THE PUBLIC SQUARE.

All the Creek _towns_, viz., the more populous settlements, had laid

out a square-shaped piece of ground in or near their central part. It

contained the only public buildings of the town, the great house and

the council-house, and, as an appurtenance, the play-ground. The

square was the focus of the public and social life of the town; its

present Creek name, intchúka `láko, is taken from the "great house" as

its principal portion.

From the eighteenth century we possess three descriptions of the

square and the ceremonies enacted in it, which are entering into

copious details; that of W. Bartram, describing the square of Átasi

town (about 1775); that of C. Swan, describing that of Odshi-apófa, or

the Hickory Ground (1791), and last, but not least, the description of

the square at Kawíta, by B. Hawkins (1799). All the towns differed

somewhat in the structure of the great house and of the council-house,

but in the subsequent sketch we shall chiefly dwell upon those points

in which they all seem to agree. Public squares still exist at the

present time in some of the pure-blood towns of the Creek nation,

Indian Territory, and the busk, in its ancient, though slightly

modified form, is annually celebrated in them. The ground-plan of the

square at the Hickory Ground is represented in Schoolcraft's Indians

V, 264.

Of other buildings destined for public use I have found no mention,

except of granaries or corn-cribs, which were under the supervision of

the míko.

The _great house_, tchúku `láko, also called "town-house," "public

square," like the square in the midst of which it was placed, was

formed by four one-story buildings of equal size, facing inward, and

enclosing a square area of about thirty feet on each side.[108] They

were generally made to face the east, west, north and south.

[Footnote 108: Hawkins says: Forty by sixteen feet, eight feet

pitch, the entrance at each corner (p. 68).]

These buildings, which had the appearance of sheds, consisted of a

wooden frame, supported on posts set in the ground and covered with

slabs. They were made of the same material as their dwelling houses,

but differed by having the front facing the square open, and the walls

of the back sides had an open space of two feet or more next to the

eaves, to admit a circulation of air. Each house was divided into

three apartments, separated by low partitions of clay, making a total

of twelve partitions. These apartments, called cabins (tópa) had

three[109] seats, or rather platforms, being broad enough to sleep

upon; the first of them was about two feet from the ground, the second

eight feet above the first, and the third or back seat eight feet

above the second. Over the whole of these seats was spread a covering

of cane-mats, as large as carpets. They were provided with new

coverings every year, just before the busk; and since the old covers

were not removed, they had in the majority of the squares eight to

twelve coverings, laid one above the other. Milfort states that each

cabin could seat from forty to sixty persons (Mémoire, p. 203).

[Footnote 109: Hawkins: two seats.]

Caleb Swan, who, in his above description of the cabins in the square,

copied the original seen at Odshi-apófa or Little Talassie, where he

stopped, differs in several particulars, especially in the allotment

of the cabins to the authorities, from Hawkins, who resided in Kawíta.

Swan assigns the eastern building to the beloved men, the southern to

the warriors, the northern to the second men, etc., while the western

building served for keeping the apparatus for cooking black drink, war

physic, and to store lumber. According to Hawkins, the western

building, fronting east, contained the míkos and high-ranked people;

the northern building was the warriors'; the southern that of the

beloved men, and the eastern that of the young people and their

associates. "The cabin of the great chief faces east," says Milfort,

p. 203, "to indicate that he has to watch the interests of his nation

continually." The three cabins of the míkalgi or old men, facing west,

are the only ones painted white, and are always ornamented with

guirlands (at Kawíta). On the post, or on a plank over each cabin, are

painted the emblems of the gens to which it is allotted; thus the

buffalo gens have the buffalo painted on it.

From the roofs were dangling on the inside heterogeneous emblems of

peace and trophies of war, as eagles' feathers, swans' wings, wooden

scalping knives, war clubs, red-painted wands, bunches of hoops on

which to dry their scalps, bundles of a war-physic called snake-root

(_sínika_ in Cheroki), baskets, etc. Rude paintings of warriors' heads

with horns, horned rattlesnakes, horned alligators, etc., were visible

upon the smooth posts and timbers supporting the great house. In the

"painted squares" of some of the red or war-towns the posts and smooth

timber were painted red, with white or black edges, this being

considered as a mark of high distinction. Other privileged towns

possessed a covered square, by which term is meant a bridging over of

the entrance spaces left between the four buildings by means of canes

laid on poles.

In the centre of the area of the "great house" a perpetual fire was

burning, fed by four logs, and kept up by public ministrants

especially appointed for the purpose. The inside area is called

impaskófa, "dedicated ground."

The "square" was hung over with green boughs, in sign of mourning,

when a man died in the town; no black drink was then taken for four

days. When an Indian was killed who belonged to a town which had a

square, black drink had to be taken on the outside of the square, and

every ceremony was suspended until the outrage was atoned for. To each

great house belonged a black drink cook, and from the young warriors

two or three men were appointed to attend to those who took this

liquid every morning; they called the townspeople to this ceremony by

beating drums (C. Swan).

After the close of their council-meeting in the council-house, the

míko, his councillors and warriors repaired to the chief's cabin in

the "great house." They met there every day, drank the ássi or black

drink, continued deliberations on public and domestic affairs,

attended to complaints and redressed them; then conversed about news

while smoking, or amused themselves at playing "roll the bullet" in a

sort of ten-pin alley. The name of this game is `li-i tchallítchka.

Bartram, p. 453, states that the chief's cabin at Átasi was of a

different construction from the three other buildings.

But besides being the central point of the town for all meetings of a

public character, the great house was the festive place for the annual

busk and the daily dance; it occasionally served as a sleeping place

for Indians passing through the town on their travels. The special

locations allotted to the persons in authority and the gentes on the

cabin-sheds are described under the heading: The annual busk.

The _council-house_ or tchukófa `láko stood on a circular mound or

eminence, in close contiguity to the northeast corner of the "great

house." It is variously called by travelers: hot-house, sudatory,

assembly-room, winter council-house, mountain-house,[110] or, from its

circular shape, rotunda. Its appearance is generally described as that

of a huge cone placed on an octagonal frame about twelve feet high,

and covered with tufts of bark. Its diameter was from twenty-five to

thirty feet, and in the larger towns the building could accommodate

many hundred persons.[111] Its perpendicular walls were made of thick

posts, daubed with clay on the outside. Contiguous to the walls, one

broad circular seat, made of cane-mats, was going around the structure

on the inside, and in the centre the fire was burning on a small

elevation of the ground. The fuel consisted of dry cane or dry pine

slabs split fine; and, as if it were to give a concrete image of the

warming rays of the sun, these split canes were disposed in a spiral

line which exhibited several revolutions around the centre. No opening

was provided for the escape of the smoke or the admission of fresh

air, and the building soon became intolerably hot; but at dance-feasts

the natives danced around the fire in the terrible heat and dust,

without the least apparent inconvenience.[112]

[Footnote 110: Adair, History, p. 421.]

[Footnote 111: Hawkins, Sketch, p. 71, Bartram, Travels, p. 448

sqq.]

[Footnote 112: Bartram states that the Creek rotundas were of

the same architecture as those of the Cheroki, but of much

larger dimensions: Travels, p. 449.]

The council-house served, to some extent, the same purposes as the

"great house," but was more resorted to in the inclement season than

in summer. Every night during winter the old and young visited it for

conversation or dance, and in very cold weather the old and destitute

went there to sleep. In all seasons it was the assembly-room of the

míko and his counsellors for deliberations of a private character;

there they decided upon punishments to be inflicted, as whipping etc.,

and entrusted the Great Warrior with the execution of the sentences.

Previous to a war-expedition the young men visited the hot-house for

four days, prepared and drank their war-physic, and sang their war-

and charm-songs under the leadership of conjurers.[113] Milfort was

installed into the charge of "Great Warrior of the Nation" in the

Kawíta council-house by solemn orations, the smoking of the pipe, the

drinking of the ássi-decoct and other ceremonies,[114] and then

conducted to the "great house."

[Footnote 113: Hawkins, Sketch, p. 79.]

[Footnote 114: Milfort, Mémoire, p. 211.]

When the natives gathered in this structure for sweating, either for

promoting their health or as a religious ceremony, they developed

steam by throwing water on heated stones, then danced around the fire,

and went to plunge into the chilling waves of the river flowing past

their town.

The _play-ground_ occupied the northwestern angle of the public

square, and formed an oblong segment of it, of rather irregular shape.

It was made distinct from the rest of the square by one or two low

embankments or terraces; in its centre stood, on a low circular mound,

a four-sided pole or pillar, sometimes forty feet high. A mark

fastened on its top served at appointed times as a target to shoot at

with rifles or arrows. Around the pole the floor of the yard was

beaten solid.

The play-ground, tă′dshu in Creek, was called by the white

traders chunkey-yard, chunk-yard, from the principal game played in

it. This game, the chunkey- or tchungke-game, consisted in throwing a

pole after the _chunke_, a rounded stone which was set rolling upon

its edge. Cf. Adair, Hist., p. 401. 402. There was also a sort of ball

play in use among the Creeks and many other Indian tribes, by which a

ball (púku) was aimed at an object suspended on the top of a high

pole, or, as it is played now, at the top of two twin poles (puk-ábi),

called sometimes "maypoles." In summer time dances were also performed

in this yard, and Bartram saw "at the corner of each farther end a

slave-post or strong stake, where the captives that are burnt alive

are bound."[115]

[Footnote 115: Travels, p. 518.]

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