By PROFESSOR J. PENTLAND MAHAFFY

(445-354 B.C.)

[Illustration: Xenophon.]

There is no figure in Greek history more familiar to us than this famous

Athenian. There are passages in his life known to every schoolboy; we

possess all the books he ever wrote; we know therefore his opinions upon

all the important questions of life, religion, ethics, politics,

manners, education, as well as upon finance and military tactics, not to

speak of social intercourse and sport. And yet his early youth and late

age are hidden from us. Like the models of Greek eloquence, which begin

with tame obviousness, rise into dignity, fire, pathos, and then close

softly, without sounding peroration, so Xenophon comes upon us, an

educated young man, looking out for something to do; we lose him in the

autumn of his life, when he was driven from the fair retreat which the

old man had hoped would be his final resting-place. During seven years

of his early manhood we find him in the middle of all the most stirring

events in the Greek world. For thirty years later (394-62 B.C.), we hear

him from his retired country-seat recording contemporary history,

telling the adventures of his youth, from the fascinations of the ragged

Socrates to the fascinations of the magnificent Cyrus, preaching the

lessons of his varied life. Then came the bitter loss of his brave son,

killed in the van at Mantinea. According to good authority he only

survived this blow a couple of years. But even then he appears to have

found distraction from his grief by a dry tract upon the Attic revenue.

Such is the general outline which we shall fill up and color from

allusions throughout his varied and manifold writings.

He was a pure Athenian, evidently of aristocratic birth, and attracted,

probably by his personal beauty, the attention of Socrates, who is said

to have stopped him in the way, and asked him did he know where men of

honor were to be found; upon his replying _no_, the sage said, follow me

and learn. This apocryphal anecdote, at all events, records the fact

that Xenophon attached himself to Socrates's teaching, and so afforded

us perhaps the most remarkable instance of the great and various

influence of that great teacher. We do not wonder at disciples like

Plato; but here is a young man of fashion, of a practical turn, and

loving adventure, who records in after years the teaching after his own

fashion, and in a perfectly independent way, as the noblest of

training. His youth, however, was spent in the distressful later years

of the Peloponnesian War, which ended in fearful gloom and disaster for

his native city. Intimate, apparently, with the great historian

Thucydides, whose unfinished work he seems to have edited, and

subsequently to have continued in his own "Hellenica," he must have long

foreseen the collapse of the Athenian empire, and then he and many other

adventurous spirits found themselves in a society faded in prosperity,

with no scope for energy or enterprise. Such was the somewhat tame and

vulgar Athens which succeeded to that of Pericles and Aristophanes, and

which could not tolerate the spiritual boldness of Socrates. He tells us

himself, in the third book of his "Anabasis," how he was tempted to

leave Athens for the East by his friend Proxenus, who had made the

acquaintance of the chivalrous and ambitious Cyrus, brother of the

Persian king, and governor of southern Asia Minor. This prince was

preparing secretly to invade Persia and dethrone his brother, and for

that purpose was gathering troops and courting the favor of the Greeks.

His splendid gifts were on a scale sufficient to dazzle men of small

means and smaller prospects, like the youth of conquered Athens.

Xenophon thought it right to consult his spiritual guide, Socrates, on

the propriety of abandoning his country for hireling service. The

philosopher advised him to consult the oracle at Delphi, but the young

man only asked what gods he might best conciliate before his departure,

and Socrates, though noting the evasion of his advice, acquiesced.

When Xenophon arrived at Sardis, Proxenus presented him to Cyrus, who

invited him to accompany him on his pretended campaign to Pisidia, and

then coaxed him on with the rest into his enterprise against the king

Artaxerxes. On this expedition or _anabasis_ up the country, Xenophon

was only a volunteer, with no command, and under no man's orders, but

accompanying the army on horseback, and enjoying the trip as a bright

young man, well appointed by the prince, and full of intelligent

curiosity, was sure to enjoy it. But then came the decisive day of

Cunaxa, where Xenophon offered his services as an extra aide-de-camp to

Cyrus, and where he witnessed the victory of his countrymen and the

defeat of their cause by the rashness and death of Cyrus. In the crisis

which followed he took no leading part, till the generals of the 10,000

Greeks were entrapped and murdered by Tissaphernes. Then, in the midst

of the panic and despair which supervened, he tells us in graphic words

how he came to be a leader of men. He, too, with the rest, was in sore

distress, and could not sleep; but anon getting a snatch of rest he had

a dream. It seemed to him that there was a storm, and a thunderbolt fell

on his father's house and set it all in a blaze. He sprang up in terror,

and, pondering the matter, decided that in part the dream was good, in

that when in great danger he had seen a light from Zeus; but partly,

too, he feared it, for it came from the king of heaven. But as soon as

he was fully awake the first clear thought that came into his head was:

"Why am I lying here? The night advances, and with the coming day the

enemy will be upon us. If we fall into the king's hands we must face

torture, slavery, and death, and yet here we lie, as if it were a time

for rest! What am I waiting for? Is it a general to lead me? and where

is he? or till I am myself of riper age to command? Older I shall never

be, if to-day I surrender to mine enemies." And so he rouses the

officers of his murdered friend, Proxenos, and appeals to them all to be

up and stirring, to organize their defence and appoint new leaders to

direct them. Before dawn he has some kind of confidence restored, and

the new organization in progress. Presently the Persians send to demand

the surrender of the army whose generals they had seized, and find to

their astonishment that their task of subduing the Greeks must begin

afresh. Meanwhile the policy of the Greek army becomes defined. They

threaten to settle in Mesopotamia and build a fortified city which shall

be a great danger and a torment to the king. They really desire to

escape to the coast, if they can but find the way.

It was the king's policy to let them depart, but so harass them by the

way as to produce disorder and rout, which meant absolute destruction.

It was in conducting this retreat, as a joint general with the Spartan

Cheirisophos, that Xenophon showed all his resource. There were no great

pitched battles; no room for strategy or large combinations; but ample

scope for resource in the details of tactics for meeting new and sudden

difficulties, for maintaining order among an army of men that only

acknowledged leaders for their ability. At first, in the plains, as they

journeyed northward, the danger was from the Persian cavalry, for their

own contingent had deserted to the enemy. This difficulty, which

well-nigh ruined the 10,000, as it ruined Crassus in his retreat at

Carrhæ, he met by organizing a corps of Rhodian slingers and archers,

whose range was longer than that of the Persians, and who thus kept the

cavalry in check. When the plains were passed, and the mountains

reached, there arose the new difficulties of forcing passes, of

repelling wild mountaineers from positions commanding the road, of

providing food, and avoiding false routes. The narrative of the

surmounting of all these obstacles with tact and temper is the main

subject of the famous "Anabasis." Still graver dangers awaited Xenophon

when the retreating army had at last hailed the welcome sea--the Black

Sea--and with returning safety returned jealousies, insubordinations,

and the great problem what to do with this great army when it arrived at

Greek cities. Xenophon had always dreamt of forming on the border of

Hellenedom a new city state, which should honor him as its founder. The

wilder spirits thought it simpler to loot some rich city like Byzantium,

which was saved with difficulty from their lawlessness. The Spartan

governors, who now ruled throughout the Greek world, saw the danger, and

were determined to delay and worry the dangerous horde until it

dissipated; and they succeeded so well that presently the 6,000 that

remained were glad to be led by Xenophon to take service under the

Spartan commander Thibron in Asia Minor (399 B.C.). But Xenophon was not

given any independent command. He appears to have acted on the staff of

the successive Spartan commanders till with King Agesilaus he attained

personal influence, and probably planned the new expedition of that king

to conquer Persia, which was only balked by a diversion wrought by

Persian gold in Greece. With Agesilaus Xenophon returned therefore to

Greece, and was present at the great shock of the rival infantries, the

Theban and the Spartan, at Coronea (394 B.C.). But either his presence

in the Spartan army, or his former action against the King of Persia,

whom shifting politics were now bringing over to the Athenian side,

caused him to be sentenced to banishment at Athens, and so made his

return to his native city impossible. He went, therefore, with his royal

patron to Sparta, and sojourned there for some time, even sending for

his sons, now growing boys, from Miletus, and submitting them, at

Agesilaus's advice, to the famous Spartan education. They grew up fine

and warlike young men, so that the death of one of them, Gryllus, in a

cavalry skirmish just before the great battle of Mantinea (362 B.C.)

caused universal regret. But long before this catastrophe the Spartans

gave Xenophon possession of an estate at Skillus, near the famous

Olympia, which combined the pleasures of seclusion and of field sports

with those of varied society when the stream of visitors assembled for

the Olympic games (every four years). He himself tells us that he and

his family, in company with their neighbors, had excellent sport of all

kinds. He was not only a careful farmer, but so keen at hunting hares

that he declares a man at this delightful pursuit "will forget that he

ever cared for anything else." He had also built a shrine to his

patroness, the goddess Artemis, and the solemn sacrifices at her shrine

were the occasion of feasts, whose solemnity only enhanced their

enjoyments. As Mr. Dakyns writes: "The lovely scenery of the place, to

this day lovely; the delicious atmosphere; the rare combination of

mountain, wood, and stream; the opportunity for sport; the horses and

the dogs; the household, the farmstead, and their varying occupations;

the neighboring country gentlemen, and the local politics; the recurring

festival at Olympia with its stream of visitors; the pleasures of

hospitable entertainment; the constant sacrifices before the cedar image

of Artemis in her temple--these things, and above all the serene

satisfaction of successful literary labors, combined to form an enviable

sum total of sober happiness during many years." There can be no doubt

that this was the first great period of his literary activity, though he

may have edited, in early youth, his predecessor Thucydides, and

composed the first two books of his historical continuation entitled

"Hellenica." In his retreat at Skillus he composed a series of

"Dialogues," in what is termed the Socratic vein; "Memorials" of his

great master, a tract on household "Economy," another on a "Symposium,"

or feast, one called "Hiero," or on the Greek tyrant, and an account of

the "Laconian Polity," which he had so long admired and known. The tract

on "Hunting" also speaks the experience at Skillus. The tract "On the

Athenian State," preserved among his writings, is not from his hand, but

the work of an earlier writer.

With the sudden rise of the Theban power, and consequent depression of

Sparta, he and other settlers around Skillus were driven out by the

Eleans, and he lost his country-seat, with all its agreeable diversions.

But probably the ageing man did not feel the transference of his home to

Corinth so keenly as an English gentleman would. He was a thorough

Greek, and therefore intensely attached to city life, Elis, his adopted

country, being the only state which consisted of a country gentry.

In the next place, a daily thoroughfare such as the Isthmus, must have

been far more suitable for the collecting of historical evidence than

Skillus, where the crowd came by only once in four years. And then his

grown-up sons could find something more serious to do than hunting deer,

boars, and hares in the glades of Elis. He may have known, too, that his

chances of restoration to Athens were improving, and that he would do

well to be within easy reach of friends in that city. Indeed we find

that the rescinding of exile soon followed, and so he was able to send

his two sons to do cavalry duty for Athens (and Sparta) against the

Thebans. It is, indeed, likely that the young men were enrolled as

Spartan volunteers. He himself must have kept very close to his literary

work; for in these closing years of his life he brought out or re-edited

the "Anabasis;" he discussed "Cavalry Tactics," he kept writing up

contemporary history to the year 362 B.C., when the star of Thebes set

with the death of Epaminondas; he completed his long and perhaps tedious

historical novel, the "Education of Cyrus" (the elder), and lastly

composed a curious and fanciful tract on the "Revenues of Athens." There

is no evidence that he ever changed his residence back to his native

city, but that he often went there when no obstacle remained, from the

neighboring Corinth, is most probable. An open sailing boat could carry

him, with a fair wind, in a few hours. Though a very old man, he was,

however, still active with his pen when we lose him. His promising

remaining son disappears with him from the scene; we hear of no

descendants. The only offspring he has left us are his immortal works.

The names of these have already been given, with the exception of the

speech put into Socrates's mouth as his Defence, the tract on "The

Horse," appendant to his "Cavalry Tactics," and his "Panegyric on

Agesilaus." It remains to estimate their general features. Without

controversy, he excelled all his great contemporaries in breadth of

culture and experience, and in the variety of his interests. Philosophy,

politics, war, husbandry, sport, travel, are all represented in his

works. And upon all he has written with a clearness and a grace which

earned for him the title of the "Attic Bee." But this breadth implies

(as usual) a certain lack of depth, as is particularly obvious in his

case, owing to the almost necessary comparison with his two mighty

rivals--Thucydides, in history, Plato, in philosophy. It may, indeed, be

considered hard luck for him that he stood between two such men, for

they have necessarily damaged his reputation by comparison. Xenophon's

portrait of Socrates is quite independent, and probably historically

truer than that of Plato; but the sage lives for us in Plato, not in

Xenophon. The Retreat of the Ten Thousand, and the wars of Epaminondas

were far more brilliant than the operations of the Peloponnesian War.

Yet, to the scholar, a raid in Thucydides is more than a campaign in

Xenophon. For neither is his style so pure as that of either of his

rivals, nor is his enthusiasm the same. We feel him always a polished

man of the world--never the rugged patriot, never the rapt seer. He

seems, too, to lack impartiality. He lavishes praise upon Agesilaus, a

second-rate man, while he is curt and ill-tempered concerning

Epaminondas, the real genius of the age. It is more than likely that he

has colored his own part in the famous "Retreat," in glowing colors.

His hereditary instincts lead him to approve of autocrats as against

republics, Spartan discipline as against Attic freedom. Yet in himself

he has shown a striking example how the latter could appreciate and

embrace the former. As the simplest specimen of pure Attic prose he will

ever be paramount in schools, neglected in universities--the recreation

rather than the occupation of mature scholars. He is a great worthy, a

man of renown; "nevertheless, he did not attain unto the first

three"--the two masters of his own day, and the colossal Demosthenes.

[Signature: J. Pentland Mahaffy.]

Great Men and Famous Women. Vol. 5 A series of pen and pencil sketches of the lives of more than 200 of the most prominent personages in History · 第 23 / 77 题