_By_ GEORGE ROGERS CLARK[428-2]
Everything being ready, on the 5th of February, after receiving a
lecture and absolution from the priest, we crossed the Kaskaskia River
with one hundred and seventy men, marched about three miles and
encamped, where we lay until the 7th, and set out. The weather wet (but
fortunately not cold for the season) and a great part of the plains
under water several inches deep. It was very difficult and fatiguing
marching. My object was now to keep the men in spirits. I suffered them
to shoot game on all occasions, and feast on it like Indian war-dancers,
each company by turns inviting the others to their feasts, which was the
case every night, as the company that was to give the feast was always
supplied with horses to lay up a sufficient store of wild meat in the
course of the day, myself and principal officers putting on the
woodsmen, shouting now and then, and running as much through the mud and
water as any of them.
Thus, insensibly, without a murmur, were those men led on to the banks
of the Little Wabash, which we reached on the 13th, through incredible
difficulties, far surpassing anything that any of us had ever
experienced. Frequently the diversions of the night wore off the
thoughts of the preceding day. We formed a camp on a height which we
found on the bank of the river, and suffered our troops to amuse
themselves.
I viewed this sheet of water for some time with distrust; but, accusing
myself of doubting, I immediately set to work, without holding any
consultation about it, or suffering anybody else to do so in my
presence; ordered a pirogue to be built immediately, and acted as though
crossing the water would be only a piece of diversion. As but few could
work at the pirogue at a time, pains were taken to find diversion for
the rest to keep them in high spirits. In the evening of the 14th, our
vessel was finished, manned, and sent to explore the drowned lands, on
the opposite side of the Little Wabash, with private instructions what
report to make, and, if possible, to find some spot of dry land. They
found about half an acre, and marked the trees from thence back to the
camp, and made a very favorable report.
Fortunately, the 15th happened to be a warm, moist day for the season.
The channel of the river where we lay was about thirty yards wide. A
scaffold was built on the opposite shore (which was about three feet
under water), and our baggage ferried across, and put on it. Our horses
swam across, and received their loads at the scaffold, by which time the
troops were also brought across, and we began our march through the
water.
By evening we found ourselves encamped on a pretty height, in high
spirits, each party laughing at the other, in consequence of something
that had happened in the course of this ferrying business, as they
called it. A little antic drummer afforded them great diversion by
floating on his drum, etc. All this was greatly encouraged; and they
really began to think themselves superior to other men, and that neither
the rivers nor the seasons could stop their progress. Their whole
conversation now was concerning what they would do when they got about
the enemy. They now began to view the main Wabash as a creek, and made
no doubt but such men as they were could find a way to cross it. They
wound themselves up to such a pitch that they soon took Post Vincennes,
divided the spoil, and before bedtime were far advanced on their route
to Detroit. All this was, no doubt, pleasing to those of us who had more
serious thoughts.
We were now convinced that the whole of the low country on the Wabash
was drowned, and that the enemy could easily get to us, if they
discovered us, and wished to risk an action; if they did not, we made no
doubt of crossing the river by some means or other. Even if Captain
Rogers, with our galley, did not get to his station agreeable to his
appointment, we flattered ourselves that all would be well, and marched
on in high spirits.
The last day's march through the water was far superior to anything the
Frenchmen[431-3] had an idea of. They were backward in speaking; said
that the nearest land to us was a small league called the Sugar Camp, on
the bank of the [river?]. A canoe was sent off, and returned without
finding that we could pass. I went in her myself, and sounded the water;
found it deep as to my neck. I returned with a design to have the men
transported on board the canoes to the Sugar Camp, which I knew would
spend the whole day and ensuing night, as the vessels would pass slowly
through the bushes. The loss of so much time, to men half-starved, was a
matter of consequence. I would have given now a great deal for a day's
provision or for one of our horses. I returned but slowly to the troops,
giving myself time to think.
On our arrival, all ran to hear what was the report. Every eye was fixed
on me. I unfortunately spoke in a serious manner to one of the officers.
The whole were alarmed without knowing what I said. I viewed their
confusion for about one minute, whispered to those near me to do as I
did: immediately put some water in my hand, poured on powder, blackened
my face, gave the war-whoop, and marched into the water without saying a
word. The party gazed, and fell in, one after another, without saying a
word, like a flock of sheep. I ordered those near me to begin a favorite
song of theirs. It soon passed through the line, and the whole went on
cheerfully. I now intended to have them transported across the deepest
part of the water; but, when about waist deep, one of the men informed
me that he thought he felt a path. We examined, and found it so, and
concluded that it kept on the highest ground, which it did; and, by
taking pains to follow it we got to the Sugar Camp without the least
difficulty, where there was about half an acre of dry ground, at least
not under water, where we took up our lodging.
The Frenchmen that we had taken on the river appeared to be uneasy at
our situation. They begged that they might be permitted to go in the two
canoes to town in the night. They said that they would bring from their
own houses provisions, without a possibility of any persons knowing it;
that some of our men should go with them as a surety of their good
conduct; that it was impossible we could march from that place till the
water fell, for the plain was too deep to march. Some of the [officers?]
believed that it might be done. I would not suffer it. I never could
well account for this piece of obstinacy, and give satisfactory reasons
to myself or anybody else why I denied a proposition apparently so easy
to execute and of so much advantage; but something seemed to tell me
that it should not be done, and it was not done.
The most of the weather that we had on this march was moist and warm for
the season. This was the coldest night we had. The ice, in the morning,
was from one-half to three-quarters of an inch thick near the shores and
in still water. The morning was the finest we had on our march. A little
after sunrise I lectured the whole. What I said to them I forgot, but it
may be easily imagined by a person that could possess my affections for
them at that time. I concluded by informing them that passing the plain
that was then in full view and reaching the opposite woods would put an
end to their fatigue, that in a few hours they would have a sight of
their long-wished-for object, and immediately stepped into the water
without waiting for any reply. A huzza took place.
[Illustration: CLARK TOOK THE LEAD]
As we generally marched through the water in a line, before the third
entered I halted, and called to Major Bowman, ordering him to fall in
the rear with twenty-five men, and put to death any man who refused to
march, as we wished to have no such person among us. The whole gave a
cry of approbation, and on we went. This was the most trying of all the
difficulties we had experienced. I generally kept fifteen or twenty of
the strongest men next myself, and judged from my own feelings what must
be that of others. Getting about the middle of the plain, the water
about mid-deep, I found myself sensibly failing; and, as there were no
trees nor bushes for the men to support themselves by, I feared that
many of the most weak would be drowned.
I ordered the canoes to make the land, discharge their loading, and play
backward and forward with all diligence, and pick up the men; and, to
encourage the party, sent some of the strongest men forward, with
orders, when they got to a certain distance, to pass the word back that
the water was getting shallow, and when getting near the woods to cry
out, 'Land!' This stratagem had its desired effect. The men, encouraged
by it, exerted themselves almost beyond their abilities; the weak
holding by the stronger.
The water never got shallower, but continued deepening. Getting to the
woods, where the men expected land, the water was up to my shoulders;
but gaining the woods was of great consequence. All the low men and the
weakly hung to the trees, and floated on the old logs until they were
taken off by the canoes. The strong and tall got ashore and built
fires. Many would reach the shore, and fall with their bodies half in
the water, not being able to support themselves without it.
This was a delightful dry spot of ground of about ten acres. We soon
found that the fires answered no purpose, but that two strong men taking
a weaker one by the arms was the only way to recover him; and, being a
delightful day, it soon did. But, fortunately, as if designed by
Providence, a canoe of Indian squaws and children was coming up to town,
and took through part of this plain as a nigh way. It was discovered by
our canoes as they were out after the men. They gave chase, and took the
Indian canoe, on board of which was near half a quarter of a buffalo,
some corn, tallow, kettles, and other provisions. This was a grand
prize, and was invaluable. Broth was immediately made, and served out to
the most weakly with great care. Most of the whole got a little; but a
great many gave their part to the weakly, jocosely saying something
cheering to their comrades. This little refreshment and fine weather by
the afternoon gave new life to the whole.
Crossing a narrow deep lake in the canoes, and marching some distance,
we came to a copse of timber called the Warrior's Island. We were now in
full view of the fort and town, not a shrub between us, at about two
miles distance. Every man now feasted his eyes, and forgot that he had
suffered anything, saying that all that had passed was owing to good
policy and nothing but what a man could bear; and that a soldier had no
right to think, etc.,--passing from one extreme to another, which is
common in such cases.
It was now we had to display our abilities. The plain between us and the
town was not a perfect level. The sunken grounds were covered with water
full of ducks. We observed several men out on horseback, shooting them,
within a half mile of us, and sent out as many of our active young
Frenchmen to decoy and take one of these men prisoner in such a manner
as not to alarm the others, which they did. The information we got from
this person was similar to that which we got from those we took on the
river, except that of the British having that evening completed the wall
of the fort, and that there were a good many Indians in town.
Our situation was now truly critical,--no possibility of retreating in
case of defeat, and in full view of a town that had, at this time,
upward of six hundred men in it,--troops, inhabitants, and Indians. The
crew of the galley, though not fifty men, would have been now a
reënforcement of immense magnitude to our little army (if I may so call
it), but we would not think of them. We were now in the situation that I
had labored to get ourselves in. The idea of being made prisoner was
foreign to almost every man, as they expected nothing but torture from
the savages, if they fell into their hands. Our fate was now to be
determined, probably in a few hours. We knew that nothing but the most
daring conduct would insure success.
I knew that a number of the inhabitants wished us well, that many were
lukewarm to the interest of either, and I also learned that the grand
chief, the Tobacco's son, had but a few days before openly declared, in
council with the British, that he was a brother and friend to the Big
Knives. These were favorable circumstances; and, as there was but
little probability of our remaining until dark undiscovered, I
determined to begin the career immediately, and wrote the following
placard to the inhabitants:--
"TO THE INHABITANTS OF POST VINCENNES:
"_Gentlemen:_--Being now within two miles of your village, with my
army, determined to take your fort this night, and not being
willing to surprise you, I take this method to request such of you
as are true citizens and willing to enjoy the liberty I bring you
to remain still in your houses; and those, if any there be, that
are friends to the king will instantly repair to the fort, and join
the hair-buyer[437-4] general, and fight like men. And, if any such
as do not go to the fort shall be discovered afterward, they may
depend on severe punishment. On the contrary, those who are true
friends to liberty may depend on being well treated; and I once
more request them to keep out of the streets. For every one I find
in arms on my arrival I shall treat him as an enemy.
"(Signed) G. R. CLARK."
I had various ideas on the supposed results of this letter. I knew that
it could do us no damage, but that it would cause the lukewarm to be
decided, encourage our friends, and astonish our enemies.
We anxiously viewed this messenger until he entered the town, and in a
few minutes could discover by our glasses some stir in every street that
we could penetrate into, and great numbers running or riding out into
the commons, we supposed, to view us, which was the case. But what
surprised us was that nothing had yet happened that had the appearance
of the garrison being alarmed,--no drum nor gun. We began to suppose
that the information we got from our prisoners was false, and that the
enemy already knew of us, and were prepared.
A little before sunset we moved, and displayed ourselves in full view of
the town, crowds gazing at us. We were plunging ourselves into certain
destruction or success. There was no midway thought of. We had but
little to say to our men, except inculcating an idea of the necessity of
obedience, etc. We knew they did not want encouraging, and that anything
might be attempted with them that was possible for such a
number,--perfectly cool, under proper subordination, pleased with the
prospect before them, and much attached to their officers. They all
declared that they were convinced that an implicit obedience to orders
was the only thing that would insure success, and hoped that no mercy
would be shown the person that should violate them. Such language as
this from soldiers to persons in our station must have been exceedingly
agreeable.
We moved on slowly in full view of the town; but, as it was a point of
some consequence to us to make ourselves appear as formidable, we, in
leaving the covert that we were in, marched and counter-marched in such
a manner that we appeared numerous. In raising volunteers in the
Illinois, every person that set about the business had a set of colors
given him, which they brought with them to the amount of ten or twelve
pairs. These were displayed to the best advantage; and, as the low
plain we marched through was not a perfect level, but had frequent
risings in it seven or eight feet higher than the common level (which
was covered with water), and as these risings generally run in an
oblique direction to the town, we took the advantage of one of them,
marching through the water under it, which completely prevented our
being numbered. But our colors showed considerably above the heights, as
they were fixed on long poles procured for the purpose, and at a
distance made no despicable appearance; and, as our young Frenchmen had,
while we lay on the Warrior's Island, decoyed and taken several fowlers
with their horses, officers were mounted on these horses, and rode
about, more completely to deceive the enemy.
In this manner we moved, and directed our march in such a way as to
suffer it to be dark before we had advanced more than half-way to the
town. We then suddenly altered our direction, and crossed ponds where
they could not have suspected us, and about eight o'clock gained the
heights back of the town. As there was yet no hostile appearance, we
were impatient to have the cause unriddled. Lieutenant Bayley was
ordered, with fourteen men, to march and fire on the fort. The main body
moved in a different direction, and took possession of the strongest
part of the town.
The firing now commenced on the fort, but they did not believe it was an
enemy until one of their men was shot down through a port, as drunken
Indians frequently saluted the fort after night. The drums now sounded,
and the business fairly commenced on both sides. Re-enforcements were
sent to the attack of the garrison, while other arrangements were
making in town.
We now found that the garrison had known nothing of us; that, having
finished the fort that evening, they had amused themselves at different
games, and had just retired before my letter arrived, as it was near
roll-call. The placard being made public, many of the inhabitants were
afraid to show themselves out of the houses for fear of giving offence,
and not one dare give information. Our friends flew to the commons and
other convenient places to view the pleasing sight. This was observed
from the garrison, and the reason asked, but a satisfactory excuse was
given; and, as a part of the town lay between our line of march and the
garrison, we could not be seen by the sentinels on the walls.
Captain W. Shannon and another being some time before taken prisoners by
one of their [scouting parties], and that evening brought in, the party
had discovered at the Sugar Camp some signs of us. They supposed it to
be a party of observation that intended to land on the height some
distance below the town. Captain Lamotte was sent to intercept them. It
was at him the people said they were looking, when they were asked the
reason of their unusual stir.
Several suspected persons had been taken to the garrison; among them was
Mr. Moses Henry. Mrs. Henry went, under the pretense of carrying him
provisions, and whispered him the news and what she had seen. Mr. Henry
conveyed it to the rest of his fellow-prisoners, which gave them much
pleasure, particularly Captain Helm, who amused himself very much
during the siege, and, I believe, did much damage.
Ammunition was scarce with us, as the most of our stores had been put on
board of the galley. Though her crew was but few, such a reënforcement
to us at this time would have been invaluable in many instances. But,
fortunately, at the time of its being reported that the whole of the
goods in the town were to be taken for the king's use (for which the
owners were to receive bills), Colonel Legras, Major Bosseron, and
others had buried the greatest part of their powder and ball. This was
immediately produced, and we found ourselves well supplied by those
gentlemen.
The Tobacco's son, being in town with a number of warriors, immediately
mustered them, and let us know that he wished to join us, saying that by
morning he would have a hundred men. He received for answer that we
thanked for his friendly disposition; and, as we were sufficiently
strong ourselves, we wished him to desist, and that we would counsel on
the subject in the morning; and, as we knew that there were a number of
Indians in and near the town that were our enemies, some confusion might
happen if our men should mix in the dark, but hoped that we might be
favored with his counsel and company during the night, which was
agreeable to him.
The garrison was soon completely surrounded, and the firing continued
without intermission (except about fifteen minutes a little before day)
until about nine o'clock the following morning. It was kept up by the
whole of the troops, joined by a few of the young men of the town, who
got permission, except fifty men kept as a reserve.
I had made myself fully acquainted with the situation of the fort and
town and the parts relative to each. The cannon of the garrison was on
the upper floors of strong blockhouses at each angle of the fort, eleven
feet above the surface, and the ports so badly cut that many of our
troops lay under the fire of them within twenty or thirty yards of the
walls. They did no damage, except to the buildings of the town, some of
which they much shattered; and their musketry, in the dark, employed
against woodsmen covered by houses, palings, ditches, the banks of the
river, etc., was but of little avail, and did no injury to us except
wounding a man or two.
As we could not afford to lose men, great care was taken to preserve
them, sufficiently covered, and to keep up a hot fire in order to
intimidate the enemy as well as to destroy them. The embrasures of their
cannon were frequently shut, for our riflemen, finding the true
direction of them, would pour in such volleys when they were opened that
the men could not stand to the guns. Seven or eight of them in a short
time got cut down. Our troops would frequently abuse the enemy, in order
to aggravate them to open their ports and fire their cannon, that they
might have the pleasure of cutting them down with their rifles, fifty of
which, perhaps, would be levelled the moment the port flew open; and I
believe that, if they had stood at their artillery, the greater part of
them would have been destroyed in the course of the night, as the
greater part of our men lay within thirty yards of the walls, and in a
few hours were covered equally to those within the walls, and much more
experienced in that mode of fighting.
Sometimes an irregular fire, as hot as possible, was kept up from
different directions for a few minutes, and then only a continual
scattering fire at the ports as usual; and a great noise and laughter
immediately commenced in different parts of the town, by the reserved
parties, as if they had only fired on the fort a few minutes for
amusement, and as if those continually firing at the fort were only
regularly relieved. Conduct similar to this kept the garrison constantly
alarmed. They did not know what moment they might be stormed or [blown
up?], as they could plainly discover that we had flung up some
entrenchments across the streets, and appeared to be frequently very
busy under the bank of the river, which was within thirty feet of the
walls.
The situation of the magazine we knew well. Captain Bowman began some
works in order to blow it up, in the case our artillery should arrive;
but, as we knew that we were daily liable to be overpowered by the
numerous bands of Indians on the river, in case they had again joined
the enemy (the certainty of which we were unacquainted with), we
resolved to lose no time, but to get the fort in our possession as soon
as possible. If the vessel did not arrive before the ensuing night, we
resolved to undermine the fort, and fixed on the spot and plan of
executing this work, which we intended to commence the next day.
The Indians of different tribes that were inimical had left the town and
neighborhood. Captain Lamotte continued to hover about it in order, if
possible, to make his way good into the fort. Parties attempted in vain
to surprise him. A few of his party were taken, one of which was
Maisonville, a famous Indian partisan. Two lads had captured him, tied
him to a post in the street, and fought from behind him as a breastwork,
supposing that the enemy would not fire at them for fear of killing him,
as he would alarm them by his voice. The lads were ordered, by an
officer who discovered them at their amusement, to untie their prisoner,
and take him off to the guard, which they did, but were so inhuman as to
take part of his scalp on the way. There happened to him no other
damage.
As almost the whole of the persons who were most active in the
department of Detroit were either in the fort or with Captain Lamotte, I
got extremely uneasy for fear that he would not fall into our power,
knowing that he would go off, if he could not get into the fort in the
course of the night. Finding that, without some unforeseen accident, the
fort must inevitably be ours, and that a reënforcement of twenty men,
although considerable to them, would not be of great moment to us in the
present situation of affairs, and knowing that we had weakened them by
killing or wounding many of their gunners, after some deliberation, we
concluded to risk the reënforcement in preference of his going again
among the Indians. The garrison had at least a month's provisions; and,
if they could hold out, in the course of that time he might do us much
damage.
A little before day the troops were withdrawn from their positions about
the fort, except a few parties of observation, and the firing totally
ceased. Orders were given, in case of Lamotte's approach, not to alarm
or fire on him without a certainty of killing or taking the whole. In
less than a quarter of an hour, he passed within ten feet of an officer
and a party that lay concealed. Ladders were flung over to them; and, as
they mounted them, our party shouted. Many of them fell from the top of
the walls,--some within, and others back; but, as they were not fired
on, they all got over, much to the joy of their friends. But, on
considering the matter, they must have been convinced that it was a
scheme of ours to let them in, and that we were so strong as to care but
little about them or the manner of their getting into the garrison.
The firing immediately commenced on both sides with double vigor; and I
believe that more noise could not have been made by the same number of
men. Their shouts could not be heard for the fire-arms; but a continual
blaze was kept around the garrison, without much being done, until about
daybreak, when our troops were drawn off to posts prepared for them,
about sixty or seventy yards from the fort. A loophole then could
scarcely be darkened but a rifle-ball would pass through it. To have
stood to their cannon would have destroyed their men, without a
probability of doing much service. Our situation was nearly similar. It
would have been imprudent in either party to have wasted their men,
without some decisive stroke required it.
Thus the attack continued until about nine o'clock on the morning of the
24th. Learning that the two prisoners they had brought in the day before
had a considerable number of letters with them, I supposed it an express
that we expected about this time, which I knew to be of the greatest
moment to us, as we had not received one since our arrival in the
country; and, not being fully acquainted with the character of our
enemy, we were doubtful that those papers might be destroyed, to prevent
which I sent a flag [with a letter] demanding the garrison.[446-5]
* * * * *
The firing then commenced warmly for a considerable time; and we were
obliged to be careful in preventing our men from exposing themselves too
much, as they were now much animated, having been refreshed during the
flag. They frequently mentioned their wishes to storm the place, and put
an end to the business at once. The firing was heavy through every crack
that could be discovered in any part of the fort. Several of the
garrison got wounded, and no possibility of standing near the
embrasures. Toward the evening a flag appeared with the following
proposals:--
"Lieutenant-governor Hamilton proposes to Colonel Clark a truce for
three days, during which time he promises there shall be no
defensive works carried on in the garrison, on condition that
Colonel Clark shall observe, on his part, a like cessation of any
defensive work,--that is, he wishes to confer with Colonel Clark as
soon as can be, and promises that whatever may pass between them
two and another person mutually agreed upon to be present shall
remain secret till matters be finished, as he wishes that, whatever
the result of the conference may be, it may tend to the honor and
credit of each party. If Colonel Clark makes a difficulty of coming
into the fort, Lieutenant-governor Hamilton will speak to him by
the gate.
"(Signed) HENRY HAMILTON.
"24th February, 1779."
I was at a great loss to conceive what reason Lieutenant-governor
Hamilton could have for wishing a truce of three days on such terms as
he proposed. Numbers said it was a scheme to get me into their
possession. I had a different opinion and no idea of his possessing such
sentiments, as an act of that kind would infallibly ruin him. Although
we had the greatest reason to expect a reënforcement in less than three
days, that would at once put an end to the siege, I yet did not think it
prudent to agree to the proposals, and sent the following answer:--
"Colonel Clark's compliments to Lieutenant-governor Hamilton, and
begs leave to inform him that he will not agree to any terms other
than Mr. Hamilton's surrendering himself and garrison prisoners at
discretion. If Mr. Hamilton is desirous of a conference with
Colonel Clark, he will meet him at the church with Captain Helm.
"(Signed) G. R. C.
"February 24th, 1779."
We met at the church, about eighty yards from the fort,
Lieutenant-governor Hamilton, Major Hay, superintendent of Indian
affairs, Captain Helm, their prisoner, Major Bowman, and myself. The
conference began. Hamilton produced terms of capitulation, signed, that
contained various articles, one of which was that the garrison should be
surrendered on their being permitted to go to Pensacola on parole. After
deliberating on every article, I rejected the whole.
He then wished that I would make some proposition. I told him that I had
no other to make than what I had already made,--that of his surrendering
as prisoners at discretion. I said that his troops had behaved with
spirit; that they could not suppose that they would be worse treated in
consequence of it; that, if he chose to comply with the demand, though
hard, perhaps the sooner the better; that it was in vain to make any
proposition to me; that he, by this time, must be sensible that the
garrison would fall; that both of us must [view?] all blood spilt for
the future by the garrison as murder; that my troops were already
impatient, and called aloud for permission to tear down and storm the
fort. If such a step was taken, many, of course, would be cut down; and
the result of an enraged body of woodsmen breaking in must be obvious to
him. It would be out of the power of an American officer to save a
single man.
Various altercation took place for a considerable time. Captain Helm
attempted to moderate our fixed determination. I told him he was a
British prisoner; and it was doubtful whether or not he could, with
propriety, speak on the subject. Hamilton then said that Captain Helm
was from that moment liberated, and might use his pleasure. I informed
the Captain that I would not receive him on such terms; that he must
return to the garrison, and await his fate. I then told
Lieutenant-governor Hamilton that hostilities should not commence until
five minutes after the drums gave the alarm.
[Illustration: WE MET AT THE CHURCH]
We took our leave, and parted but a few steps, when Hamilton stopped,
and politely asked me if I would be so kind as to give him my reasons
for refusing the garrison any other terms than those I had offered. I
told him I had no objections in giving him my real reasons, which were
simply these: that I knew the greater part of the principal Indian
partisans of Detroit were with him; that I wanted an excuse to put them
to death or otherwise treat them as I thought proper; that the cries of
the widows and the fatherless on the frontiers, which they had
occasioned, now required their blood from my hand; and that I did not
choose to be so timorous as to disobey the absolute commands of their
authority, which I looked upon to be next to divine; that I would rather
lose fifty men than not to empower myself to execute this piece of
business with propriety; that, if he chose to risk the massacre of his
garrison for their sakes, it was his own pleasure; and that I might,
perhaps, take it into my head to send for some of those widows to see it
executed.
Major Hay paying great attention, I had observed a kind of distrust in
his countenance, which in a great measure influenced my conversation
during this time. On my concluding, "Pray, sir," said he, "who is it
that you call Indian partisans?" "Sir," I replied, "I take Major Hay to
be one of the principal." I never saw a man in the moment of execution
so struck as he appeared to be,--pale and trembling, scarcely able to
stand. Hamilton blushed, and, I observed, was much affected at his
behavior. Major Bowman's countenance sufficiently explained his disdain
for the one and his sorrow for the other.
Some moments elapsed without a word passing on either side. From that
moment my resolutions changed respecting Hamilton's situation. I told
him that we would return to our respective posts; that I would
reconsider the matter, and let him know the result. No offensive
measures should be taken in the meantime. Agreed to; and we parted. What
had passed being made known to our officers, it was agreed that we
should moderate our resolutions.
That afternoon the following articles were signed and the garrison
surrendered:
I. Lieutenant-governor Hamilton engages to deliver up to Colonel Clark,
Fort Sackville, as it is at present, with all the stores, etc.
II. The garrison are to deliver themselves as prisoners of war, and
march out with their arms and accoutrements, etc.