the assurance that he
came to Savannah solely on commercial business, the magistrates
accompanied Mr. Hopper to his room, and briefly examined his books and
papers. The mayor then went down and addressed the mob, assuring them
that he should be kept in custody during the night; that strict
investigation should be made, and if there was the slightest evidence of
his being an abolitionist, he should not be suffered to go at large.
The mayor and a large body of civil officers accompanied the prisoner to
the guard-house, and a number of citizens volunteered their services, to
strengthen the escort; but all their efforts scarcely sufficed to keep
him from the grasp of the infuriated multitude. He was placed in a
noisome cell, to await his trial, and the customary guard was increased
for his protection. Portions of the mob continued howling round the
prison all night, and the mayor was sent for several times to prevent
their bursting in. A gallows was erected, with a barrel of feathers and
a tub of tar in readiness under it, that they might amuse themselves
with their victim before they murdered him.
Next morning, at five o'clock, the prisoner was brought before the mayor
for further examination. Many of the mob followed him to the door of the
office to await the issue. The evidence was satisfactory that he
belonged to no anti-slavery society, and that his business in Savannah
had no connection whatever with that subject. As for the pamphlet about
Sierra Leone, the mayor said he considered that evidence in his favor;
because it was written in support of colonization. Before the
examination closed, there came a driving rain, which dispersed the mob
lying in wait round the building. Aided by this lucky storm their
destined victim passed out without being observed. At parting, the
mayor said to him, "Young man, you may consider it a miracle that you
have escaped with your life."
He took refuge on board the ship Angelique, bound for New-York, and was
received with much kindness and sympathy by Captain Nichols, the
commander. There was likewise a sailor on board, who happened to be one
of the many that owed a debt of gratitude to Friend Hopper; and he swore
he would shoot anybody that attempted to harm his son. In a short time,
a messenger came from the mayor to announce that the populace had
discovered where Mr. Hopper was secreted, and would probably attack the
vessel. In this emergency, the captain behaved nobly toward his hunted
fellow-citizen. He requested him to lie down flat in the bottom of a
boat, which he himself entered and conducted to a brig bound for
Providence. The captain was a New-England man, but having been long
engaged in Southern trade, his principles on the subject of slavery were
adapted to his interest. He gave the persecuted young traveller a most
ungracious reception, and said if he thought he was an abolitionist he
would send him directly back to Savannah. However, the representations
of Captain Nichols induced him to consent that he should be put on
board. They had a tedious passage of thirty-five days, during which
there was a long and violent storm, that seemed likely to wreck the
vessel. The mob had robbed Mr. Hopper of his money and clothing. He had
no comfortable garments to shield him from the severe cold, and his
hands and feet were frozen. At last, he arrived at Providence, and went
on board the steamer Benjamin Franklin, bound for New-York. There he had
the good fortune to meet with a colored waiter, whose father had been
redeemed from slavery by Friend Hopper's exertions. He was assiduously
devoted to the son of his benefactor, and did everything in his power to
alleviate his distressed condition.
When the traveller arrived at his home, he was so haggard and worn down
with danger and fatigue, that his family scarcely recognized him. His
father was much excited and deeply affected, when he heard what perils
he had gone through merely on account of his name. He soon after
addressed the following letter to the mayor of Savannah:
"New-York, 4th month, 18th, 1836.
"Friend,
"My object in addressing thee is to express my heartfelt gratitude
for thy exertions in saving the life of my son, which I have cause
to believe was in imminent peril, from the violence of unreasonable
men, while in your city a few weeks ago. I am informed that very
soon after his arrival in Savannah, the fact became known to a
marshal of this city, who was then there, and who, by his
misrepresentations, excited the rabble to a determination to
perpetrate the most inhuman outrage upon him, and in all
probability to take his life; and that preparations were made,
which, if carried into effect, would doubtless have produced that
result.
"Tar and feathers, as a mode of punishment, I am inclined to think
is rather of modern invention; and I am doubtful whether they will
be more efficient than whipping, cutting off ears, the rack, the
halter, and the stake. Superstition and intolerance have long ago
called in all these to their aid, in suppressing reformation in
religion; but they were unable to accomplish the end designed; and
if I am not greatly mistaken, they would prove entirely
insufficient to stop the progress of emancipation.
"If it is the determination of the people of Savannah to deliver up
to a lawless and blood-thirsty mob every person coming among them
whose sentiments are opposed to slavery, I apprehend there are very
few at the North who would not be obnoxious to their hostility. For
I believe they all view slavery as an evil that must be abolished
at no very distant day. Would it not be well for the people of the
South to reflect upon the tendency of their conduct? Where such
aggressions upon humanity are committed, the slaves will naturally
inquire into the cause; and when they are informed that it is in
consequence of their oppressed and degraded condition, and that the
persons thus persecuted are charged with being their friends, they
cannot feel indifferent. One such scene as was witnessed in the
case of my son would tend more to excite a spirit of insurrection
and insubordination among them, than ten thousand 'incendiary
pamphlets,' not one word of which any of them could read. My son
went to Savannah solely on his own private business, without any
intention of interfering with the slaves, or with the subject of
slavery in any way. But even supposing the charge to have been
true, do not your laws award sufficient punishment? How could you
stand silently by, and witness proceedings that would put to blush
the Arab, or the untutored inhabitant of the wilderness in our own
country? The negroes, whom you affect to despise so much, would set
an example of benevolence and humanity, when on their own soil, if
a stranger came among them, which you cannot be prepared to
imitate, till you have made great improvements in civilization.
"The people of Savannah profess Christianity; but what avails
profession, where latitude is given to the vilest and most depraved
passions of the human heart? Suppose the mob had murdered my son; a
young man who went among you in the ordinary course of his
business, and who, even according to _your_ understanding of the
term, had done no evil; a young man of fair reputation, with
numerous near relatives and friends to mourn over the barbarous
deed; would you have been guiltless? I think the just witness in
your consciences would answer No.
"I have long deplored the evils of slavery, and my sympathy has
often been much excited for the master, as well as the slave. I am
aware of the difficulties attending the system, and I should
rejoice if I could aid in devising some mode of relief, that would
satisfy the claims of justice and humanity, and at the same time be
acceptable to the inhabitants of the South.
"It is certainly cause of deep regret that the Southern people
suffer their angry passions to become so highly excited on this
subject, which, of all others, ought to be calmly considered. For
it remains a truth that 'the wrath of man worketh not the
righteousness of God,' neither can it open his eyes to see in what
his best interest consists. O, that your ears may be open to the
voice of wisdom before it is too late! The language of an eminent
statesman, who was a slaveholder, often occurs to me: 'I tremble
for my country when I reflect that God is just, and that his
justice will not sleep forever.' Surely we have high authority for
believing that 'For the crying of the poor, and the sighing of the
needy, God will arise.' I hope I shall not be suspected of
entertaining hostile or unkind feelings toward the people of the
South, when I say that I believe slavery must and will be
abolished. As sure as God is merciful and good, it is an evil that
cannot endure forever.
"An inspired apostle says, that our gracious Creator 'hath made of
one blood all nations of men;' and our Saviour gave this
commandment: 'As ye would that men should do to you, do ye also to
them likewise.' If we believe these declarations, and I hope none
doubt their authority, I should think reasoning unnecessary to
convince us that to oppress and enslave our fellow men cannot be
pleasing to Him, who is just and equal in all his ways.
"My concern for the welfare of my fellow men is not confined to
color, or circumscribed by geographical lines. I can never see
human suffering without feeling compassion, and I would always
gladly alleviate it, if I had it in my power. I remember that we
are all, without distinction of color or locality, children of the
same Universal Parent, who delights to see the human family dwell
together in peace and harmony. I am strongly inclined to the
opinion that the proceedings of that portion of the inhabitants of
the North who are called abolitionists, would not produce so much
agitation and excitement at the South, if the people there felt
entirely satisfied that slavery was justifiable in the sight of
infinite purity and justice. An eminent minister of the Gospel,
about the middle of the seventeenth century, often urged upon the
attention of people this emphatic injunction: 'Mind the light!'
'All things that are reproved are made manifest by the light; for
whatsoever doth make manifest is light.' Now, if this light, or
spirit of truth, 'a manifestation of which is given to every man to
profit withal,' should be found testifying in your consciences
against injustice and oppression, regard its admonitions! It will
let none remain at ease in their sins. It will justify for well
doing; but to those who rebel against it, and disregard its
reproofs, it will become the 'worm that dieth not, and the fire
that is not quenched.'
"I am aware that complaints are often made, because obstacles are
thrown in the way of Southerners reclaiming their fugitive slaves.
But bring the matter home to yourselves. Suppose a white man
resided among you, who, for a series of years, had conducted with
sobriety, industry, and probity, and had given frequent evidence of
the kindness of his heart, by a disposition to oblige whenever
opportunity offered; suppose he had a wife and children dependent
upon him, and supported them comfortably and respectably; could you
see that man dragged from his bed, and from the bosom of his
family, in the dead time of night, manacled, and hurried away into
a distant part of the country, where his family could never see him
again, and where they knew he must linger out a miserable
existence, more intolerable than death, amid the horrors of
slavery? I ask whether you could witness all this, without the most
poignant grief? This is no picture of the fancy. It is a sober
reality. The only difference is, the men thus treated are black.
But in my view, this does not diminish the horrors of such cruel
deeds. Can it be expected then, that the citizens of this state, or
indeed of any other, would witness all this, without instituting
the severest scrutiny into the legality of the proceedings? More
especially, when it is known that the persons employed in this
nefarious business of hunting up fugitive slaves are men destitute
of principle, whose hearts are callous as flint, and who would send
a free man into bondage with as little compunction as they would a
slave, if they could do it with impunity.
"Of latter time, we hear much said about a dissolution of the
Union. Far better, in my view, that this should take place, if it
can be effected without violence, than to remain as we are; when a
peaceable citizen cannot enter your territory on his own lawful
business, without the risk of being murdered by a ruthless mob.
"With reverent thankfulness to Him, who numbers the hairs of our
heads, without whose notice not even a sparrow falls to the
ground, and to whose providence I consider myself indebted for the
redemption of my beloved son from the hands of barbarians, permit
me again to say that I feel sincerely grateful to thee and others,
who kindly lent aid, though late, in rescuing him from the violence
of unreasonable and wicked men, who sought his life without a
cause. I may never have it in my power to do either of you
personally a kindness; but some other member of the great family of
mankind may need assistance in a way that I can relieve him. If
this should be the case, I hope I shall not fail to embrace the
opportunity.
"With fervent desires that the beneficent Creator and Father of the
Universe may open the eyes of all to see that 'the fast which he
hath chosen is to loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy
burdens and to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break every
yoke.'
"I am thy sincere friend,
"ISAAC T. HOPPER."
Soon after the circumstances above related, the mayor of New-York
revoked the warrant of the marshal, who had been so conspicuous in the
outrage. This step was taken in consequence of his own admissions
concerning his conduct.
In 1837, a little incident occurred, which may be interesting to those
who are curious concerning phrenology. At a small social party in
New-York, a discussion arose on that subject; and, as usual, some were
disposed to believe and others to ridicule. At last the disputants
proposed to test the question by careful experiment. Friend Hopper was
one of the party, and they asked him to have his head examined by the
well-known O.S. Fowler. Having a good-natured willingness to gratify
their curiosity, he consented. It was agreed that he should not speak
during the operation, lest the tones of his voice might serve as an
index of his character. It was further stipulated that no person in the
room should give any indication by which the phrenologist might be
enabled to judge whether he was supposed to be speaking correctly or
not. The next day, Mr. Fowler was introduced blindfolded into a room,
where Isaac T. Hopper was seated with the party of the preceding
evening. Having passed his hands over the strongly developed head, he
made the following statement, which was taken down by a rapid writer, as
the words fell from his lips.
"The first and strongest manifestation of this character is efficiency.
Not one man in a thousand is capable of accomplishing so much. The
strong points are very strong; the weak points are weak; so that he is
an eccentric and peculiar character.
"The pole-star of his character is moral courage.
"He has very little reverence, and stands in no awe of the powers that
be. He pays no regard to forms or ceremonies, or established customs, in
church or state. He renders no homage to great names, such as D.D.;
L.L.D.; or Excellency. He treats his fellow men with kindness and
affection, but not with sufficient respect and courtesy.
"He is emphatically republican in feeling and character. He makes
himself free and familiar with every one. He often lets himself down too
much. This constitutes a radical defect in his character.
"He will assert and maintain human rights and liberty at every hazard.
In this cause, he will stake anything, or suffer anything. This
constitutes the leading feature of his character. Every other element is
blended into this.
"I should consider him a very cautious man in fact, though in appearance
he is very imprudent; especially in remarks on moral subjects.
"He is too apt to denounce those whom he considers in error; to apply
opprobrious epithets and censure in the strongest terms, and the boldest
manner.
"I have seldom, if ever, met with a larger organ of conscientiousness.
"Nothing so much delights him as to advocate and propagate moral
principles; no matter how unpopular the principles may be.
"He has very little credulity.
"He is one of the closest observers of men and things anywhere to be
found. He sees, as it were by intuition everything that passes around
him, and understands just when and where to take men and things; just
how and where to say things with effect; and in all he says, he speaks
directly to the point.
"He says and does a great many severe and cutting things. If anybody
else said and did such things, they would at once get into hot water;
but he says and does them in such a manner, that even his enemies, and
those against whom his censures are aimed, cannot be offended with him.
He is always on the verge of difficulty, but never _in_ difficulty.
"He is hated mainly by those not personally acquainted with him. A
personal interview, even with his greatest enemies, generally removes
enmity; because of the smoothness and easiness of his manners.
"He has at command a great amount of well-digested information on almost
every subject, and makes admirable use of his knowledge. He has a great
many facts, and always brings them in their right place. His general
memory of particulars, incidents, places, and words, is really
wonderful.
"But he has a weak memory concerning names, dates, numbers, and colors.
He never recognizes persons by their dress, or by the color of anything
pertaining to them.
"He tells a story admirably, and acts it out to the life. He makes a
great deal of fun, and keeps others in a roar of laughter, while he is
sober himself. For his fun, he is as much indebted to the manner as to
the matter. He makes his jokes mainly by happy comparisons, striking
illustrations, and the imitative power with which he expresses them.
"He possesses a great amount of native talent, but it is so admirably
distributed, that he appears to have more than he actually possesses.
"His attachment to his friends is remarkably strong and ardent. But he
will associate with none except those whose moral characters are
unimpeachable.
"He expects and anticipates a great deal; enters largely into things;
takes hold of every measure with spirit; and is always overwhelmed with
business. Move where he will, he cannot be otherwise than a
distinguished man."
That this description was remarkably accurate in most particulars will
be obvious to those who have read the preceding anecdotes. It is not
true, however, that he was enthusiastic in character, or that he had the
appearance of being so. He was far too practical and self-possessed, to
have the reputation of being "half crazy," even among those who are
prone to regard everything as insane that is out of the common course.
Neither do I think he was accustomed to "let himself down too much;" for
according to my radical ideas, a man _cannot_ "let himself down," who
"associates only with those whose moral characters are unimpeachable."
It is true that he was pleasant and playful in conversation with all
classes of people; but he was remarkably free from any tinge of
vulgarity. It is true, also, that he was totally and entirely
unconscious of any such thing as distinctions of rank. I have been
acquainted with many theoretical democrats, and with not a few who tried
to be democratic, from kind feelings-and principles of justice; but
Friend Hopper and Francis Jackson of Boston are the only two men I ever
met, who were born democrats; who could not help it, if they tried; and
who would not know _how_ to try; so completely did they, by nature,
ignore all artificial distinctions. Of course, I do not use the word
democrat in its limited party sense, but to express their perfect
unconsciousness that any man was considered to be above them, or any man
beneath them. If Friend Hopper encountered his wood-sawyer, after a
considerable absence, he would shake hands warmly, and give him a
cordial welcome. If the English Prince had called upon him, he would
have met with the same friendly reception, and would probably have been
accosted something after this fashion: "How art thou, friend Albert?
They tell me thou art amiable and kindly disposed toward the people; and
I am glad to see thee." Those who observe the parting advice given by
Isaac's mother, when he went to serve his apprenticeship in
Philadelphia, will easily infer that this peculiarity was hereditary.
Some men, who rise above their original position, either in character or
fortune, endeavor to conceal their early history. Others obtrude it upon
all occasions, in order to magnify themselves by a contrast between what
they have been and what they are. But he did neither the one nor the
other. The subject did not occupy his thoughts. He spoke of having been
a tailor, whenever it came naturally in his way, but never for the sake
of doing so. His having been born in a hen-house was a mere external
accident in his eyes; and in the same light he regarded the fact that
Victoria was born in a palace. What was the spiritual condition of the
two at any given age, was the only thing that seemed to him of real
importance.
His steadfastness in maintaining moral principles, "however unpopular
those principles might be," was severely tried in the autumn of 1838. At
a late hour in the night, two colored men came to his house, and one
introduced the other as a stranger in the city, who had need of a
lodging. Friend Hopper of course conjectured that he might be a fugitive
slave; and this conjecture was confirmed the next morning. The stranger
was a mulatto, about twenty-two years old, and called himself Thomas
Hughes. According to his own account, he was the son of a wealthy
planter in Virginia, who sold his mother with himself and his twin
sister when they were eleven months old. His mother and sister were
subsequently sold, but he could never ascertain where they were sent.
When he was about thirteen, he was purchased by the son of his first
master. Being hardly dealt with by this relative, he one day
remonstrated with him for treating his own brother with so much
severity. This was, of course, deemed a great piece of insolence in a
bondman, and he was punished by being sold to a speculator, carried off
hand-cuffed, with his feet tied under the horse's belly, and finally
shipped for Louisiana with a coffle of five hundred slaves. He was
bought by a gambler, who took him to Louisville, Kentucky. When he had
lived there three years, his master, having lost large sums of money,
told him he should be obliged to sell him. Thomas had meanwhile
ascertained that his father had removed to Kentucky, and was still a
very wealthy man. He obtained permission to go and see him, with the
hope that he would purchase him and set him free. Accordingly, he
called upon him, and told him that he was Thomas, the son of his slave
Rachel, who had always assured him that he was his father. The rich
planter did not deny poor Rachel's assertion, but in answer to her son's
inquiries, he plainly manifested that he neither knew nor cared who had
bought her, or to what part of the country she had been sent. Thomas
represented his own miserable condition, in being sold from one to
another, and subject to the will of whoever happened to be his owner. He
intreated his father to purchase him, with a view to manumission; but
himself and his proposition were both treated with supreme contempt.
Thus rejected by his father, and unable to discover any traces of his
mother, he returned disheartened to Louisville, and was soon after sent
to New-Orleans to be sold. Mr. John P. Darg, a speculator in slaves,
bought him; and he soon after married a girl named Mary, who belonged to
his new master. Mr. Darg went to New-York, to visit some relatives, and
took Thomas with him. It was only a few days after their arrival in the
city, that the slave left him, and went to Isaac T. Hopper to ask a
lodging. When he acknowledged that he was a fugitive, intending to take
refuge in Canada, it was deemed imprudent for him to remain under the
roof of a person so widely known as an abolitionist; but a very
benevolent and intelligent Quaker lady, near eighty years old, named
Margaret Shoemaker, gladly gave him shelter.
When Friend Hopper went to his place of business, after parting with the
colored stranger, he saw an advertisement in a newspaper called the Sun,
offering one thousand dollars reward for the apprehension and return of
a mulatto man, who had stolen seven or eight thousand dollars from a
house in Varick-street. A proportionate reward was offered for the
recovery of any part of the money. Though no names were mentioned, he
had reason to conjecture that Thomas Hughes might be the mulatto in
question. He accordingly sought him out, read the advertisement to him,
and inquired whether he had stolen anything from his master. He denied
having committed any theft, and said the pretence that he had done so
was a mere trick, often resorted to by slaveholders, when they wanted to
catch a runaway slave. That this remark was true, Friend Hopper knew
very well by his own experience; he therefore concluded it was likely
that Thomas was not guilty. He expressed this conviction in conversation
on the subject with Barney Corse, a benevolent member of the Society of
Friends, who was kindly disposed toward the colored people. In
compliance with Friend Hopper's request, that gentleman waited upon the
editor of the Sun, accompanied by a lawyer, and was assured that a large
amount of money really had been stolen from Mr. Darg, and that if he
could recover it, he was willing to give a pledge for the manumission of
the slave, beside paying the promised reward to whoever would enable him
to get possession of the money. Barney Corse called upon Mr. Darg, who
promptly confirmed the statement made by the editor in his name. The
Friend then promised that he, and others who were interested for the
slave, would do their utmost to obtain tidings of the money, and see it
safely restored, on those conditions; but he expressly stipulated that
he could not do it otherwise, because he had conscientious scruples,
which would prevent him, in all cases, from helping to return a fugitive
slave to his master.
It is to be observed that the promise of manumission was given as the
highest bribe that could be offered to induce the slave to refund the
money he had taken; for though in argument slaveholders generally
maintain that their slaves have no desire for freedom, they are never
known to _act_ upon that supposition. In this case, the offer served a
double purpose; for it stimulated the benevolent zeal of Friend Hopper
and Barney Corse, and induced the fugitive to confess what he had done.
He still denied that he had any intention of stealing, but declared that
he took the money merely to obtain power over his master, hoping that
the promise to restore it would secure his manumission. It is
impossible to tell whether he spoke truth or not; for poor Thomas had
been educated in a bad school of morals. Sold by his father, abused by
his brother, and for years compelled to do the bidding of gamblers and
slave-speculators, how could he be expected to have very clear
perceptions of right and wrong? The circumstances of the case, however,
seem to render it rather probable that he really was impelled by the
motive which he assigned for his conduct. Mr. Darg declared that he had
previously considered him an honest and faithful servant; that he was in
the habit of trusting him with the key of his trunk, and frequently sent
him to it for money. The bank-bills he had purloined were placed in the
hands of two colored men in New-York, because, as he said, he could not
return them himself, but must necessarily employ somebody to do it for
him, in the intended process of negotiating for his freedom.
Friend Hopper, his son-in-law James S. Gibbons, and Barney Corse, were
very earnest to recover the money, for the best of reasons. In the first
place, they greatly desired to secure the manumission of the slave. In
the second place, the honesty of their characters led them to wish that
the master should recover what was his own. In both instances, they
wished to restore stolen property to the rightful owner; to Thomas
Hughes the free use of his own faculties and limbs, which had been
stolen from him, and to Mr. Darg the money that had been purloined from
him. It is not likely that the Southerner would have ever regained any
portion of the amount stolen, had it not been for their exertions. But,
by careful and judicious management, they soon recovered nearly six
thousand dollars, which was immediately placed in one of the principal
banks of the city, with a full statement of the circumstances of the
case to the cashier. Over one thousand more was heard of as having been
deposited with a colored man in Albany. Friend Hopper proposed that
Barney Corse should go in pursuit of it, accompanied by the colored man
who sent it there. He agreed to do so; but he deemed it prudent to have
a previous interview with Mr. Darg, to obtain his written promise to
manumit Thomas, to pay the necessary expenses of the journey, and to
exonerate from criminal prosecution any person or persons connected with
the robbery, provided that assurance proved necessary in order to get
possession of the money. All this being satisfactorily accomplished, he
went to Albany and brought back the sum said to have been deposited
there. Ten or fourteen hundred dollars were still wanting to complete
the amount, which Mr. Darg said he had lost; but they had hopes of
obtaining that also, by confronting various individuals, who had become
involved with this complicated affair. Meanwhile, Barney Corse and
James S. Gibbons called upon Mr. Darg to inform him of the amount
recovered and safely deposited in the bank, and to pay him the sum
brought from Albany. Instead of giving the deed of manumission, which
had been his own voluntary offer at the outset, and which he knew had
been the impelling motive to exertion, Mr. Darg had two police-officers
in an adjoining room to arrest Barney Corse for having stolen money in
his possession. He was of course astonished at such an ungrateful return
for his services, but at once expressed his readiness to go before any
magistrate that might be named.
It would not be easy to give an adequate idea of the storm of
persecution that followed. Popular prejudice against abolitionists was
then raging with uncommon fury; and police-officers and editors availed
themselves of it to the utmost to excite hostility against individuals,
who had been actuated by a kind motive, and who had proceeded with
perfect openness throughout the whole affair. The newspapers of the city
were pro-slavery, almost without exception. The idea of sending
abolitionists to the State Prison was a glorious prospect, over which
they exulted mightily. They represented that Thomas had been enticed
from his master by these pretended philanthropists, who had advised him
to steal the money, as a cunning mode of obtaining manumission. As for
the accused, all they asked was a speedy and thorough investigation of
their conduct. The case was however postponed from week to week, and
offers were made meanwhile to compromise the matter, if Barney Corse
would pay the balance of the lost money. He had wealthy connexions, and
perhaps the prosecutors hoped to extort money from them, to avoid the
disgrace of a trial. But Barney Corse was far from wishing to avoid a
trial.
At this juncture of affairs, Friend Hopper took a step, which raised a
great clamor among his enemies, and puzzled some of his friends at the
time, because they did not understand his motives. He sued Mr. Darg for
the promised reward of one thousand dollars. He had several reasons for
this proceeding. In the first place, the newspapers continually pointed
him out as a man over whose head a criminal prosecution was pending;
while he had at the same time had good reason to believe that his
accusers would never venture to meet him before a court of justice; and
a proper regard for his own character made him resolved to obtain a
legal investigation of his conduct by some process. In the second place,
Mr. Darg had subjected Barney Corse to a great deal of trouble and
expense; and Friend Hopper thought it no more than fair that expenses
caused by his own treachery should be paid from his own pocket. In the
third place, David Ruggles, a worthy colored man, no way implicated in
the transaction, had been arrested, and was likely to be involved in
expense. In the fourth place, the police officers, who advised the
arrest of Barney Corse, made themselves very conspicuous in the
persecution. He believed they had been actuated by a desire to obtain
the reward for themselves; and as they had no just claim to it, he
determined to defeat them in this attempt. He therefore sued for the
reward himself, though he never intended to use a dollar of it. This was
manifested at the time, by a declaration in the newspapers, that if he
recovered the reward, he would give all over the expenses to some
benevolent society. It was frequently intimated to him that there should
be no further proceedings against him, if he would withdraw this suit;
but he constantly replied that a trial was what he wanted. Finding all
overtures rejected, a complaint was laid before the Grand Jury; and such
was the state of popular prejudice, that twelve out of nineteen of that
body concurred in finding a bill against men of excellent moral
character, without any real evidence to sustain the charge. Barney Corse
had never taken measures to prevent the arrest of Thomas Hughes. He
simply declined to render any assistance. He believed that he was under
no legal obligation to do otherwise; and he knew for a certainty that he
was under no moral obligation; because conscience would not allow him
to aid in returning a runaway slave to his master. Nevertheless, he and
Isaac T. Hopper, and James S. Gibbons, were indicted for "feloniously
receiving, harboring, aiding and maintaining said Thomas, in order that
he might escape from arrest, and avoid conviction and punishment."
Friend Hopper was advised that he might avail himself of some technical
defects in the indictment; but he declined doing it; always insisting
that a public investigation was what he wanted.
The trial was carried on in the same spirit that characterized the
previous proceedings. A colored man, known to have had dishonest
possession of a portion of the lost money, was admitted to testify, on
two successive trials, against Barney Corse, who had always sustained a
fair character. The District Attorney talked to the jury of "the
necessity of appeasing the South." As if convicting an honest and
kind-hearted Quaker of being accomplice in a felony could do anything
toward settling the questions that divided North and South on the
subject of slavery! One of the jury declared that he never would acquit
an abolitionist. Mr. Darg testified of himself during the trial, that he
never intended to manumit Thomas, and had made the promise merely as a
means of obtaining his money. The newspapers spoke as if the guilt of
the accused was not to be doubted, and informed the jury that the
public expected them to convict these men.
In fact, the storm lowered so darkly, that some friends of the
persecuted individuals began to feel uneasy. But Friend Hopper's mind
was perfectly undisturbed. Highly respectable lawyers offered to conduct
the cause for him; but he gratefully declined, saying he preferred to
manage it for himself. He informed the court that he presumed they
understood the law, and he was quite sure that he understood the facts;
therefore, he saw no need of a lawyer between them. The Court of
Sessions was held every month, and he appeared before it at almost every
term, to demand a trial. At last, in January 1840, when the hearing had
been delayed fifteen months, he gave notice that unless he was tried
during that term, he should appear on the last day of it, and request
that a _nolle prosequi_ should be ordered. The trial not coming on, he
appeared accordingly, and made a very animated speech, in which he dwelt
with deserved severity on the evils of the police system, and on the
efforts of a corrupt press to pervert the public mind. He said he did
not make these remarks to excite sympathy. He was not there to ask for
mercy, but to demand justice. "And I would have you all to understand
distinctly," continued the brave old man, "that I have no wish to evade
the charge against me for being an abolitionist. I _am_ an
abolitionist. In that, I am charged truly. I have been an abolitionist
from my early years, and I always expect to remain so. For this, I am
prosecuted and persecuted. I most sincerely believe that slavery is the
greatest sin the Lord Almighty ever suffered to exist upon this earth.
As sure as God is good and just, he will put an end to it; and all
opposition will be in vain. As regards myself, I can only say, that
having lived three-score and nearly ten years, with a character that
placed me above suspicion in such matters as have been urged against me,
I cannot now forego the principles which have always influenced my
conduct in relation to slavery. Neither force on the one hand, nor
persuasion on the other, will ever alter my course of action."
One of the New-York papers, commenting on this speech, at the time,
states that "the old gentleman was listened to very attentively. He was
composed, dignified, and clear in his manner, and evidently had much
effect on the court and a large number of spectators. He certainly
needed no counsel to aid him."
The court ordered a _nolle prosequi_ to be entered, and the defendants
were all discharged. The suit for the reward proceeded no further. David
Ruggles had been early discharged, and the whole case had been
completely before the public in pamphlet form; therefore the principal
objects for urging it no longer existed.
Though the friends of human freedom made reasonable allowance for a man
brought up under such demoralizing influences as Thomas Hughes had been,
they of course felt less confidence in him, than they would have done
had he sought to obtain liberty by some more commendable process. Being
aware of this, he returned to his master, not long after he acknowledged
the theft. At one time, it was proposed to send him back to the South;
but he swore that he would cut his throat rather than return into
slavery. The best lawyers declared their opinion that he was legally
entitled to freedom, in consequence of his master's written promise to
manumit him if the money were restored; consequently some difficulties
would have attended any attempt to coerce him. He was tried on an
indictment for grand larceny, convicted, and sentenced to the State
Prison for two years; the shortest term allowed for the offence charged
against him. Through the whole course of the affair, he proved himself
to be a very irresolute and unreliable character. At one time, he said
that: his master was a notorious gambler; then he denied that he ever
said so; then he affirmed that his first statement was true, though he
had been frightened into contradicting it. When his time was out at Sing
Sing, he expressed to Friend Hopper and others his determination to
remain at the North; but after an interview with Mr. Darg, he consented
to return to the South with him. Although he was thus wavering in
character, he could never be persuaded to say that any abolitionist
advised him to take his master's money. He always declared that no white
man knew anything about it, until after he had placed it out of his own
hands; and that the friends who were willing to aid him in procuring his
manumission had always expressed their regret that he had committed such
a wrong action. He deserved praise for his consistency on this point;
for he had the offer of being exempted from prosecution himself, and
used as a witness, if he would say they advised him to steal the money.
When Thomas Hughes consented to return to the South with Mr. Darg, it
was with the full understanding that he went as a free man, consenting
to be his servant. This he expressed during his last interview with
Friend Hopper, in Mr. Darg's presence. But the newspapers represented
that he had voluntarily gone back into slavery; and such was their
exultation over his supposed choice, that a person unacquainted with the
history of our republic might have inferred that the heroes of the
revolution fought and died mainly for the purpose of convincing their
posterity of the superior advantages of slavery over freedom. However,
it was not long before Thomas returned to New-York, and told the
following story: "A short time before my release from prison, Mr. Darg
brought my wife to see me, and told me we should both be free and enjoy
each other's society as long as we lived, if I would go with him. He
said I should suffer here at the North; for the abolitionists would do
nothing for me. I went with him solely with the hope of living with
Mary. I thought if he attempted to hold me as a slave, we would both run
away, the first opportunity. He told me we should meet Mary in
Washington; but when we arrived in Baltimore, he shut me up in jail, and
told me Mary was sold, and carried off South. I cannot describe how I
felt. I never expect to see her again. He asked me if I consented to
come with him on Mary's account, or on his own account. I thought it
would make it better for me to say on his account; and I said so. I hope
the Lord will forgive me for telling a falsehood. When I had been in
jail some time, he called to see me, and said that as I did not come
with him on account of my wife, he would not sell me; that I should be
free, and he would try to buy Mary for me."
Thomas said he was informed that certain people in New-York wrote to Mr.
Darg, advising him not to sell him, because the abolitionists predicted
that he would do so; and he thought that was the reason why he was not
sold. If this supposition was correct, it is a great pity that his
master was not induced by some better motive to avoid an evil action.
Thomas uniformly spoke of Mrs. Darg with respect and gratitude. He said,
"She was always very kind to me and Mary. I know she did not want to
have me sold, or to have Mary sold; for I believe she loved her. I feel
very sorry that I could not live with her and be free; but I had rather
live in the State Prison all my life than to be a slave."
I never heard what became of Thomas. Friend Shoemaker used to tell me,
years afterward, how she secreted him, and rejoiced in the deed. I heard
the good lady, when more than ninety years old, just before her death,
talk the matter over; and her kindly, intelligent countenance smiled all
over, as she recounted how she had contrived to dodge the police, and
avoid being a witness in the case. The Fugitive Slave Law would be of no
avail to tyrants, if all the women at the North had as much moral
courage, and were as benevolent and quick-witted as she was.
Those who were most active in persecuting Friend Hopper and Barney Corse
convinced the public, by their subsequent disreputable career, that they
were not men whose word could be relied upon.
Dr. R.W. Moore, of Philadelphia, in a letter to Friend Hopper concerning
this troublesome case, says: "I am aware thou hast passed through many
trials in the prosecution of this matter. Condemned by the world,
censured by some of thy friends, and discouraged by the weak, thou hast
had much to bear. But thou hast been able to foil thy enemies, and to
pass through the flames without the smell of fire on thy garments. Thy
Christian firmness is an example to us all. It reminds one of those
ancient Quakers, who, knowing themselves in the right, suffered wrongs
rather than compromise their principles. For the sake of mankind, I am
sorry there are not more such characters among us. They would do more to
exalt our principles, than a host of the professors of the present day."
A year or two later, another incident occurred, which excited similar
exultation among New-York editors, that a human being had been so wise
as to prefer slavery to freedom; and there was about as much cause for
such exultation as there had been in the case of Thomas Hughes.
Mrs. Burke of New-Orleans went to New-York to visit a relative by the
name of Morgan. She brought a slave to attend upon her, and took great
care to prevent her becoming acquainted with the colored people. I don't
know how city editors would account for this extreme caution,
consistently with their ideas of the blessedness of slavery. They might
argue that there was danger free colored people would be so attracted by
her charming pictures of bondage, that they would emigrate to the South
in larger numbers than would supply the slave-markets, and thus occasion
some depression in an honorable branch of trade in this republic.
However they might please to explain it, the simple fact was, Mrs. Burke
did not allow her slave to go into the street. Of course, she must have
had some other motive than the idea that _freedom_ could be attractive
to her. The colored people became aware of the careful constraint
imposed upon the woman, and they informed the abolitionists. Thinking it
right that slaves should be made aware of their legal claim to freedom,
when brought or sent into the free states, with knowledge and consent of
their masters, they applied to Judge Oakley for a writ of _habeas
corpus,_ by virtue of which the girl was brought before him. While she
was in waiting, Friend Hopper heard of the circumstance, and immediately
proceeded to the court-room. There he found Mr. Morgan and one of his
southern friends talking busily with the slave. The woman appeared
frightened and undecided, as is often the case, under such
circumstances. Those who wished her to return to the South plied her
with fair promises. They represented abolitionists as a set of
kidnappers, who seized colored strangers under friendly pretences, and
nobody could tell what became of them afterward. It was urged that her
condition would be most miserable with the "free niggers" of the North,
even if the abolitionists did not sell her, or spirit her away to some
unknown region.
On the other hand, the colored people, who had assembled about the
court-room, were very eager to rescue her from slavery. She did not
understand their motives, or those of the abolitionists; for they had
been diligently misrepresented to her. "What do they want to do it
_for_?" she asked, with a perplexed air. "What will they do with me?"
She was afraid there was some selfish motive concealed. She dared not
trust the professions of strangers, whose characters had been so
unfavorably represented. Friend Hopper found her in this confused state
of mind. The Southerner was very willing to speak _for_ her. He gave
assurance that she did not want her freedom; that she desired to return
to the South; and that she had been in no respect distrained of her
liberty in the city of New-York.
"Thou art a very respectable looking man," said Friend Hopper; "but I
have known slaveholders, of even more genteel appearance than thou art,
tell gross falsehoods where a slave was in question. I tell thee
plainly, that I have no confidence in slaveholders, in any such case. I
have had too much acquaintance with them. I know their game too well."
The Southerner said something about its being both mean and wrong to
come between master and servant.
"Such may be thy opinion," replied Friend Hopper; "but my views of duty
differ from thine in this matter." Then turning to the woman, he said,
"By the laws here, thou art free. No man has a right to make thee a
slave again. Thou mayest stay at the North, or go back to New-Orleans,
just as thou choosest."
The Southerner here interposed to say, "Mind what that old gentleman
says. You can go back to New-Orleans, to your husband, if you prefer to
go."
"But let me tell thee," said Friend Hopper to the woman, "that if thou
stayest here, thou wilt be free; but if they carry thee back, they may
sell thee away from thy husband. Dost thou wish to be free?"
The tears gushed from her eyes in full flood, and she replied earnestly,
"I do want to be free. To be _sure I_ do want to be free; but then I
want to go to my husband."
Mr. Morgan and his Southern friend grew excited. With an angry glance at
the old gentleman, the latter exclaimed, "I only wish we had you in
New-Orleans! We'd hang you up in twenty-four hours."
"Then you are a set of savages," replied Friend Hopper.
"_You_ are a set of thieves," retorted he.
"Well, savages may be thieves also," rejoined the abolitionist, with a
significant smile.
"You are no gentleman," responded the other, in an irritated tone.
"I don't profess to be a gentleman," answered the impassive Quaker. "But
I am an honest old man; and perhaps that will do as well."
This remark occasioned a general smile. Indeed it was pleasant to
observe, throughout this scene in the court-room, that popular sympathy
was altogether on the side of freedom. It was a strange blind instinct
on the part of the people, considering how diligently they had been
instructed otherwise by pulpit and press; but so it was.
When the slave was summoned into the judge's room, Friend Hopper
followed; being extremely desirous to have her understand her position
clearly. He found Mr. Morgan and his Southern friend in close and
earnest conversation with her. When he attempted to approach her, he was
unceremoniously shoved aside, with the remark, "Don't push me away!"
"I did not push thee," said Friend Hopper; "and see that thou dost not
push _me_!" He then inquired of the woman if he had rightly understood
that her husband was free. She replied in the affirmative. "Then let me
tell thee," said the kind-hearted old gentleman, "that we will send for
him, and obtain employment for him here, if it is thy choice to
remain."
Again she wept, and repeated, "I do want to be free." But she was
evidently bewildered and distrustful, and did not know how to understand
the opposite professions that were made to her.
On representation of the claimant's friends, Judge Oakley adjourned the
case till the next morning; telling the woman she was at liberty to go
with whom she pleased. The colored people had assembled in considerable
numbers, and were a good deal excited. Experience led them to suppose
that she would either be cajoled into consenting to return to slavery,
or else secretly packed off to New-Orleans, if she were left in Southern
hands. They accordingly made haste to hustle her away. But their
well-intended zeal terrified the poor bewildered creature, and she
escaped from them, and went back to her mistress.
The pro-slavery papers chuckled, as they always do, when some poor
ignorant victim is deceived by false representation, alarmed by an
excitement that she does not comprehend, afraid that strangers are not
telling her the truth, or that they have not the power to protect her;
and in continual terror of future punishment, if she should attempt to
take her freedom, and yet be unable to maintain it. Great is the triumph
of republicans, when, under such trying circumstances, _one_ poor
bewildered wretch goes back to slavery; but of the _hundreds_, who every
month take their freedom, through fire and flood, and all manner of
deadly perils, they are as silent as the grave.
In the spring of 1841, I went to New-York to edit the Anti-Slavery
Standard, and took up my abode with the family of Isaac T. Hopper. The
zealous theological controversy among Friends naturally subsided after
the separation between the opposing parties had become an old and
settled fact. Consequently the demand for Quaker books diminished more
and more. The Anti-Slavery Society, at that time, needed a Treasurer and
Book-Agent; and Friend Hopper was proposed as a suitable person for that
office. As only a small portion of his time was occupied with the sale
of books he had on hand, he concluded to accept the proposition. He was
then nearly seventy years old; but he appeared at least twenty years
younger, in person and manners. His firm, elastic step seemed like a
vigorous man of fifty. He would spring from the Bowery cars, while they
were in motion, with as much agility as a lad of fourteen. His hair was
not even sprinkled with gray. It looked so black and glossy, that a
young lady, who was introduced to him, said she thought he wore a wig
unnaturally dark for his age. It was a favorite joke of his to make
strangers believe he wore a wig; and they were not easily satisfied
that he spoke in jest, until they examined his head.
The roguery of his boyhood had subsided into a love of little
mischievous tricks; and the playful tone of humor, that rippled through
his conversation, frequently reminded me of the Cheeryble Brothers, so
admirably described by Dickens. If some one rang at the door, and
inquired for Mr. Hopper, he always answered, "There is no such person
lives here." If the stranger urged that he had been directed by a man
who said he knew Mr. Hopper, he would persevere in saying, "There must
be some mistake. No such person lives here." At last, when the
disappointed visitor turned to go away, he would call out, "Perhaps thou
means Isaac T. Hopper? That is _my_ name."
Being called upon to give a receipt to a Catholic priest for some money
deposited in his hands, he simply wrote "Received of John Smith." When
the priest had read it, he handed it back and said, "I am disbursing
other people's money, and shall be obliged to show this receipt;
therefore, I should like to have you write my name, the Reverend John
Smith." "I have conscientious scruples about using titles," replied
Friend Hopper. "However, I will try to oblige thee." He took another
slip of paper, and wrote, "Received of John Smith, who _calls_ himself
the Reverend." The priest smiled, and accepted the compromise; being
well aware that the pleasantry originated in no personal or sectarian
prejudice.
He always had something facetious to say to the people with whom he
traded. The oyster-men, the coal-men, and the women at the fruit-stalls
in his neighborhood, all knew him as a pleasant old gentleman, always
ready for a joke. One day, when he was buying some peaches, he said to
the woman, "A serious accident happened at our house last night. I
killed two robbers." "Dear me!" she exclaimed. "Were they young men, or
old convicts? Had they ever been in Sing Sing?" "I don't know about
that," replied he. "I should think they might have been by the noise
they made. But I despatched them before they had stolen much. The walls
are quite bloody." "Has a Coroner's inquest been called?" inquired the
woman. When he answered, "No," she lifted her hands in astonishment, and
exclaimed, "Well now, I do declare! If anybody else had done it, there
would have been a great fuss made about it; but you are a privileged
man, Mr. Hopper." When he was about to walk away, he turned round and
said, "I did not mention to thee that the robbers I killed were two
mosquitoes." The woman had a good laugh, and he came home as pleased as
a boy, to think how completely his serious manner had deceived her.
One day he went to a hosiery store, and said to the man, "I bought a
pair of stockings here yesterday. They looked very nice; but when I got
home, I found two large holes in them; and I have come for another pair.
The man summoned his wife, and informed her of what the gentleman had
said.
"Bless me! Is it possible, sir?" she exclaimed.
"Yes," replied Friend Hopper, I found they had holes as large as my
hand."
"It is very strange," rejoined she; "for I am sure they were new. But if
you have brought them back, of course we will change them."
"O," said he, "upon examination, I concluded that the big holes were
made to put the feet in; and I liked the stockings so well, that I have
come to buy another pair."
At another time, he entered a crockery shop, where a young girl was
tending. He made up a very sorrowful face, and in whining tones, told
her that he was in trouble and needed help. She asked him to wait till
the gentleman came; but he continued to beseech that she would take
compassion on him. The girl began to be frightened by his importunity,
and looked anxiously toward the door. At last, the man of the shop came
in; and Friend Hopper said, "This young woman thinks she cannot help me
out of my trouble; but I think she can. The fact is, we are going to
have company, and so many of our tumblers are broken, that I came to
ask if she would sell me a few."
One day, when he was walking quickly up the Bowery, his foot slipped on
a piece of orange-peel, and he fell prostrate on the sidewalk. He
started up instantly, and turning to a young man behind him, he said,
"Couldst thou have done that any better?"
He very often mingled with affairs in the street, as he passed along.
One day, when he saw a man beating his horse brutally, he stepped up to
him and said, very seriously, "Dost thou know that some people think men
change into animals when they die?"
The stranger's attention was arrested by such an unexpected question,
and he answered that he never was acquainted with anybody who had that
belief.
"But some people do believe it," rejoined Friend Hopper; "and they also
believe that animals may become men. Now I am thinking if thou shouldst
ever be a horse, and that horse should ever be a man, with such a temper
as thine, the chance is thou wilt get some cruel beatings." Having thus
changed the current of his angry mood, he proceeded to expostulate with
him in a friendly way; and the poor beast was reprieved, for that time,
at least.
He could imitate the Irish brogue very perfectly; and it was a standing
jest with him to make every Irish stranger believe he was a countryman.
During his visit to Ireland, he had become so well acquainted with
various localities, that I believe he never in any instance failed to
deceive them, when he said, "Och! and sure I came from old Ireland
meself." After amusing himself in this way for a while, he would tell
them, "It is true I did come from Ireland; but, to confess the truth, I
went there first."
Once, when he saw two Irishmen fighting, he seized one of them by the
arm, and said, "I'm from ould Ireland. If thou _must_ fight, I'm the man
for thee. Thou hadst better let that poor fellow alone. I'm a dale
stouter than he is; and sure it would be braver to fight me." The man
thus accosted looked at him with surprise, for an instant, then burst
out laughing, threw his coat across his arm, and walked off.
Another time, when he found two Irishmen quarrelling, he stepped up and
inquired what was the matter. "He's got my prayer-book," exclaimed one
of them; "and I'll give him a bating for it; by St. Patrick, I will."
"Let me give thee a piece of advice," said Friend Hopper. "It's a very
hot day, and bating is warm work. I'm thinking thou had'st better put it
off till the cool o' the morning." The men, of course, became cooler
before they had done listening to this playful remonstrance.
Once, when he was travelling in the stage, they passed a number of
Irishmen with cart-loads of stones, to mend the road. Friend Hopper
suggested to the driver that he had better ask them to remove a very
large stone, which lay directly in the way and seemed dangerous. "It
will be of no use if I do," replied the driver. "They'll only curse me,
and tell me to go round the old road, over the hill; for the fact is,
this road is not fairly opened to the public yet." Friend Hopper jumped
out, and asked if they would turn that big stone aside. "And sure ye've
no business here at all," they replied. "Ye may jist go round by the
ould road." "Och!" said Friend Hopper, "and is this the way I'm trated
by my coontryman? I'm from Ireland meself; and sure I did'nt expect to
be trated so by my coontrymen in a strange coontry."
"And are ye from ould Ireland?" inquired they.
"Indade I am," he replied.
"And what part may ye be from?" said they.
"From Mount Mellick, Queen's County," rejoined he; and he began to talk
familiarly about the priest and the doctor there, till he got the
laborers into a real good humor, and they removed the stone with the
utmost alacrity. The passengers in the stage listened to this
conversation, and supposed that he was in reality an Irish Quaker. When
he returned to them and explained the joke, they had a hearty laugh over
his powers of mimicry.
His tricks with children were innumerable. They would often be lying in
wait for him in the street; and if he passed without noticing them, they
would sometimes pull at the skirts of his coat, to obtain the customary
attention. Occasionally, he would observe a little troop staring at him,
attracted by the singularity of his costume. Then, he would stop, face
about, stretch out his leg, and say, "Come now, boys! Come, and take a
good look!" It was his delight to steal up behind them, and tickle their
necks, while he made a loud squealing noise. The children, supposing
some animal had set upon them, would jump as if they had been shot. And
how he would laugh! When he met a boy with dirty face or hands, he would
stop him, and inquire if he ever studied chemistry. The boy, with a
wondering stare, would answer, "No." "Well then, I will teach thee how
to perform a curious chemical experiment," said Friend Hopper. "Go home,
take a piece of soap, put it in water, and rub it briskly on thy hands
and face. Thou hast no idea what a beautiful froth it will make, and how
much whiter thy skin will be. That's a chemical experiment. I advise
thee to try it."
The character of his wife was extremely modest and reserved; and he took
mischievous pleasure in telling strangers the story of their courtship
in a way that made her blush. "Dost thou know what Hannah answered, when
I asked if she would marry me?" said he. "I will tell thee how it was.
I was walking home with her one evening, soon after the death of her
mother, and I mentioned to her that as she was alone now, I supposed she
intended to make some change in her mode of living. When she said yes, I
told her I had been thinking it would be very pleasant to have her come
and live with me. 'That would suit me exactly,' said she. This prompt
reply made me suppose she might not have understood my meaning; and I
explained that I wanted to have her become a member of my family; but
she replied again, 'There is nothing I should like better.'"
The real fact was, the quiet and timid Hannah Attmore was not dreaming
of such a thing as a proposal of marriage. She supposed he spoke of
receiving her as a boarder in his family. When she at last perceived his
meaning, she slipped her arm out of his very quickly, and was too much
confused to utter a word. But it amused him to represent that she seized
the opportunity the moment it was offered.
There was one of the anti-slavery agents who did everything in a
dashing, wholesale style, and was very apt to give peremptory orders.
One day he wrote a letter on business, to which the following postscript
was appended: "Give the hands at your office a tremendous blowing up.
They need it." Friend Hopper briefly replied: "According to thy orders,
I have given the hands at our office a tremendous blowing up. They want
to know what it is for. Please inform me by return of mail."
When the Prison Association of New-York petitioned to be incorporated,
he went to Albany on business therewith connected. He was then a
stranger at the seat of government, though they afterward came to know
him well. When he was seated in the senate-chamber, a man came to him
and told him to take off his hat. He replied, "I had rather not. I am
accustomed to keep it on."
"But it is contrary to the rules," rejoined the officer. "I am ordered
to turn out any man who refuses to uncover his head."