Whatever may have been the extent of the dominions possessed by the

Ismaëlians, either in Persia or Syria, it cannot be compared with

their power, established by fanaticism, and maintained by the fear

they inspired. Spread throughout the whole of the Mussulman world,

from the extremities of Asia Minor to the depths of Turkistan, they

were everywhere dreaded. In presenting you with a few instances of

their fanaticism and audacity, if I do not afford you a precise idea of

their power, I shall at least make you acquainted with the nature of

it, and with what it may be presumed to have been. Let us begin with

devotedness and fanaticism.

History informs us that Henry, count of Champagne, having made a

journey into Lesser Armenia, paid a visit, on his return, to the king

of the Assassins, and was received with the most distinguished honours.

The prince led him to all parts of his abode, and having conducted him

up a very lofty tower, upon every step of which stood men clothed in

white: “I do not suppose,” said he to his guest, “that you have any

subjects as obedient as mine?” At the same time he made a sign with his

hand, when two of these men precipitated themselves from the top of the

tower, and expired instantly. The head of the Ismaëlians added: “If

you desire it, at the least signal on my part, those whom you see will

precipitate themselves in the same manner.” When taking leave of Henry,

he made him rich presents, and said: “If you have any enemy who aims at

your crown, address yourself to me, and my servants shall soon relieve

you from your anxiety, by poniarding him.”

Melik-chah, alarmed at the progress of Hassan-ben-Sabbah, sent one

of his officers to him to require him to desist from his views, and

to surrender his castles. Hassan ordered one of his servants into

his presence, and commanded him to kill himself, which the servant

instantly did. He then told another to throw himself from the summit

of a high tower, and his orders were equally promptly obeyed. “Report

to your master,” then said he to the ambassador, “what you have seen,

and tell him that I have sixty thousand men at my command, whose

devotedness and obedience are like that which you have seen.”

In 1120, some Bathenians having assassinated Boursiki, prince of

Mossoul, they were cut to pieces on the spot. The mother of one of

these Ismaëlians having learnt the death of the emir and the fate

of the assassins, gave herself up to transports of joy; but her

satisfaction was changed into as lively a grief when she learnt that

her son, by some fortunate chance, had escaped the destiny of his

companions. Thus fanaticism produced the same effect upon this woman

as was produced by national honour and patriotism in the case of the

Spartan mother, whom history has immortalized as sinking under her

grief when she heard that her son had escaped from the massacre of

Thermopylæ. What becomes of the charm and power of virtue, if blind

fanaticism, the disgrace of our nature, can rival her in the noblest

actions she inspires?

The Ismaëlians were the more dangerous and redoubtable, from their

practice of insinuating themselves into the courts of most princes,

and their skill in adopting such disguises as circumstances required.

They assumed the Syrian dress, in order to get rid of that Ahmed Bal,

of whom I have just spoken; they entered the service of Tadjelmouth

Bouri, prince of Damascus, in the quality of grooms of Korassan, and

attacked him with impunity. The murderers of Bouriski took the dress of

dervises, to avert all suspicion. The Ismaëlians deputed to poniard

the marquis of Montferrat, embraced Christianity, wore religious

habits, affected the most austere piety, gained the friendship and

esteem of the clergy, acquired the good-will of their victim, and,

after having killed him, endured the tortures in which they perished

with admirable resignation. The imaun Fakr-eddin, a very celebrated

Persian doctor, having been accused of practising the Ismaëlian

doctrines in secret, in order to clear himself from the calumny,

ascended the pulpit, and pronounced maledictions against the sect.

This news reaching Altamont, Mohammed, who then reigned, charged a

fedaï with the execution of his vengeance. This man repaired to the

dwelling of the imaun, and told him that he was a jurisconsult, that

he was desirous of being instructed by so able a master, and with his

caresses and flattery, played his part so well, that he was admitted

into the family of the doctor; he passed seven months with him without

obtaining an opportunity to execute his purpose. At length, finding

himself one day alone with the imaun, he shut the doors of the house,

drew his poniard, rushed upon the doctor, struck him to the ground, and

seated himself upon his chest. “I will rip you up,” said he, “from the

navel to the breast.” “What for?” replied the imaun. Then the fedaï

reproached him with having cursed the Ismaëlians from the pulpit. The

imaun swore several times never to speak ill of that sect in future;

upon which the fedaï released him, saying: “I have no orders to kill

you, otherwise I should not delay the execution of those orders, or

hesitate in performing them; know, then, that Mohammed salutes you,

and desires that you would do him the honour of visiting him at his

castle. You will become an all-powerful governor, for we shall obey

you blindly.” And he added, “We take no account of the discourse of

common people; their insults have no effect upon us. But you, you ought

never to permit your tongue to utter anything against us, or to censure

our conduct; because your words sink into the people’s hearts as the

strokes of the engraver penetrate the stone.” The imaun said: “It is

impossible for me to go to the castle, but I will, henceforward, never

pronounce a word that may be displeasing to the sovereign of Altamont.”

After this conversation, the fedaï took from his girdle three hundred

and sixty pieces of gold, and said to the imaun: “Here is your salary

for one year, and it has been ordered by the _sublime divan_, that you

should receive every year a similar sum from the reis Modhaffer. I

have in my chamber two Yeman robes; when I am gone your servants must

take them, for our master has sent them to you.” The fedaï instantly

disappeared. The imaun took the pieces of gold and the robes, and

during five years received the appointed salary.

This miraculous devotedness, this confidence in an after-life, the

felicity of which was beyond description, produced the audacity and

perseverance in the execution of the orders of the prince, and the

imperturbable courage which led the Ismaëlians to endure death, without

allowing the most severe tortures to draw a confession from them.

Caliphs and emirs fell beneath their blows, in mosques, in streets,

within the walls of palaces, amidst crowds of people and courts of

nobles. If they were taken with the fatal knife in their hands, they

thanked heaven for bringing them nearer to the goal of their desires,

and hailed death as leading them the first step towards felicity.

Moudoud and Ac Sancar Albourski, princes of Mossoul, were assassinated

as they were coming out of the great mosque of the city, although

surrounded by their officers and domestics. Ahmed Bal, governor of some

castles of the Azerbaidjan, had several times declared himself an enemy

to the Lord of the Mountain; he was struck dead in the midst of the

hall of audience of the sultan Mohammed at Bagdad. The great Saladin

refused to embrace or protect the Ismaëlian doctrine, and announced

his intention of destroying it. Whilst he was carrying on the siege

of Akka, or Ptolemaïs, a fedaï threw himself upon him, and dealt him

a blow of a poniard upon his head. Saladin seized him by the arm, but

the murderer never ceased striking till he was killed. A second and a

third fedaï continued the attack, but without obtaining better success.

Nevertheless, says the historian, Saladin retired to his tent in great

fear.

I have told you, sir, that the irruption of Holagon into Persia, and

the expeditions of Biban into Syria, ruined the Ismaëlian power. But,

whilst destroying their castles, these two great warriors were not

able to completely exterminate the sect. When Tamerlane penetrated

into Mezinderan, he found a great number of Ismaëlians. Mention is

often made of these sectaries in the history of the conquest of Yemen

by the Turks. We know that they are at present scattered through many

parts of Persia, and that the government tolerates them. They even

pretend that they have preserved their imaun to this moment; that he

is descended from Ismaël himself, the son of Djafar Elasdie, and is

named Chah Kalil. He dwells in the city of Khekh, near to Kom. This

imaun is almost venerated as a god, among his proselytes, who attribute

to him the gift of miracles, and often decorate him with the title of

caliph. The Ismaëlians are found as far as the banks of the Ganges and

the Indus, whence they piously come every year to receive the blessings

of their lord in return for the magnificent offerings they bring him.

There likewise still exist many families of them in the mountains of

Libanus, upon whom M. Rousseau, consul-general of France to Aleppo, has

given us some valuable information.

The Ismaëlians of Syria are divided into two classes,—the _Soueidanis_

and the _Khedhrewis_. The latter, who form the most numerous part of

the sect, have for chief the emir Ali Zoghbi, successor of the emir

Mustapha Edris. Their principal place of abode is at Messias, which

M. de Sacy thinks ought to be called Mesiat. This ancient fortress is

situated at twelve leagues west of Hamah, upon an isolated rock. At

three leagues west of Messias, the Ismaëlians possess another fortress,

named Kadmous, of not less consequence than the other.

The second class, which comprises the _Soueidanis_, is much less

numerous than the preceding one, and is concentrated in the village

of Feudara, of the district of Messias. Its poverty has drawn upon it

the contempt of the Khedhrewis; its present chief is named _Cheikh

Soleiman_.

The sect of the Ismaëlians at the present moment only consists of some

wretched families scattered here and there, whom the persecutions

of the Turks are daily annihilating. The following is the sinister

event which has plunged them into these circumstances. We will leave

M. Rousseau to speak:—“The _Reslans_, one of the most distinguished

families of the sect of the Nosaïris, possessed from time immemorial

the fortress and territory of Messias, when the Ismaëlians, having

become sufficiently powerful to encroach upon their domains,

suddenly attacked them, and drove them from the country, in which

they established themselves. This manifest usurpation increased the

inveterate hatred which all the neighbouring peoples entertained for

them. The Nosaïris, after having uselessly attempted, by several means,

to regain their possessions, at length had recourse to stratagem. They

sent some of their people to Messias, who, under borrowed names, and

without creating any suspicion of their designs, entered the service of

the Chich emir, _Mustafa Edris_, who then commanded in the fortress.

“Abou Ali Hammour and Ali Bacha, chief of the conspirators, had not

long to wait for the opportunity they wished for. One day when the

emir remained alone in his dwelling, they assailed him, and slew him

with several dagger-wounds. This unexpected murder was the signal

for great misfortunes for the Ismaëlians. Measures were so well

concerted among their enemies, that at a given signal, a numerous band

of Nosaïris, posted in the avenues of Messias, were to precipitate

themselves upon it on a sudden, and massacre all the inhabitants who

attempted to defend themselves. This project was completely carried

out. The Ismaëlians, attacked sharply, terrified, and, for the most

part, killed in the open streets, offered but weak resistance to their

enemies, to whom they were compelled to swear submission and obedience

for the future. The booty made on this day was valued at more than

a million piastres, reckoning the plunder of the villages and the

country. This event took place in the year 1809.”

These Ismaëlians have a book which contains the dogmas of their present

belief, the practices of their worship, &c. Its author was a certain

Cheikh Ibrahim, who seems to have been one of the visionaries of

the sect; it was made public after the pillage of Messias. It is an

assemblage of absurd reveries and incoherent, ridiculous, insignificant

principles, in which the primitive doctrine of these sectaries is

joined to a crowd of dogmas which are foreign to it, and which time,

communication with other sects, and ignorance, have introduced into

their belief. Nevertheless, the study of them ought not to be entirely

neglected, as they serve to prove to what a degree the human mind may

deceive itself.

To avoid fatiguing your patience, I will pass over that which relates

to mystic theology, and the different incarnations of the Imaun or

Messiah, who was manifested in the persons of Adam, Noah, Abraham,

Moses, Jesus, and Ali, fourth caliph, according to orthodox Mahometans.

I will likewise be silent upon the mysteries of the alphabetical

letters, which are divided into the luminous and the obscure, the

substantial and the corporeal; were at first twenty-two in number,

were augmented by six, at the time of the revelation of the Koran; are

connected with the houses of the moon, with the signs of the zodiac,

with the planets, and the elements; designate sometimes a prophet,

sometimes a holy personage; in short, are susceptible of an infinity

of allegorical applications; but I will give in its entirety the

description of Paradise.

“I have reserved an abode more permanent, and filled with eternal

delights for those who follow my law, and fear the effects of my

justice. This abode is paradise, to which entrance may be obtained by

eight different gates, which lead to the same number of inclosures;

there are in each inclosure or division, 70,000 meadows of saffron, and

70,000 abodes of mother-of-pearl and coral; in each dwelling-place or

abode, there are 70,000 palaces and 70,000 galleries of topaz; in each

gallery there are 70,000 golden saloons; in each saloon, 70,000 silver

tables; upon each table, 70,000 exquisite dishes, &c. &c. Each of these

70,000 palaces contains 70,000 springs, or streams of milk and honey

with as many purple pavilions, occupied by beautiful young women. Still

further, each saloon is surmounted by 70,000 domes of amber, and upon

each dome are set forth 70,000 wonders from the hand of Omnipotence.

The inhabitants of these enchanted places are immortal and are

unacquainted with infirmities, tears, laughter, prayers, or fasting.”

I ought to tell you, with regard to this passage, that in the true

doctrine of the Ismaëlians, paradise is the true religion, and the

epoch of its manifestation, and that this description, or any other

like it, must be considered as an allegory.

To this quotation I cannot refrain from adding two others: one upon the

duties of man, the other upon the metaphysical ideas of this sect.

“Oh! son of Adam, the empire of the universe belongs to me; all that

you possess comes from me; but learn that the aliments which nourish

you, will not preserve you from death, nor the clothes which cover you

from the infirmities of the flesh; you will advance or go back, as you

employ your tongue in falsehood or in truth. Thy being is composed of

three parts: the first is mine, the second is thine; and the third

belongs to us in common. That which is mine, is thy soul; that which

is thine, is thy actions; and that which we share between us, is the

prayers which thou addressest to me. Thou oughtest to implore me in

thy wants; my delight is to listen to the prayers of the good. Oh!

son of Adam, honour me, and thou wilt know me; fear me, and thou wilt

see me; adore me, and thou wilt draw near to me. Oh! son of Adam, if

kings are cast into flames for their tyranny, magistrates for their

treachery, doctors for their jealousies, artisans for their frauds, the

great for their pride, the low for their hypocrisy, the poor for their

falsehoods,—where will they be found who can aspire to enter into

paradise?

* * * * *

There are three sorts of existence: the first, usual and relative,

exposed to the influence of the stars, subject to alterations, and

susceptible of being and not being at the same time; that is matter:

the second, intellectual, which has been preceded by non-existence,

but which becomes permanent from the moment it begins; that is the

soul, upon which the celestial bodies cannot act: the third, necessary,

absolute, and eternal, superior by its nature to the two others, that

is the Supreme Being, by whom everything has been produced, who has

always subsisted, and will subsist for ever.

“The Being whose existence is eternal, the first principle, is

unlimited, One, and without companions.

“Man exists then doubly,—by his soul and by his body; his spiritual

existence survives his bodily existence, which, sooner of later, is

dissolved.

“The soul is a simple substance, homogeneous and immaterial, an

indestructible breath of the Divinity. The body is a compound of

material parts heterogeneous and destructible, which only exists as

long as its parts remain united together. The soul is not essentially

inherent to the body; the latter is not the subject of it; we only know

that it is present in it, as we are aware of the splendour of the sun

upon the surface of any object whatever.

“The soul is immortal.

* * * * *

Souls were created before bodies: they resided, whilst waiting for

them, in the intellectual world, the abode of true essences.

“After their union with the body, they constantly endeavour to preserve

the reminiscence of their productive cause; and if, in their new

state, they do not forget this first essence, they return to their

former dwelling; otherwise they continue wandering and unhappy in the

_material_ world, there to perpetually experience the vicissitudes and

pains of the present life.

“In order not to deteriorate, or lose its rights to proximity with its

author, the soul must be constantly filled with the idea of that first

cause which is disposed to attract it, unceasingly, towards it. It is

its true state of perfection, that in which it maintains itself by

becoming insensible to all terrestrial affections.

“In addition to his immaterial and reasonable soul, man has still

another, which is the natural soul; this is born and dies with the

body; it is a certain inexplicable, but active and actual force, which

is common to him and animals devoid of reason, and which elevates

him above these; it is the immortal breath which the Divinity has

communicated to him, to the exclusion of the other beings of the

universe.”[146]—Receive, monsieur, I beg, &c. &c.

_No. 25._

_Treaty made under the Walls of Constantinople._

This is certainly one of the most extraordinary documents we have

ever seen. A handful of warriors, in a strange and foreign country,

without any certainty of reinforcements, are before the second city

of the world, well peopled, completely fortified, and prepared for

defence; and yet they, before giving an assault, coolly draw up a

treaty, by which the city and its empire are divided amongst them; and

what completes the wonder is, that they succeeded, and, for a while,

obtained what they contemplated.

“We, Henry Dandolo, by the grace of God doge of Venice, Dalmatia,

and Croatia, and the very illustrious lords, Boniface, marquis of

Montferrat; Baldwin, count of Flanders and Hainault; Louis, count of

Blois and Clermont; and Henry, count of St. Pol; each on his own part,

in order to maintain among us union and concord, and to avoid every

subject of offence, with the co-operation of Him who is our peace, who

made everything, and for whose glory we have thought fit to establish

the following order, after having reciprocally engaged ourselves with

the bonds of an oath. In the first place, we all agree (after having

invoked the name of Jesus Christ) to cause the city to be attacked;

and if, by the aid of divine power, we succeed in entering it, we will

remain and serve under the command of those who shall be established

leaders of the army, and follow them as it shall be ordered. All

the wealth that shall be found in the city, shall by every one be

deposited in a common place, which shall be chosen for this purpose,

we reserving always, as well as for our Venetians, three parts of this

wealth, which are to be remitted to us as an indemnity for that which

the Emperor Alexius was bound to pay to us, as well as to you. On your

side, you will retain a fourth part, until we have all obtained equal

satisfaction; and if there should be anything left, we will share it

equally between us and you, so that all may be satisfied. And if the

said wealth should not prove sufficient to discharge that which is due

to us, this wealth, from whatever source it may arise, shall be shared

in the same manner between you and us, as it has been thereupon agreed,

except the provisions and forage, which shall be set aside and divided

equally among your people and ours, in order that all may subsist in

a suitable manner; and all that may be found besides shall be shared

with the other booty, according as it has been agreed thereupon. We

and our Venetians are to enjoy, throughout the empire, in a free

and absolute manner, and without any kind of contradiction, all the

prerogatives and possessions which we have been accustomed to enjoy,

as well in spiritual as in temporal matters; as well as all privileges

and usages, written or not written. There shall also be chosen six

members on our part, and six on yours, who, after having taken an oath,

shall choose in the army and raise to the empire, him whom they shall

believe to be most fit to exercise it, and to command in this land for

the advantage and glory of God, of the holy Romish church, and of the

empire. If they agree among themselves, we will recognise as emperor

him whom they shall have elected with one common voice. But if it

should happen that six shall be on one side and six on the other, it

shall be left to chance, and him upon whom the lot shall fall we will

acknowledge as emperor. If there should be a majority on one side,

we will acknowledge as emperor him in favour of whom this majority

shall be declared. If the council should be divided into more than

two parts, we will acknowledge for emperor him whom the most numerous

party shall have elected. The person who may be chosen emperor, shall

have the quarter of all that shall be conquered from the empire, the

palace of Blachernæ, and the Lion’s Mouth. The three other quarters

shall be shared equally among you and us. As to the clerical members

who shall be of the side on which the emperor shall not have been

chosen, they shall have the privilege of composing the clergy of the

Church of St. Sophia, and to elect a patriarch for the glory of God,

of the holy Roman church, and the empire. But as regards the clerical

members on one side and the other, they shall compose the clergy of

the churches which shall fall to their share. As to the wealth of

the churches, care will be taken to distribute to the ecclesiastics

as much as will be sufficient to provide honourably for them, and to

the churches as much as will be requisite to maintain them properly.

Whatever may remain of this wealth shall be divided and shared as

above directed. We will, in addition, make oath, on both sides, that,

dating from the last day of the present month of March, we will remain

during the space of an entire year in the service of the emperor, in

order to contribute to and strengthen his power, for the glory of God,

the holy Romish church, and the empire; and that all those who shall

have previously sojourned in the empire, shall swear fidelity to the

emperor, according to the good and praiseworthy custom. Thus then, all

those who now dwell in the empire, as has been mentioned, shall swear

they will hold as good and authentic the regulations and treaties which

have been made. It is also proper to observe that, as well on your side

as on ours, there shall be chosen twelve members, at most, as it may

be convenient, who, after having taken the oath, shall be charged with

the duty of distributing the fiefs and honours among individuals, and

of regulating the rights of service to which these same individuals

shall be subjected as regards the emperor and the empire, according

to what these members shall think suitable; that the fief which shall

be assigned to any one shall be possessed freely and without any

obstacle, by his posterity, as well masculine as feminine, and that the

possessor shall have entire power to execute whatever to him may seem

good, saving his obedience to the laws and the duty he shall owe to the

service of the emperor and the empire. There shall be likewise done

for the emperor all the service necessary, independently of that to

which the possessors of fiefs and privileges shall be bound, according

to the order that shall be assigned to them. It is further enacted,

that no inhabitant of a nation which shall be at war with us or our

successors, or the Venetians, shall be admitted into the empire until

that war shall be entirely terminated. Moreover, each party is held to

labour sincerely to obtain from our holy father the pope, that if any

one shall attempt to contravene the present constitution, he shall be

struck by excommunication. On his side, the emperor is bound to swear

that he will hold the acts and gifts which shall be made, irrevocable,

conformably with all which has hereupon been named. That if the present

treaty should require any addition or suppression, it will be within

our power and liberty to make it, assisted by our six counsellors,

conjointly with the said lord marquis, assisted equally by his six

counsellors. On the other side, the above-named lord doge cannot take

the oath to the emperor for any service, for any fief or privilege that

may be granted to him; but he or they whom he shall delegate in that

which concerns him, shall take the oath to do, towards the emperor and

towards the empire, all services required, conformably with all which

has been thereupon mentioned.

_Given, in the year of grace 1204, the 7th day of the month of March._

_No. 26._

In the year 1195, Walter Hemingford, an English chronicler, says that

the Old Man of the Mountain sent to all the princes of Europe a letter,

in which he exculpates the illustrious king Richard from the death

of the marquis of Montferrat. Although this letter may be a little

apocryphal, we publish it, to show our readers how the Old Man of the

Mountain was then spoken of.

“The Old Man of the Mountain to the princes and all the people of the

Christian religion, salutation. As we do not wish ill to him who is

innocent and merits it not, we will not allow that the innocence of

another should be compromised by any act that we have done. We will

never suffer, with the permission of God, that they who have offended

us shall rejoice long in the injuries inflicted on our simplicity. We

signify then to you all, and we take as witness him by whom we hope to

be saved, that it was not by any machinations of the king of England

that the marquis was killed. He was justly killed, by our will and

by our order, by our satellites, because he had offended us, and had

neglected, in spite of our warnings, to make us reparation: for it

is our custom first to warn those who have offended us in anything,

either us or our friends, in order that they may give us satisfaction;

and it is our custom, if they despise our warning, to avenge ourselves

by the hands of our ministers, who obey us with the greater devotion

from being convinced they shall be gloriously recompensed by God, if

they fall whilst executing our orders. We have learnt likewise that it

is said of the same king that he had engaged us, as less incorruptible

than others, to send some one of our people to lay an ambush for the

king of Franco. This is false, and the effect of a vain suspicion. God

is our witness, that he never proposed anything of the kind to us,

and that our honesty would not permit us to allow anything evil to be

attempted against a person who had not merited it. Fare ye well.”

_No. 27._

_Fragment from Nicetas Choniates, concerning the Statues of

Constantinople destroyed by the Crusaders._[147]

The Latins manifested that love of gold which characterizes their

nation, by thinking of a new species of plunder, till that time unknown

to all the former spoilers of this city of cities. After opening the

coffins of the emperors which are in the Heroüm, erected near the

magnificent church of the disciples of Jesus Christ, they pillaged them

all during the night; and, in violation of the laws of equity, they

took away all the ornaments in gold, pearls, and precious transparent

stones, which had so long remained untouched in that sacred place.

Having found, likewise, the body of the emperor Justinian, still

perfect and undecomposed, after the lapse of so many years, this

spectacle struck them with admiration; but they paid no more respect,

on that account, to the ornaments with which the body had been buried.

It may be affirmed that the Occidentals spared neither the living nor

the dead, and beginning with God and his servants, they made all,

indifferently, sensible to the effects of their impiety. A short time

after, they bore away from the great church that veil which was valued

at many thousand silver minæ, and which was ornamented with thick

golden embroidery. But as even all these riches could not satisfy the

boundless cupidity of these barbarians, they cast their eyes upon the

bronze statues, and consigned them to the flames. The Juno of bronze,

which stood in the Square of Constantine, was taken to pieces and sent

to the melting-house, to be transformed into _staters_;[148] so large

was this statue that the head was as much as four pairs of oxen could

draw to the palace.

After the Juno, they took down from its base a group of Paris and

Venus; the shepherd offering the goddess the golden apple of discord.

Whoever beheld without admiration that square obelisk of bronze, the

height of which was almost equal to that of the loftiest columns? Upon

it were sculptured all the birds which, in spring, make the air resound

with their melodious concerts, the labours of husbandmen, musical

instruments, bleating sheep, and bounding lambs. The sea there spread

forth its waves, with vast numbers of fish, part of which were taken

alive, and the rest, bursting through the nets, were plunging back into

their watery home. Naked cupids, sporting by twos and threes, pelting

each other with apples, and indulging in the wildest gambols. At the

top of this square obelisk, which terminated in a pyramidal form, was

placed a female figure, which turned with the least breath of wind;

whence she was called _Anemodoulos_ (that is to say, the slave of the

winds). This work, of admirable beauty, was likewise melted, as was a

colossal statue, which stood in the Place of Taurus, and represented

a man on horseback in heroic costume. This figure, whose base was a

trapezium, was said by some to be Joshua, because his hand was extended

towards the declining sun, and that he seemed to be commanding it

to stay its course. But most persons thought it was intended for

Bellerophon, the hero born and brought up in the Peloponnesus, mounted

upon Pegasus; for the horse had no bridle, and it is thus Pegasus is

represented, striking, at will, the plain with his hoof, and, whether

flying or running, disdaining to submit to his rider. There was an

ancient tradition, which was preserved to our times, and known to

everybody, that under the left forefoot of this horse was concealed

the figure of a man, representing, according to some, a Venetian, and

according to others, some other enemy from the West, bearing a Roman

name, or else it was a Bulgarian. Efforts had often been made to

render this foot so firm and so solid that it might not be possible to

discover what was said to be hidden beneath it. When this horse and

his rider were taken to pieces to be melted, the figure was really

found concealed under the foot of the horse; it was clothed in a

mantle, much in appearance like one of wool; but the Latins, troubling

themselves very little about the predictions concerning it, cast it

also into the fire. Many other statues and admirable works, standing

in the Hippodrome, shared the same fate, and were destroyed by these

barbarians, who, incapable of admiration for the beautiful, converted

all these masterpieces into coin, and annihilated monuments which had

cost so much, for the sake of such an inconsiderable amount of money.

They broke to pieces a Hercules, reclining upon an osier-basket (or

mattress), covered by a lion’s skin, the head of which had, even in

the bronze, so terrible an aspect, that it appeared about to roar,

and spread terror among the idle multitude who stopped to look at it.

The hero was seated, without quiver, bow, or club; his right arm and

leg were stretched out to their full length, whilst his left leg was

bent; placing his left elbow on his knee, he raised his fore-arm, and

with an air of sadness, reposed his head upon the palm of his hand.

He appeared to deplore his destiny, and to be thinking over with

indignation the troubles to which Eurystheus constrained him, from

jealousy, and not from necessity. His chest and shoulders were broad,

his hair curly, his thighs large, his arms muscular, and his height

was such as Lysimachus might, upon conjecture, have assigned to the

true Hercules. This bronze Hercules was his first and last work: it was

so large that the cord which went round his thumb was long enough for

a common man’s girdle, and that with which his leg was measured was

equal in length to the height of a man. They did not, however, fail to

annihilate such a Hercules; these men who had separated courage from

the virtues allied to it, who attributed it to themselves particularly,

and professed to esteem it above everything! They took away the

ass with his pack-saddle, walking and braying, with the ass-driver

following him, which Cæsar Augustus had caused to be placed at Actium

or Nicopolis, in Greece, to perpetuate the remembrance of his having

gone out one night to observe the army of Antony, and having met with

this man, of whom he asked who he was, and whither he was going, the

man answered his name was Nico, and that of his ass Nicander, and that

he was going to Cæsar’s army. Neither could they keep their hands from

the hyena, and the wolf which suckled Remus and Romulus;—they melted

this precious monument of the Roman nation for the sake of some paltry

pieces of copper coin. They destroyed, in the same manner, the man

contending with a lion; an hippopotamus of the Nile, the body of which

ended in a tail covered with scales; the elephant shaking his trunk;

the sphynxes, whose upper parts were those of women of rare beauty,

but who, below, resembled fearful and horrid animals; these sphynxes

were the more admirable from appearing to be able to walk, and at the

same time to fly, and to dispute the palm of swiftness with the largest

birds. A horse without a bridle, pricking up his ears and neighing; a

tamed bull, walking with slow, heavy steps; and Scylla, that ancient

monster, a woman to the waist, with her long neck, her large breasts,

and an air full of cruelty; her inferior parts divided, to form those

animals which attacked the vessels of Ulysses, and devoured several of

his companions.

There was, likewise, in the Hippodrome, a bronze eagle, a wonderful

monument of the magic art of Apollonius of Tyana. Being at Byzantium,

he was implored to put an end to the trouble the inhabitants endured

from the bites of serpents. Having recourse to his criminal arts, in

which he had been instructed by demons and men initiated in their

wicked mysteries, he placed upon a column an eagle which could not

be looked upon without pleasure, and which drew passers-by to stop

and contemplate it, as the songs of the Syrens fascinated those who

listened to them. His wings were extended as if he were about to fly;

but the folds of a serpent, which he held in his talons, impeded his

efforts. The reptile stretched out its head as if to reach the wings of

the bird; but its efforts were in vain; for, pierced by the claws of

the eagle, its ardour relaxed, so that it appeared rather to be about

to sleep or die than to fasten on the wings of the eagle. Thus the

serpent was breathing its last sigh, and its venom was exhaling with

it; whilst the eagle, with a haughty glance, and actually appearing to

utter cries of victory, endeavoured to raise the serpent, and bear it

away into the heavens with him; all which was expressed by the eagle’s

superb look, and the death of the serpent. It might almost be said,

in seeing the serpent thus forced to slacken its flexible folds, and

forego its venomous bites, that it drove away, by its example, other

serpents from Byzantium, and exhorted them to conceal themselves in

their holes. And this was not all that rendered the figure of this

eagle admirable; for it indicated, very correctly to the eye of an

instructed spectator, the twelve hours of the day, by twelve lines

traced upon its wings, when the rays of the sun were not veiled by

clouds.

What shall I say of the Helen, with arms whiter than snow, with small

delicate feet, and a bosom of alabaster? Of Helen, who brought all

Greece together against Troy, who occasioned the ruin of that city,

who from the Trojan shores, passed to those of the Nile, and thence at

length returned to Lacedæmon? Was she able to subdue these inexorable

men, and soften these hearts of iron? She had not the power; she,

whose beauty charmed every spectator, whose robing was magnificent,

who, although of bronze, was full of delicious languor, and who, even

to her tunic, her veil, her diadem, and her elegantly arranged hair,

appeared to respire the very spirit of voluptuousness. Her tunic was

of a fabric more delicate than the tissues of Arachne; her veil was

of the most admirable workmanship; the diadem which encircled her

brow, glittered with the brilliancy of gold and precious stones; and

her floating tresses, agitated by the wind, were gathered together

behind, and descended to her legs. Her lips, slightly separated, like

the cup of a rose, appeared ready to breathe soft and pleasant words,

whilst her inexpressibly sweet smile seemed, in a manner, to meet the

spectator, and fill him with delicious emotion. But language cannot

describe or transmit to posterity the charm of her look, the arch so

exquisitely marked of her eyebrows, or the graces which adorned her

person. But thou, Helen, daughter of Tyndarus, lovely with natural

beauty, work of the Loves, object of the cares of Venus, the most

admirable gift of nature, the prize of victory proposed to Greeks and

Trojans, where is the Nepenthe, that remedy against sadness, which the

wife of Thoas remitted to thee? Where are those philters which none can

resist? Why didst thou not employ them as formerly? But I see how it

was. Thy inevitable destiny was to become the prey of the flames, thou,

whose image alone had power to kindle the flames of love in the hearts

of all who beheld thee. Perhaps I may say, that these descendants of

Æneas condemned thee to the fire, to avenge in thy own person Ilium,

consumed by the fires which thy loves had created. But the fury of

gold which possessed the Latins, and led them to annihilate in every

spot the most beautiful masterpieces of art, is beyond my power of

imagining or describing. But I may venture to say this; they separate

themselves from their wives, and yield them to the embraces of others

for a few oboles; they are incessantly occupied in plunder, or in

games of chance; they put on armour, and fight with each other, with a

senseless and furious ardour, and not with a prudent, regulated valour;

expose all they possess as the prize for victory, without excepting

the young brides who have given them the pleasures of paternity, or

even their own lives, a treasure so dear and valuable to all other

men, and for the preservation of which there is nothing they will not

undertake.—Barbarians even, without letters, know and repeat these

verses upon thee, Helen:—“It is just that both Greeks and Trojans

should undergo long misfortunes for the woman whose beauty equals that

of immortal goddesses.”

There stood upon a column another woman of singular beauty, apparently

in the period of brilliant youth, whose hair descended in tresses

on each side of her face, and was fastened behind; she occupied a

situation but slightly elevated, so that she could be touched by the

hand. In the right hand, although the arm had no support, this statue

bore a horseman, whose horse she held by one foot, and that apparently

as easily as a cup of wine is carried. This horseman, of a manly, noble

bearing, clothed in his cuirass, and with booted legs, seemed actually

to breathe war. The horse’s ears were raised as if he heard the sound

of the trumpet, his head elevated, his look fiery, and the ardour

painted in his eyes denoted his impatience for the course; his feet,

prancing in the air, seemed springing forward with a warlike bound.

After this statue, next to the eastern boundary of the Quadriges,

called of the yellow faction, were placed statues of charioteers,

examples and models of the art of skilfully driving a chariot.

They appeared almost, by the disposition of their hands, to warn

charioteers, not to loosen the reins on approaching the boundary; but

to hold the horses with a tight hand whilst turning, and to make a

sharp and continual use of the whip, so as to keep as close to the

boundary as possible, and leave the unskilful rival charioteer, to make

too wide a sweep, and lose the advantage, even with the best horses.

I will only add one particularity, for I have not undertaken to

describe everything. That which excited remarkable pleasure and

admiration, was a stone basis, upon which was placed an animal in

bronze, which might have been taken for an ox, but that its tail was

too small; like the oxen of Egypt, it had not long dewlaps, and its

hoofs were not cloven. It crushed within its jaws, almost to the

point of stifling it, another animal, whose body was bristling with

scales, so pointed, that although of bronze, they would wound those

who ventured to touch them: this animal was supposed to be a basilisk,

and the creature it had seized, an aspick; but by others one was said

to be an ox from the banks of the Nile, and the other a crocodile.

For my part, I will not undertake to reconcile these opinions; I will

content myself with saying that they were engaged in a most astonishing

contest, and inflicted serious wounds upon each other; for sometimes

the more strong, sometimes the mere weak, they were at the same time

conquerors and conquered. The animal, which many supposed to be a

basilisk, was all swollen from head to feet, and the poison circulating

throughout its body, and flowing through all its members, gave it a

colour greener than that of frogs,—a colour of death. It was upon its

knees, with languishing eyes, and appeared to have lost all strength

and vigour. It might have been believed even, that it had long been

dead, had not its hind legs, at least, still stood firmly under it.

The other animal which it held in its jaws, still waved its tail a

little, and opened its long mouth under the pressure of the teeth which

held and stifled it. It appeared to use its utmost efforts to escape

from the teeth and jaws which held it so tenaciously, but could not

succeed; for its body was fast between the jaws, and transpierced by

the teeth of its enemy from the shoulders and the fore-feet to the part

next to the tail. It was thus they died, the one by the other; the

combat was mutual, the vengeance reciprocal, the victory equal, and the

death common.[149] For my part, I believe I may remark on this subject,

that it is not only in effigy, or among fierce and strong animals, that

beings wicked and fatal to man thus inflict a mutual death upon each

other; but that we often see nations, which bring war to the Romans,

destroy each other; which is an effect of the power of Christ, who

disperses nations that are friends to war, who holds blood in horror,

and shows the just marching against the aspick and the basilisk, and

trampling under foot the lion and the dragon.

_No. 28._

_Letter to M. Michaud upon the Crusade of Children of 1212, by M. Am.

Jourdain._

The expedition beyond the seas, undertaken about 1212, and composed

entirely of children, if not one of the most striking events of

the crusades, certainly appears to me to be not one of the least

extraordinary. That institutions dictated by the spirit of religion,

and destined either to propagate our religion, or to elevate its

splendour, have not always found in their object a preservative against

the corruption attached to human beings, is a truth established by

numberless examples; but that fanaticism or the genius of evil,

should be sufficiently powerful to extinguish in childhood the

natural sentiment of its weakness, and draw it away from its natural

supports, to inspire it with this train of ideas, this perseverance

in resolutions, this accordance required by every enterprise formed

by a numerous concourse of individuals, is what we can scarcely

believe, although the memory of the fact is preserved by several

historians. Whoever is acquainted with the taste of the middle ages

for the marvellous, and has only read the incomplete account of the

modern historians of the crusades, is at first tempted to range this

expedition among fabulous adventures; and to procure it any credit, it

is necessary to produce evidences worthy of our confidence.

In my first incredulity, I employed myself in collecting these

evidences; I offer them to you in this letter, monsieur, in order to

furnish, if possible, one trait more for the varied picture of the

errors of the human mind.

We must distinguish various circumstances in this strange event; its

date, the means which prepared it, the places that witnessed it, and

its issue. Although criticism has not sufficient data to determine each

of these points with precision, nevertheless the chronicles of the

middle ages furnish us with documents sufficiently extensive to satisfy

a prudent curiosity.

With regard to the date, contemporary historians all place this crusade

under the year 1212,[150] or 1213 at the latest.[151] It is only by

an error very easy to be reconciled, that others advance it twelve

years,[152] or put it back ten.[153]

As to the places that witnessed the birth and growth of such an

enterprise, it appears that the Crusaders belonged to two nations,

and formed two troops, which followed different routes: one, leaving

Germany, traversed Saxony and the Alps, and arrived on the shores

of the Adriatic Sea;[154] France furnished the others, who, after

collecting in the environs of Paris, crossed Burgundy, and arrived at

Marseilles, the place of embarkation.[155]

Prestiges, fanaticism, the announcement of prodigies, were all employed

to rouse the youth of these countries, and put them in motion. It was

reported, according to Vincent de Beauvais that the Old Man of the

Mountain, who was accustomed to educate _arsacides_ from the tenderest

age, detained two clerks captives, and would only grant them their

liberty upon condition that they brought him back some young boys

from France. The opinion then was, that these children, deceived by

false visions, and seduced by the promises of these two clerks, marked

themselves with the sign of the cross.

The promoter of the crusade in Germany was a certain Nicolas, a German

by nation.[156] “This multitude of children,” says Bezarre, “were

persuaded, by the help of a false revelation, that the drought would be

so great that year, that the abysses of the sea would be dry; and they

went to Genoa, with the intention of passing over to Jerusalem, across

the arid bed of the Mediterranean.”

The composition of these troops corresponded with the means employed

to seduce them. There were children of all ages and conditions, and of

both sexes; some of them were not more than twelve years old; they set

out from villages and towns, without leaders, without guides, without

provisions, and with empty purses. It was in vain their parents or

friends thought to dissuade them by showing them the folly of such

an expedition: the captivity to which they condemned them redoubled

their ardour; breaking through doors, or opening themselves passages

through walls, they succeeded in escaping, and went to rejoin their

respective bands. If they were questioned upon the object of their

voyage, they answered that they were going to visit the holy places.

Although a pilgrimage commenced under such auspices, and stained with

all sorts of excesses, must have been an object of scandal rather than

of edification, there were people senseless enough to see in it an act

of the all-powerful God; men and women quitted their houses and their

lands to join these vagabond troops, believing they pursued the way of

salvation: others furnished them with money and food, thinking they

aided souls inspired by God, and guided by sentiments of divine piety.

The pope, when informed of their proceedings, exclaimed, with a groan:

“These children reproach us with being buried in sleep, whilst they

are flying to the defence of the Holy Land.”[157] If some few of the

clergy, endowed with a little foresight, openly blamed this expedition,

their censures were at once attributed to motives of avarice and

incredulity; and, in order to avoid public contempt,[158] wisdom and

prudence were condemned to silence.

The event, however, proved that all which man undertakes without

employing the balance of reason and earnest reflection, does not come

to a fortunate issue; “for soon,” says Bishop Sicard, “this multitude

entirely disappeared:—_quasi evanuit universa_.”

But we must carefully distinguish between the fate of the German and

that of the French Crusaders, although a part of the latter directed

their course towards Italy.

It required nothing beyond wearing the cross to be admitted into the

crusade; if the watchful care of princes and prelates in expeditions

directed by ecclesiastical and secular power could not succeed in

excluding from them men of bad morals, what sort of people must have

been mixed with a host got together without the least care, and under

the eye of no superior intelligence, the greater part of whom fled,

like the prodigal son, from the paternal dwelling, in order to give

themselves up, without restraint, to their vicious inclinations? The

account of Godfrey the Monk, therefore, does not at all astonish us

when he says that thieves insinuated themselves among the German

pilgrims, and disappeared after having plundered them of their baggage

and the gifts the faithful had bestowed upon them. One of these thieves

being recognised at Cologne, ended his days on the rack. To this first

misfortune a crowd of evils quickly succeeded, the necessary result of

the want of foresight of the Crusaders. The fatigue of a long journey,

heat, disease, and want, swept away a great number of them. Of those

who arrived in Italy, some, dispersing themselves over the country,

and plundered by the inhabitants, were reduced to servitude; others,

to the amount of seven thousand, presented themselves before Genoa. At

first the senate gave them permission to remain six or seven days in

the city; but reflecting afterwards upon the folly of the expedition,

fearing that such a multitude would produce famine, and, above all,

apprehending that Frederick, who was then in a state of rebellion

against the Holy See and at war with Genoa, might take advantage of the

circumstance to excite a tumult, they ordered the Crusaders to depart

from the city. Nevertheless, it was a received opinion in the time of

Bizarre, that the republic granted the rights of citizenship to several

of the young Germans of this formidable body, who were distinguished

by birth; they acquired afterwards so much consideration, that they

were admitted into the order of patricians; “and it is from them,”

adds the same historian, “that several of the great families of the

present day derive their origin; among whom may be remarked that of the

Vivaldi.” The others, finding their error, turned back towards their

own country again; and these Crusaders, who had been seen advancing in

numerous troops, and singing animating songs, returned singly, robbed

of everything, walking barefooted, undergoing the pangs of hunger, and

subjected to the scoffs and derision of the population of the cities

and countries they passed through: it is not to be wondered at, that in

such circumstances many young girls lost the chastity which had been

their ornament in their homes.

The Crusaders from France experienced a nearly similar fate: a very

slender portion of them returned: the rest either perished in the waves

or became an object of speculation for two Marseilles merchants.

Hugh Ferrers and William Porcus, so were they named, carried on a

trade with the Saracens, of which the asle of young boys formed a

considerable branch. No opportunity for an advantageous speculation

could be more favourable; they offered to transport to the East all

the pilgrims who arrived at Marseilles, without any kind of charge for

the voyage; assigning piety as the motive for this act of generosity.

This proposition was joyfully accepted; and seven vessels, laden with

these pilgrims, set sail for the coast of Syria. At the end of two

days, when the ships were off the isle of St. Peter, near the rock of

the Recluse, a violent tempest arose, and the sea swallowed up two of

them, with all the passengers on board. The other five arrived at Bugia

and Alexandria, and the young Crusaders were all sold to the Saracens

or to slave-merchants.[159] The caliph bought forty of them, all of

whom were in orders, and caused them to be brought up with great care

in a place set apart for the purpose: twelve of the others perished as

martyrs, being unwilling to renounce their religion. None of the clerks

purchased by the caliph, according to the account of one of them who

afterwards obtained his liberty, embraced the worship of Mahomet: all

faithful to the religion of their fathers, practised it constantly in

tears and slavery. Hugh and William having at a later period formed the

project of assassinating Frederick, were discovered, and perished in an

ignominious manner, with three Saracens, their accomplices, receiving,

in this miserable end, the wages due to their treachery.

Pope Gregory IX. afterwards caused a church to be built in the island

of St. Peter, in honour of those who were shipwrecked, and instituted

twelve canonships to provide for the duties of it. In the time of

Alberic the spot was still pointed out where the bodies cast up by the

waves were buried.

As for the Crusaders who survived so many calamities, and remained in

Europe, with the exception of some old and infirm persons, the pope

would not release them from their vows; they were obliged either to

perform the pilgrimage at a maturer age, or to redeem it by alms.

Such was the issue of this crusade, so justly designated by two

chronicles, _expeditio nugatoria, expeditio derisoria_.[160]

Two facts strike us as extraordinary in this account: the condition

attached by the Old Man of the Mountain to the liberty of the clerk of

whom Vincent of Beauvais speaks, and the trade in children carried on

by the merchants of Marseilles.

Upon the first point we can offer nothing but the opinion received

among the nations of the West. It was generally believed in the

thirteenth century, that the Old Man of the Mountain kept up a

connection with Christian Europe; several princes were even accused

of having had recourse to the daggers of his assassins to get rid of

their enemies. Frederick received ambassadors from him in Sicily.[161]

Roger Bacon complains bitterly of the fascinations secretly employed by

the Saracens to seduce the young servants of Christ;[162] the name of

_Assassins_ had already passed into the vulgar tongue in the thirteenth

century, and was the object of general terror. In spite, then, of the

opinion of some critics, a more extended examination than comes within

the scope of this letter is necessary, before we reject the account of

Vincent of Bauvais.

As to the trade in young boys, that is not at all a new fact; many

traces of it are to be found much anterior to this period. The

Greeks and Venetians practised it openly enough. Pope Zacharias

repurchased, in 748, many Christian slaves, who had been taken away

from Rome by Venetian merchants; the people of Verdun, as witnessed

by Lilprand, were about to sell to the Arabs of Spain some young boys

they had mutilated, and who were to serve as guards to the women of

seraglios.[163] Besides, the fate of the young Crusaders who embarked

at Marseilles, and found degradation and slavery instead of the sacred

soil promised to their blind zeal, is attested by two contemporary

writers, worthy of perfect confidence: these are the illustrious

Thomas de Champré[164] and Roger Bacon.[165] I do not then perceive

any reasonable doubt that can be raised against this fact, but I find

in it a fresh example of human cupidity, which sacrifices, in order

to satisfy its cravings, that which nature and religion hold most

sacred.—Receive, Monsieur, &c. &c.

_No. 29._

_A Letter from Pope Innocent III._[166]

Now that motives more pressing than ever call Christians to the

assistance of the Holy Land, and that we have reason to expect, from

the present aid, more fortunate results than have been hitherto

obtained, we again raise our voice, and make you to hear our cries

in the name of Him who, when dying, cried with a loud voice from the

cross, and who carried obedience towards God, his father, so far as

to die upon the cross, crying in order to drag us from the torments

of an eternal death; who cried also by himself, and said: “If any

one desires to come with me, let him entirely renounce himself, let

him take up his cross, and follow me.” This is as if he said in a

more manifest manner, Let him who desires to follow me to the crown,

follow me also to the fight, which is now proposed to all to serve as

a trial. There is no doubt that the Omnipotent God was able, if it

had been his will, to prevent this land falling into the hands of the

enemies; he is able even now, if it were his will, to wrest it from

them easily; since nothing can resist his will. But as iniquity was

carried almost to its height, and as the zeal of charity was chilled

in most, to arouse his faithful servants from the sleep of death, and

to recall to them the desire of life, he offers this conflict to them,

in order to prove their faith, like gold in the crucible; offering to

them in this, an opportunity, nay more, an assured pledge of obtaining

salvation. For this, they who shall have fought valiantly for him,

shall obtain of him a crown of happiness; but they who, in such a

pressing necessity, shall have drawn back from the service they owed

to the glory of the Lord, will deserve to hear, at the great day of

judgment, their just condemnation pronounced. What happy effects will

this holy enterprise produce! How many, turning towards penitence,

will range themselves under the standard of the cross, and will merit,

by their efforts, a crown of glory, who perhaps would have perished

in their iniquity, after having passed a life entirely consecrated

to carnal voluptuousness and to the frivolities of this world. This

is an old artifice of Jesus Christ, which he has deigned to repeat

in our days for the salvation of his faithful servants. In fact,

if any earthly monarch were driven by his enemies from his states,

would not, when he should have recovered them, such of his vassals

be condemned as infidels, and destined to all the punishments which

the greatly guilty deserve, as had not exposed for his sake, not only

their lives but their persons? In the same manner the King of Kings,

our Lord Jesus Christ, who has given you a body and a soul, and all

the other blessings you enjoy, will condemn you as guilty of black

ingratitude, and of the crime of infidelity, if you fail to march to

his succour at a time when he is in a manner driven from the kingdom

he has acquired by his blood. Let whoever then shall refuse, in this

pressing necessity, to hasten to the help of his Redeemer, know that

he will exhibit a criminal hardness, and that he will be grievously

guilty. If any one should be unjustly deprived of a portion, however

small, of the heritage of his fathers, soon, according to the usages

of the world, he would labour with all his strength to have this

injustice repaired, and to repel this violence; and would spare neither

his person nor his property, until he had succeeded in regaining all

that he had lost. What excuse, then, can he bring who shall have

declined some trifling labours to punish offences committed against his

Redeemer, and avenge the outrages he has received; and who, by sparing

his person and his goods, prevents the recovery of the places which

witnessed the passion and the resurrection of our Lord, in which God,

our king, deigned, some centuries ago, to operate, upon the earth,

the salvation of men? How, also, according to the divine precept, can

he love his neighbour as himself (as it is written), who knows that

his brethren, Christians in belief and in name, are groaning in the

prisons of the perfidious Saracens, and are suffering all the horrors

of the hardest captivity, and shall refuse to labour in an effective

manner for their deliverance, transgressing by this, this precept of

the natural law, which God has made known in his Gospel: “Do unto other

men that which you wish they should do unto you.” Are you ignorant,

that among these people, many thousands of Christians groan in slavery

and in chains, and are constantly subject to the most cruel tortures?

All the provinces now in the power of the Saracens were inhabited by

Christian nations till after the time of St. Gregory; but towards

that period, there arose a child of perdition, a false prophet, named

Mahomet, who, by the attractions of the joys of this world, and by the

bait of carnal voluptuousness, found means to seduce a great number

and turn them aside from the path of truth. Although his perfidy may

have triumphed up to the present day, we place, nevertheless, our

confidence in the Lord, who has hitherto so well inspired us, and we

hope that we shall soon see the end of this beast, of which, according

to the Apocalypse of St. John, “the number is included in six hundred

and sixty-six.” He will soon end by the operation of the Holy Ghost,

who will revive, with the fire of charity, the chilled hearts of the

faithful; and of these years, nearly six hundred have already passed

away. In addition to the other grave and considerable insults that the

perfidious Saracens have inflicted on our Redeemer on account of our

sins, lately, upon Mount Tabor, where he revealed to his disciples the

image of future glory, these same perfidious Saracens have erected a

fortress for the confusion of the Christian name. They hope, by means

of this fortress, easily to obtain possession of the city of Acre,

which is near to it, and afterwards invade, without the least obstacle,

the rest of the Holy Land, almost entirely destitute of strength

and means of defence. For this, then, my dear children in Christ,

change into sentiments of peace and love your brotherly dissensions

and discords, and let every one of you hasten to range himself under

the standard of the cross, without hesitating to expose his person

and his wealth for Him who offered up his soul for you, and shed his

blood for you. March with security, upon this holy expedition, certain

that if you are truly repentant, this short and transient labour

will be for you a certain means of obtaining life eternal. For us,

depositaries of the Divine mercy, and to whom has been transmitted

the authority of the blessed St. Peter and St. Paul, according to the

power which, although we were unworthy of it, God has given us to

bind and unbind, we grant, to all who shall undertake in person and

at their own expense this meritorious labour, the absolute pardon of

their sins, after they shall heartily have repented of them, and shall

have confessed them by word of mouth, and we give them the certain

hope, by this means, of obtaining more easily life everlasting. As

for those who, without assisting in person in the expedition, shall

contribute to it by sending, according to their rank and their means,

men fit for the purpose, in the same manner to those who shall go in

person, although at the expense of others, we grant to all pardon for

their sins. We grant the same pardon, in proportion with the extent of

their sacrifices and the fervour of their devotion, to those who shall

deprive themselves of a part of their worldly goods to provide for

the expenses of the enterprise. We equally take under the protection

of Saint Peter and of ourselves, the persons and the property of the

faithful, from the moment they shall receive the sign of the cross;

we place them under that of the archbishops and bishops, and all the

prelates of the Church; and we declare that no infringement shall be

made upon the possessions of the absent, until certain intelligence be

obtained of their death or of their return. If any one shall make an

attempt to do so, he shall be cited before the prelates of the Church,

and shall be subjected to ecclesiastical censure. If it should happen,

moreover, that any one of those who are disposed to set out for the

Holy Land, should be obliged, by oath to pay any usurious amounts,

we enjoin the prelates of the Church, to employ the same means to

force their creditors to liberate them from their oath, and to desist

from their usurious demands; and if it should happen that any one of

these creditors should undertake to force his debtor to the payment

of the usuries, let him incur the same censure, and be forced to make

restitution. As for the Jews, we order that they be forced, by the

secular power, to make remission of all usury to them who are going to

the Holy Land; and, until they have made that remission, they shall be

deprived, by means of excommunication, of all kinds of commerce with

Christians. But in order that the succour furnished to the Holy Land

should become less burdensome and more easy, from being levied upon

a greater number, we beg all the faithful in general, and every one

individually, in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost,

the only true, the only Eternal God, demanding in the name of Jesus

Christ and for Jesus Christ, of all archbishops, bishops, abbots, and

priors; of all chapters of churches, whether cathedral or conventual;

of all clerks, as well as of all cities, towns, and villages, to

furnish each, according to their faculties, the required number of

warriors, with everything necessary for their support for three years.

If, for this purpose, each individual contribution should appear

insufficient, several should be joined together; for we entertain no

doubt that enough persons will present themselves, if the means be

not wanting. We particularly request kings, princes, counts, barons,

and other wealthy men who do not assist in the expedition in person,

to contribute their part according to their means. As to maritime

cities, we require of them the assistance of vessels. And for fear

that we should appear to impose heavy and serious burdens upon others,

which we are unwilling to put our hand to ourselves, we declare in our

conscience, and before God, that all which we require of others we

will eagerly do ourselves. We have thought it our duty to state, with

respect to the clerks who shall form part of the expedition, that, all

contestation ceasing, they may, to that effect, pledge the revenues of

their benefices for three years. But as the succour which the Holy Land

requires may meet with many obstacles and delays, if, before conferring

the cross upon every one, it were necessary to stop to examine if he

were capable of performing personally all the obligations imposed by

such a vow, we consent that, regulars excepted, all who desire it

shall take the cross; and that, if reasons of a pressing necessity,

or of an evident utility require it, their vow may be, in virtue of

an apostolic mandatory letter, changed, redeemed, or deferred; and,

for the same reason, we revoke the pardons and indulgences granted by

us, up to this day, to those who offered to march against the Moors in

Spain, or against the heretics of Provence; particularly as they were

granted to them for a time which is now entirely passed away, and for

reasons which, in a great degree, have ceased to exist. For, with the

grace of God, these affairs have so progressed, that they no longer

require active measures; and if, by chance, they should again require

them, we should take care quickly to turn our attention towards them.

We grant, however, that the Provençals and Spaniards should still enjoy

these indulgences. Moreover, as corsairs and pirates greatly impede

the measures taken for the succour of the Holy Land, by seizing and

plundering those who are going thither, we excommunicate them, as well

as their principal accomplices and abettors; forbidding under pain of

anathema, any person, wittingly, to treat with them for any sale or any

purchase, and enjoining the governors of cities and places which they

inhabit, to reclaim them from this trade of iniquity, and put an end to

their brigandages. Besides, as not being willing to trouble the wicked

is nothing else but encouraging them; and as this is not foreign to the

manœuvres of a secret society which neglects to oppose these manifest

crimes, we cannot refrain from employing ecclesiastical severity

against the persons and the property of those who shall be in this

condition; because they would become no less dangerous to the Christian

name than the Saracens themselves. Moreover, we renew the sentence of

excommunication, passed in the Council of the Lateran, against those

who supply the Saracens with armour and weapons, or serve as pilots

to the corsairs of those nations; we declare also that they shall be

deprived of all they possess, and shall remain in slavery, if they

chance to fall into it. We order that this sentence be published in all

maritime cities, every Sunday and festival. But as we have much more to

look for from divine clemency than from human power, we must, in such a

conjuncture, contend less with corporeal arms than with spiritual arms;

therefore we order and decree, that once in every month there shall be

made, separately, a general procession of men, and in the same manner

separately, as much as possible, one of women, during which, with minds

filled with the spirit of humility, all will ask, with fervent prayers,

that it may please the divine mercy to remove from us opprobrium and

confusion, by delivering from the hands of pagans, that land upon which

all the mysteries of our redemption were effected, and by restoring it,

for the glory of the Omnipotent, to the Christian people. Care must

always be taken, in these processions, to make a fervent exhortation

to the people, and to repeat to them the name of the sign of our

salvation. To prayer must be added fasting and charity, in order that

they may be like wings to prayer, and carry it more easily and more

promptly to the pious ears of the Eternal, who will listen to us with

kindness in his own good time. Every day, likewise, at the solemn mass,

after the kiss of peace, at the moment in which the salutary host,

offered for the sins of the world, is upon the point of being consumed,

all present, men as well as women, shall prostrate themselves humbly

to the earth, and the clerks shall sing with a loud voice, the psalm,

_Deus venerunt gentes in hæreditatem tuam_; to which they shall add:

_Exurgat Deus et dissipentur inimici ejus; et fugiant à facie ejus qui

oderunt eum_. Then the officiating priest shall sing with a loud voice

upon the altar, the prayer, _Deus qui admirabile, &c._ In churches in

which the general procession shall assemble, care shall be taken to

place a _tronc_, which shall be fastened with three keys, one of which

shall remain in the hands of an honest priest, another in those of

a devout layman, and the third in those of a monk, that they may be

faithfully taken care of. It is in these troncs that clerks, laymen,

men, and women shall deposit the alms destined for the aid of the

Holy Land, according to the dispositions of those to whom these cares

shall have been confided. As to the departure and the voyage, which

should be made with modesty and order, we will, as yet, state nothing

regarding them until the army of the Lord shall have taken the cross.

But as all the circumstances are now prepared for, we will make all

the arrangements which may appear necessary, aided by the counsels of

wise and prudent men. To this effect, we have chosen our beloved son

De Sales, the late abbots of Novo Castro, C. dean of Spire, and the

guardian of the Augustines, all men of probity and known fidelity,

who, after having associated themselves with other worthy and honest

men, shall regulate and dispose, in our name, all that they shall deem

necessary for the success of this enterprise, causing their orders to

be faithfully and carefully executed by men fit for the business and

specially appointed to it. This, therefore, is why we pray you all,

we supplicate and conjure you, in the name of the Lord, command you

by this present apostolic letters, and enjoin you by the authority of

the Holy Ghost, to take care to prove, on every occasion, to these

legates of Jesus Christ, by your eagerness to furnish them with all

things necessary, that they will find, by you and in you, the means of

attaining the so much desired end.

_No. 30._

_Poetry of the Troubadours for the Crusades._

See how great is the folly of him who remains here! Does not Jesus

command his apostles to follow him, and that he who should follow him

should leave his friends and his wealthy abode? The time is come to

obey this order: he who dies beyond the seas is more happy than if he

lived; and he who lives on this side of them is more unfortunate than

if he died. What is a cowardly, shameful life worth? Ah! he who dies

generously triumphs over death itself, and lives again in felicity.

* * * * *

Let him cease to boast of being brave, the knight who does not

arm to succour both the cross and the sacred tomb! Yes, with rich

equipments, with valour, with courtesy, and with all that is fair and

irreproachable, we cannot obtain glory and happiness in paradise. What

more could counts and kings require, if, by honourable deeds, they

could redeem themselves from hell and from fire eternal, in which so

many wretches would live tormented for ever?

Whoever is forced by old age or sickness to remain at home, let him

give his money to those who are willing to take arms: it is a good

deed to send another in your place; particularly when you are not kept

back by cowardice. Ah! at the day of judgment, what will they answer

who have remained at home? God will appear, and will say: “False men!

men full of cowardice! for your sakes I died, for your sakes I was

scourged.” Then, the just man himself, will he be without fear?—(Pons

de Capducil: _Er nos sia_.)

I would that the king of France and the king of England were at peace!

Certes, God would greatly honour him of the two who should consent

the first, and would never forget his merits. Yes, that king would

be crowned in heaven. Ah! why are the king of Apulia and the emperor

not friends and brothers, until the holy tomb be recovered? Are they

ignorant that the pardon they grant here, they themselves shall obtain

at the day of the great judgment?—(Pons de Capducil: _En honor_.)

What mourning! what despair! what tears! when God shall say, “Go,

wretches, go into hell, where you shall be tormented for ever in

tortures, in agonies. This is your punishment for not having believed

that I underwent a cruel passion: I died for you, and you have

forgotten it.” But they who, in the crusade, shall meet with death,

will be able to say, “And we, Lord, we died for thee.”—(Folquet de

Romans: _Quan lo dous_.)

To-day will the brave, the gallant, and the courageous show themselves;

it will be their audacity and their bravery that will distinguish them:

this is the moment to display skill and valour. God calls, he himself

calls, he chooses true knights, he who knows them, and he rejects the

base who are wanting in courage and faith: it is the valiant alone whom

his mercy will distinguish.—(Pierre d’Auvergne: _Lo Senhor_.)

The time is come, the day is arrived, in which it will be put to the

test who are the men worthy of serving the Eternal: he calls, but he

only calls upon the gallant and the brave. They shall be ever his,

who, knowing faithfully how to suffer, devote themselves, and fight,

shall be full of frankness, generosity, courtesy, and loyalty. Let the

cowardly and the avaricious remain where they are; God only wants the

good: he is willing that they should save themselves by their own high

deeds. What a worthy and glorious salvation!

If ever William Malespine appeared brave among us, he has now furnished

God himself with the proof of it; he took the cross the first, he took

the cross voluntarily, to deliver the holy sepulchre and the sacred

heritage. What shame! how wrong it is of the kings and the emperor that

they do not deign to conclude treaties and truces with one another, in

order to be able to succour the kingdom of the law, the holy light,

and the tomb and the cross which the Turks have so long retained.

The repetition alone of this disaster overwhelms us with profound

sadness—(Aimerie de Peguilhan: _Evas pana_.)

* * * * *

It will soon be known what gallant men entertain the noble ambition of

meriting the glory of this world and the glory of God. Yes, they may

obtain the one and the other, they who devote themselves to the pious

pilgrimage to deliver the holy tomb. Great God, what grief! the Turks

have assailed and profaned it! Let us be sensible, even to the depths

of our hearts, of this mortal disgrace; let us clothe ourselves with

the sign of the Crusaders, let us pass over the seas; we have a safe

and courageous guide, the sovereign pontiff Innocent himself.

Yes, every one is invited thither, every one is required; let every

one march forward and cross himself in the name of that God who was

crucified between two thieves, when he was so unjustly condemned by

the Jews. If we still set a value on loyalty and bravery, we must

fear the opprobrium of leaving Christ thus disinherited; but we love,

we wish for that which is evil, and despise that which would be good

and useful. But what! life, in our countries, is for us, nothing but

a continual danger; and death, in the Holy Land, is for us eternal

happiness.

Ah! ought we to hesitate to suffer death in the service of God, of

that God who deigned to suffer for our deliverance! Yes, they shall be

saved with St. Andrew, they who shall march towards Mount Tabor: let no

one feel dread in the passage of this fleshly death. That which is to

be feared is spiritual death, which delivers us up to the place where

there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth, as St. Matthew shows and

assures us.

Signor, saciez-tu or ne s’en ira

En cele terre u diex fu mors et vis,

Et ki la crois d’outre mer ne prendra

A paines mais ira en Paradis:

Ki a en soi pitié et ramembrance

Au haut Seignor, doit guerre sa vengeance,

Et delivrer sa terre et son pays....

Or s’en iront cil vaillant bacheler

Ki aiment Dieu et l’oneur de cest mont

Ki sagement voilent à Dieu aler,

Et li morveux, li cendreus demourront:

Avugle sunt, de ce ne dont je mie,

Ki au secours ne font Dieu en sa vie

Et por si poc pert la gloire del mont.

Diex se laissa per nos en crois pener;

Et nous dira au jour où tuit venront:

“Vos, ki ma crois m’aidâtes à porfer,

Vos en irez là où li angele sont;

Là me verrez, et ma Mère Marie;

Et vos, par qui je n’oi onques aie,

Descendez tuit en enfer le parfont.”[167]

—Thibault, king of Navarre. He took the cross in 1236; he set out from

Marseilles in the month of August, 1238 or 1239.

_No. 31._

_Upon the Funeral Ceremonies of the Prussians._

When a man, particularly a noble, died, he was placed upon a seat in

the midst of his family and his friends, who said to him, “Hilloa!

hadst thou not a comfortable house and a handsome wife, why didst

thou die? Hadst thou not large flocks, horses of speed, and dogs of

sure scent? What has driven thee from the world?” They then spread

out the riches of the dead man, asking him the same questions; and

as he made them no answer, those who were present charged him with

messages to their deceased friends and relations.[168] They made the

defunct funeral presents: for the men, this was a sword, to defend

them against their enemies; for the women, it was a needle and thread,

with which they might mend their clothes during their long voyage. The

poor were buried, the rich were consumed upon a funeral pile.[169] The

relations accompanied the convoy on horseback, sword in hand, uttering

cries to drive away evil spirits. When arrived at the place of the

ceremony, the cortège went three times round the pile, repeating these

words: “Hilloa! why hast thou quitted life?” With the dead they burnt

household goods, horses, dogs, falcons, everything which had ministered

to the wants or pleasures of the deceased upon earth; sometimes even

the wives, and the slaves who were attached to him, were cast into

the lighted pile. Panegyrists, whom they called _talissons_[170] and

_ligastons_, pronounced the eulogy of the dead; and whilst the flames

ascended towards the heavens, they fancied they beheld him in the

clouds, mounted upon a white horse, clad in brilliant armour, holding

three stars in the right hand, a falcon on the left hand, and advancing

towards another world in all the splendour of power and glory.

_No. 32._

_Letter from the Count of Artois upon the taking of Damietta._

To his very excellent and very dear mother, Blanche, by the grace of

God, illustrious queen of France, Robert, Count d’Artois, her devoted

son, salutation, filial piety, and a will always obedient to hers.

As you take much interest in our prosperity, in that of ours and of

the Christian people, when you shall learn them with certainty, your

excellence will no doubt rejoice to know that the lord, our brother

and king, the queen and her sister, and ourselves also, are enjoying,

thanks to God, perfect health. We ardently desire that you may be in

the enjoyment of the like. Our dear brother, the Count of Anjou, is

still afflicted with his quartan fever, but it is less violent than it

was. The lord, our brother, with the barons and pilgrims who passed

the winter in the isle of Cyprus, assembled on board their vessels,

at the port of Limisso, on the evening of the Ascension, in order to

proceed against the enemies of the Christian faith. After much labour,

and much opposition on the part of the winds, they arrived, under the

guardianship of God, on the Friday after Trinity, and towards mid-day,

upon the coast, where, having cast anchor, they assembled in the king’s

vessel, to deliberate upon what was to be done. As they saw before them

Damietta, and the port guarded by a great multitude of barbarians, on

horseback as well as on foot, and the mouth of the river covered with

a great number of armed vessels, it was resolved that on the following

day, all should land with our lord the king.

On the morrow, the Christian army, leaving the large vessels, descended

into the galleys and small boats. Full of confidence in the mercy of

God, and in the succour of the holy cross, which the legate carried

near the king, they directed their course towards the shore and

against the enemy, who launched a great number of arrows against them.

Nevertheless, as the small boats, on account of the too great depth of

the sea, could not gain the shore, the Christian army, leaving their

boats to the care of Providence, threw themselves into the sea, and

gained land, although loaded with their armour. Although a multitude of

Turks defended the shores against the Christians, nevertheless, thanks

to our Lord Jesus Christ, the latter made themselves masters of it

without loss, and killed a great number of the horse and foot soldiers,

and some, as we hear, of great name. The Saracens retreated into the

city, which was well fortified by the river, its walls and strong

towers; but the All-Powerful Lord gave it up, on the next day, which

was the octave of the Trinity, to the Christian army; the Saracens

flying away, after having abandoned it. This was done by the favour of

God alone. Know that these same Saracens have left the city full of

provisions of all kinds, and of machines of war. The Christian army,

after having fully supplied itself, left half for the provisioning of

the city. The king, our lord, has sojourned there with his army, and,

during his sojourn, has caused to be brought from the vessels all he

requires. We have thought it best to remain here till the retreat of

the waters of the Nile, which will, as we hear, inundate the country,

and would cause great losses in the Christian army.

The countess of Anjou was confined in the isle of Cyprus, of a fine

well-made boy, whom she has left at nurse there. Given at the camp of

_Jamas_, in the year of our Lord 1249, in the month of June, and on the

eve of St. John the Baptist.

_No. 33._

_Letter of St. Louis upon his Captivity and Deliverance._

Louis, by the grace of God, king of the French, to his beloved and

faithful prelates, barons, warriors, citizens, burgesses, and all the

other inhabitants of his kingdom, to whom these present letters may

come, salutation!

For the honour and glory of the name of God, desiring, with all our

soul, to pursue the enterprise of the crusade, we have thought proper

to inform you all that after the taking of Damietta, which our Lord

Jesus Christ, by his ineffable mercy, as by miracle, gave up to the

power of the Christians, as you have no doubt learnt, by the advice

of our council, we set out from that city the 20th day of the month

of November last. Our armies of land and sea were united; we marched

against that of the Saracens, which was gathered together, and encamped

in a place vulgarly called Mansourah. During our march, we sustained

the attack of the enemy, who constantly experienced considerable loss.

Upon one day among others, many men belonging to the Egyptian army, who

came to attack ours, were killed. We learnt by the way that the Sultan

of Cairo had just terminated his unhappy life; that before dying he

sent for his son, who was in the eastern provinces, and made all the

officers of his army take the oath of fidelity to this prince; and that

he had left the command of all his troops to one of his emirs, named

Fakr-eddin. Upon our arrival at the spot I have named, we found the

news true. It was on the Thursday before the festival of Christmas that

we arrived there; but we were not able to approach the Saracens, on

account of a stream of water, which was between the two armies, called

the river Thanis, a stream which separates itself at this spot from the

great river of the Nile. We placed our camp between these two rivers,

and it extended from the greater to the lesser one. We had there some

engagements with the Saracens, who had many of their men killed by

the swords of ours, but a great number of them were drowned in the

waters. As the Thanis was not fordable, on account of the deepness of

its waters, and the height of its banks, we began to throw a causeway

across it, in order to open a passage for the Christian army; we worked

at it for many days with great labour, dangers, and expense. The

Saracens opposed all the efforts of our toil: they built machines to

act against our machines; and they broke to pieces with stones, and

burned with their Greek fire the towers and timbers which we placed

upon the causeway. We had almost lost all hope of passing over by means

of the causeway, when a Saracen fugitive informed us of a ford by which

the Christian army might cross the river. Having called together our

barons, and the principal leaders of the army, on the Monday before

Ash-Wednesday, it was resolved that on the following day, that is to

say, the day of Carême penant (three days before Lent), we should

repair early in the morning to the place pointed out for crossing the

river, leaving a small part of the army to guard the camp. The next

day, having ranged our troops in order of battle, we proceeded to the

ford, and crossed the river, not without incurring great dangers; for

the ford was deeper and more difficult than it had been represented to

us. Our horses were obliged to swim, and it was not easy to get out of

the river, on account of the elevation of the banks, which were besides

very muddy. When we had crossed the river, we arrived at the place

where the Saracens had raised machines in face of our causeway. Our

vanguard, attacking the enemy, killed a vast many people, and spared

neither sex nor age. Among the number, the Saracens lost a general

and several emirs. Our troops having afterwards dispersed themselves

over the country, some of our soldiers passed through the camp of the

enemy, and arrived at the village named Mansourah, killing all they met

with; but the Saracens perceiving the imprudence of our men, resumed

their courage, and fell upon them, surrounding them on all sides, and

overwhelming them with numbers. A great carnage ensued of our barons

and warriors, ecclesiastics as well as others, whom we have with reason

deplored, and whose loss we still continue to deplore. There we lost

also our brave and illustrious brother, the count d’Artois, worthy

of eternal remembrance. It is with bitterness of heart we recall the

memory of that painful loss, although we ought to rejoice at it; for

we believe and hope that having received the crown of martyrdom, he is

gone into the heavenly country, and that he there enjoys the reward

accorded to holy martyrs. On that day the Saracens pouring down upon

us from all parts, and piercing our troops with showers of arrows, we

withstood their fierce assaults till the ninth hour, although we were

entirely without the assistance of our cross-bowmen.[171] In the end,

after having a great number of our warriors and horses killed and

wounded, with the help of our Lord, we preserved our position, and

having rallied, we went that same day and pitched our tents close to

the machines of the Saracens. We remained there with a small number

of our people, and made a bridge of boats, that those who were on the

other side of the river might come to us. The next day many of them

crossed, and encamped near us. Then the machines of the Saracens being

destroyed, our soldiers were able to go and come freely, and safely,

from one army to the other, over the bridge of boats. On the following

Friday, the children of perdition having collected their forces from

all parts, with the intention of exterminating the Christian army, came

to attack our lines, with much audacity, and with infinite numbers.

The shock was so terrible on both sides, that it is said never was

such a one beheld on these shores. With the help of God, we stood our

ground on all sides; we repulsed the enemy, and made a great number

of them fall beneath our blows. At the end of a few days, the son

of the late Sultan, returning from the eastern provinces, arrived

at Mansourah. The Egyptians received him as their master, and with

transports of joy. His arrival redoubled their courage; but from that

moment, we know not by what judgment of God, everything on our side

went contrary to our desires. A contagious disease broke out in our

army, and carried off men and animals, in such a manner that there were

very few who had not to regret companions or attend upon the sick. The

Christian army was, in a very short time, much diminished. There was

such a scarcity of food, that many died of want and hunger; for the

boats of Damietta could not bring to the army the provisions embarked

upon the river, because the vessels of pirates and of the enemy cut

off the passage. They even captured many of our boats, and afterwards

took, successively, two caravans, which were bringing us provisions,

and killed a great number of sailors and others who formed part of it.

The extreme scarcity of food and forage spread desolation and terror

throughout the army, and with the losses we had experienced, forced us

to quit our position, and to return to Damietta, if it were the will

of God; but _as the ways of man are not within himself, but in Him who

directs his steps, and disposes all things according to his will_,

whilst we were on the road, that is to say, the 5th of the month of

April, the Saracens, having got together all their forces, attacked the

Christian army, and by the permission of God, and on account of our

sins, we fell into the power of the enemy. We and our dear brothers,

the counts of Anjou and Poictiers, and the others who were returning

with us by land, were all taken prisoners. The greater part of those

who were returning by the river were, in the same manner, either taken

prisoners or killed. The vessels on which they were aboard were mostly

burnt with the sick who were in them. Some days after our captivity,

the sultan proposed a truce to us; he demanded earnestly, but without

threats, that Damietta and all that it contained should be given up to

him without delay; and that he should be indemnified for all the losses

and all the expenses he had incurred up to that day, from the moment

the Christians entered Damietta. After many conferences, we concluded a

truce with him for ten years, on the following conditions:—

The sultan will deliver from prison, and allow to go whither we will,

ourselves and all that have been made prisoners since our arrival in

Egypt, and all other Christians, of whatever country they may be,

who have been made prisoners since the sultan Kamel, grandfather of

the present sultan, made a truce with the emperor; the Christians

retaining in peace all the lands they possessed in the kingdom of

Jerusalem, at the time of our arrival. On our part, we consent to give

up Damietta, with eight hundred thousand Saracen byzants, for the

liberty of the prisoners, and for the losses and expenses of which we

have just spoken (we have already paid four hundred), and to deliver

all Saracen prisoners which the Christians have made since we have been

in Egypt, as well as those who had been made captives in the kingdom of

Jerusalem, since the truce concluded between the aforesaid sultan and

the aforesaid emperor. All our household goods, and those of all others

who were at Damietta, shall be, after our departure, placed under

the care of the sultan, and be transported into the country of the

Christians when an opportunity shall offer itself. All the Christian

sick, and those who shall remain at Damietta to sell what they possess

there, shall be in equal safety, and shall depart either by land or

by sea, when they shall please, without obstacle or molestation.—The

sultan was bound to give safe conduct to the countries of the

Christians to those who should wish to depart by land.

This truce, concluded with the sultan, had just been sworn to on

both sides, and the sultan had already set forward on his march to

go with his army to Damietta, and fulfil the conditions which had

been stipulated, when, by a judgment of God, some Saracen warriors,

doubtless with the connivance of the greater part of the army, rushed

upon the sultan at the moment he was rising from table, and wounded him

severely. The sultan, in spite of this, came out of his tent, hoping

to be able to escape by flight; but he was killed by sword-cuts, in

presence of almost all the emirs, and of a multitude of other Saracens.

After this many Saracens, in the first moments of their fury, came

with arms in their hands to our tent, as if they wished, and as many

among us feared, to slay both us and the other Christians; but divine

clemency having calmed their fury, they pressed us to execute the

conditions of the truce. Their words and their requests were, however,

mingled with terrible threats: at last, by the will of God, who is the

father of mercies, the consoler of the afflicted, and who listens to

the lamentations of his servants, we confirmed by a new oath the truce

which we had made with the sultan. We received from all, and from each

one in particular of them, a similar oath, sworn according to their

law, to observe the conditions of the truce. The time was fixed for the

giving up of the prisoners and the city of Damietta. It had not been

without difficulty that we agreed with the sultan for the giving up of

that place; it was not without difficulty again that we agreed afresh

with the emirs. As we could have no hopes of holding it, after what we

were told by those who came back from Damietta, and who knew the true

state of things; by the advice of the barons of France, and of many

others, we judged it would be better for Christendom, that we and the

other prisoners should be delivered by means of a truce, than to retain

that city with the remains of the Christians that were in it, ourselves

and the others remaining prisoners, exposed to all the dangers of such

a captivity. For this reason, on the day fixed, the emirs received the

city of Damietta, after which they set us at liberty, ourselves, our

brothers, the counts of Flanders, Brittany, and Soissons, and many

other barons and warriors of the kingdoms of France, Jerusalem, and

Cyprus. We had then a firm hope that they would render up and deliver

all the other Christians, and that, according to the tenor of the

treaty, they would keep their oaths.

This done, we quitted Egypt; after having left the persons charged

to receive the prisoners from the hands of the Saracens, and to take

care of the things we could not bring away, for want of vessels to

convey them in. Upon our arrival here, we sent vessels and commissaries

into Egypt, to bring away the prisoners; for the deliverance of these

prisoners is the object of all our solicitude; and the other things

which we had left behind, such as the machines, arms, tents, a certain

number of horses, and several other articles; but the emirs detained

our commissaries a long time at Cairo, to whom they have, at length,

only delivered four hundred prisoners out of twelve thousand that there

are in Egypt. Some of these were only liberated upon the payment of

money. As to the other things, the emirs would restore nothing; but

what is most odious, after the truce concluded and sworn to, according

to the account of our commissaries and captives worthy of credit, who

have returned from that country, they have chosen from among their

prisoners some young men, whom they have forced, the sword held

over their heads, to abjure the Catholic faith, and embrace the law

of Mahomet, which many have had the weakness to do; but others, like

courageous athletes, rooted in their faith, and constantly persisting

in their firm resolution, have not been moved by either the threats or

the blows of the enemies, and have received the crown of martyrdom.

Their blood, we do not doubt, cries to the Lord for the Christian

people; they will be, in the heavenly court, our advocates before the

Sovereign Judge; and they will be more useful to us in that country

than if we had been able to keep them upon earth. The Mussulmans

likewise slaughtered many Christians who were left sick in Damietta.

Although we should have observed the conditions of the treaty that we

have made with them, and were always ready to observe them, we had no

certainty of seeing the Christian prisoners delivered, or of having

that restored which belonged to us. When the truce was concluded, and

our deliverance had taken place, we had a firm confidence that the

country beyond the sea, occupied by the Christians, would remain in a

state of peace until the expiration of the truce; and we had both the

desire and the intention to return to France. We were already making

preparations for our passage; but when we clearly perceived, by that

which we have just related, that the emirs were openly violating the

truce, and, in contempt of their oath, did not fear to make a sport of

us and Christendom, we assembled the barons of France, the prelates,

the knights of the Temple, of the Hospital, of the Teutonic order, and

the barons of the kingdom of Jerusalem, and we consulted with them

upon what was best to be done. The greater number were of opinion that

if we were to return at this moment, and abandon this country, which

we were upon the point of losing, it would be exposing it entirely to

the attacks of the Saracens, particularly in the state of misery and

weakness to which it was reduced, and we might consider the deliverance

of the Christian prisoners now in the power of the enemy, as lost and

hopeless. If, on the contrary, we remained, we had hopes that time

would bring about something favourable, such as the deliverance of

the captives, the preservation of the castles, and the fortresses

of the kingdom of Jerusalem, and other advantages for Christendom;

particularly as discord had sprung up between the sultan of Aleppo

and those who governed at Cairo. The sultan has already, after

gathering together his armies, got possession of Damascus, and some

castles belonging to the sovereign of Cairo. It is said he is about

to come into Egypt, to avenge the death of the sultan, whom the emirs

killed, and to make himself master, if he can, of all the country. In

consequence of these considerations and compassionating the miseries

and degradation of the Holy Land, we who came to succour it, pitying

the captivity and the sorrows of our prisoners, although many dissuade

us from remaining longer beyond the seas, we have preferred putting off

our passage, and continuing still some time in Syria, to abandoning

entirely the cause of Christ, and leaving our prisoners exposed to so

many and such great dangers. But we have determined upon sending back

into France our dear brothers, the counts of Poictiers and Anjou, for

the consolation of our dear lady and mother, and of the whole kingdom.

As all those who bear the name of Christian ought to be filled with

zeal for the enterprise we have formed, and you in particular, who are

descended from the blood of those whom the Lord chose as a privileged

people, for the conquest of the Holy Land, which you ought to look upon

as your property, we invite you all to serve Him who served you upon

the cross, shedding his blood for your salvation; for this criminal

nation, in addition to the blasphemies they vomited in the presence of

Christian people against the Creator, beat the cross with rods, spat

upon it, and trampled it under-foot, in hatred of the Christian faith.

Courage, then, soldiers of Christ! arm, and be ready to avenge these

outrages and these affronts. Take example of your ancestors, who

distinguished themselves among all nations by their devotion, by the

sincerity of their faith, and filled the universe with the fame of

their noble actions. We have gone before you in the service of God.

Come and join us. Although you arrive late, you will receive from the

Lord the recompense which the father of the family, in the Gospel,

accorded without distinction to the labourers who came to labour in the

vineyard at the end of the day, as to the labourers who came at the

beginning of it. They who shall come, or who shall send succour whilst

we are here, will obtain, in addition to the indulgences promised to

Crusaders, the favour of God and of man. Make, then, your preparations,

and let them whom the virtue of the Most High shall inspire to either

come themselves or send assistance, be ready by the month of April or

of May next. As for such as cannot be prepared for the first passage,

let them at least be in a situation to make that which will take place

about the festival of St. John. The nature of the enterprise requires

promptness, and every delay must produce fatal consequences. For you,

prelates and others, faithful servants of Christ, help our cause with

the Most High by the fervour of your prayers; order it so that this be

done in all places under your direction, so that they may obtain for us

from divine clemency the blessings of which our sins render us unworthy.

_Done at Acre, the year of our Lord 1250, in the month of August_

_No. 34._

_A List of the Great Officers or Knights who followed St. Louis to

Tunis, according to Agreements entered into between them and the King,

in the year 1269, as set forth in the Manuscript from which this List

is taken; which Manuscript was inherited by M. Malet de Graville,

formerly Admiral, and was printed at the end of the Preface to the_

History of St. Louis, _by Joinville, edition of the Louvre_.

Monseigneur de Valery is to go himself, and thirty knights, and the

king is to give him eight thousand livres Tournois, and he is to have

food for his horses of the king during the passage; but they shall

not be fed at court (_n’auront pas bouche à court_), and shall remain

a year, he and his people, which year shall commence as soon as they

shall have arrived on dry land; and if it should so happen that by

agreement or by the accidents of the sea they should sojourn in some

island with the king, by which they should remain with the sea behind

them, the year shall commence with their sojourn, and the knights must

be paid half of their dues when the year begins, and the other half

when the first half shall have passed away; and if it be required to

know what shall be allowed to each banneret, it is to be two horses;

and to each knight not a banneret, one horse; and the horses to carry

the groom who shall take care of them; so that grooms have six horses

each in charge.[172] The constable shall go likewise, he and fifteen

knights, upon the same condition as the sieur de Valery, but he shall

only receive four thousand livres Tournois of the king.

Monseigneur Florent de Varannes, the admiral, shall go also upon the

same conditions, himself and twelve knights, and shall receive of the

king three thousand two hundred livres Tournois.

Monsieur Raoul d’Estrées, the marshal, shall go also on the same

conditions, himself and six knights, and shall receive sixteen hundred

livres Tournois.

Monseigneur Launcelot de St. Marc, marshal, shall go on the same

conditions, himself and five knights, and shall have fourteen hundred

livres Tournois.

Monsieur Pierre de Moleines shall go, himself and five knights, on the

same conditions, except that he and his companions shall eat at court,

and shall receive of the king fourteen hundred livres Tournois, and

four hundred livres as a gift.

Monsieur Collart de Moleines, his brother, shall go on the same

conditions, and in the same manner as Monsieur Pierre, his brother.

Monsieur Gilles de la Tournerelle shall go, himself and four knights,

on the same conditions, and shall eat at court.

Monsieur Malry de Roie shall go, himself and eight knights, on these

same conditions, and shall eat at court, and shall have two thousand

livres, and two hundred livres separately for himself.

Monsieur Gerard de Mortroise shall go, himself and ten knights, to

receive three thousand livres Tournois.

Monsieur Raoul de Neele, himself and fifteen knights, to receive four

thousand livres Tournois, and shall eat at their own expense (_à son

hostel_).

Monseigneur Almaury de Meulane, himself and fifteen knights, four

thousand livres Tournois, and shall eat at their own expense.

Monsieur Ausoat d’Offemont, himself and ten knights, twenty-six hundred

livres Tournois, and shall eat at the expense of the king (_en l’hostel

du roy_).

Raoul de Flamant, six knights; Baldwin de Longueval, four knights;

Louis de Beangen, ten knights; Jean de Ville, four knights; Malry de

Tournelle, four knights; William de Courtenay, ten knights; William de

Patay, himself and his brother, with many others, all receiving pay in

proportion to the number of their knights, and all eating at the king’s

expense (_en l’hostel du roy_).

The archbishop of Rheims to receive 1,111 m. l.

The bishop of Lengres to receive 1,111 m. l., with a vessel for his

thirty-two knights.

Monsieur Robert de Bois-Gencelin, quite alone, one hundred and sixty

livres, to eat at the king’s expense. Pierre de Sanz, Etienne Gauche,

Macy Delene, all the same, that is, quite alone, one hundred and sixty

livres, or, as the text is, eight twenty livres each, and eat at the

king’s expense.

Monsieur Gilles de Mailley, himself and ten knights, three thousand

livres, and passage and return for his horses; eat at court.

Monsieur Ytien de Morignac, himself and five knights, twelve hundred

livres, and passage and return for his horses; eat at court.

The Fourrier de Vernail, for himself and four knights, twelve hundred

livres, and eat at the king’s expense.

Monsieur Guillaume de Fresne, ten knights, twenty-six hundred livres,

and eat at the king’s expense. The count de Guynes, exactly the same.

The count de St. Pol, himself and thirty knights, for passage and

return of horses, for eating and for all other things, twelve thousand

livres, and two thousand private gift.

Monsieur Lambert des Limons, himself and ten knights in the pay of the

king, that is to say, to each, ten sols Tournois per diem, and shall

not eat at court,—amounts to eighteen hundred and twenty-five livres.

Monsieur Gerard de Campandu, himself and fifteen knights in the king’s

pay, shall not eat at court, as with M. Lambert, two thousand seven

hundred and thirty-seven livres ten sols Tournois.

Monsieur Raymond Alan, himself and five knights, at the king’s pay,

amounts to nine hundred and twelve livres ten sols Tournois.

Monsieur Jehan de Debeines, himself and ten knights, three thousand

livres, and passage and return for six horses, shall eat at court.

The mareschal de Champagne shall go, with ten knights, and shall

receive nothing of the king.

Monsieur Gaillard Darle, himself and five, in the king’s pay, nine

hundred and twelve livres ten sols.

Monsieur Guillame de Flandres, himself and twenty knights, six thousand

livres, and passage and return for his horses, and shall eat at court.

Monsieur Aubert de Longueval, himself and five knights, eleven hundred

livres, passage and return for horses, and eat at court.

_No. 35._

_Instructions of St. Louis, addressed, on his Death-bed, to

Philip-le-Hardi._[173]

Dear Son,—As it is the most earnest desire of my heart that thou

shouldst be well informed on all subjects, I think thou mayest derive

much instruction from this writing; often having heard thee say that

thou retainest better that which proceeds from me than from any other

person.

Dear Son, my first instruction to thee is, that thou shouldst love

God with all thy heart and with all thy power, for without that all

that thou doest is nothing worth: thou shouldst avoid all things that

thou thinkest may displease him, and which are within thy power, and

particularly thou shouldst have so strong a resolution that thou

wouldst not commit a mortal sin for anything that could happen to thee,

and that thou wouldst suffer all thy members to be hacked off, and thy

life taken away by the most cruel martyrdom, rather than knowingly

commit a mortal sin.

If our Lord should afflict thee with any persecution, malady, or other

thing, thou shouldst suffer cheerfully, and thank him for it and be

pleased; for thou must think that he hath done it for thy good, and

thou must further think that thou hast merited it, and more still if it

be his will; because thou hast but too little served him, or too little

loved him, and because thou hast done many things against his will.

If our Lord shall please to send thee any prosperity, health of body,

or other thing, thou shouldst thank him humbly, and shouldst take great

care not debase thyself by pride, or any other offence; for it is a

great sin to wage war against the Lord with his own gifts.

Dear Son, I advise thee to confess frequently, and always to choose a

confessor of holy life and sufficient knowledge, by whom thou mayest be

instructed upon the things thou shouldst shun and upon the things thou

shouldst do; and bear thyself in such a manner that thy confessors and

friends may dare boldly to instruct and reprove thee.

Dear Son, I advise thee to hear willingly the service of the Holy

Church, and when thou art in the chapel, beware of daring to utter vain

words. Repeat thy orisons with earnest attention, either by mouth or by

thought, and be particularly observant when the body of our Lord shall

be present at the mass.

_Dear Son, have a compassionate heart for the poor, and for those whom

thou thinkest are enduring sufferings of either heart or body, and

according to thy power comfort them willingly with consolation or with

alms._ If thou art sick at heart, tell it to thy confessor, or any

other person whom thou thinkest to be loyal and can keep thy secret:

_in order that thou mayest be ever at peace, never do anything that

thou canst not tell of_.

Dear Son, entertain willingly the company of good men, whether

religious or secular, but eschew the company of the wicked; hold

willingly good conversation (parlements) with the good, and willingly

hear our Lord spoken of in sermons; and in private seek earnestly for

pardon. Love good in others, and hate evil, and never suffer words

to be spoken in thy presence that may lead people to sin, never hear

willingly others spoken ill of, or any words that may disparage our

Lord, or our Lady, or the saints. Never suffer any such speech without

reproving it; and if it should proceed from a clerk, or so great a

person that thou canst not punish him, cause it to be told to him who

can inflict justice for it.

Dear Son, take care that thou beest so good in everything, that it may

appear thou art grateful for the blessings and honours that God has

heaped upon thee, so that if it please our Lord that thou shouldst

come to the honour of governing the kingdom, thou mayest be worthy to

receive the holy unction with which the kings of France are consecrated.

Dear Son, if thou shouldst attain the kingdom, take care to possess the

qualities which belong to kings; that is to say, be so just as never

to swerve from justice, whatever may happen to thee. _If a quarrel

should arise between a poor man and a rich man, take the part of the

poor man against the rich man, until thou shalt ascertain the truth,

and when thou shalt know it, do justice._ If it should so happen that

thou shouldst have a dispute with another person, maintain the cause

of the stranger before thy council: do not appear to be too forward in

thy quarrel, until thou shalt be certain of the truth; for those of thy

council might fear to speak against thee, which thou oughtest not to

desire.

Dear Son, if thou learnest that thou art possessed of anything

wrongfully, either in thy own time or in that of thy ancestors,

immediately restore it, however great the matter may be, in land,

money, or other property. If the affair be obscure, so that thou canst

not arrive at the truth, make such peace, according to the advice of

worthy men, that thy soul or that of thy ancestors may be entirely

freed from it: and if ever thou hearest that thy ancestors have made

any restitution, take great pains to learn whether nothing still

remains to be restored; and if thou findest there is, make restitution

instantly, for the good of thy soul and that of thy ancestors.

Be diligent to protect in thy territories all kinds of people,

particularly persons belonging to the holy Church; defend them from

injury both in their persons and their property, and I hereupon remind

thee of a saying of King Philip, one of my ancestors, as one of his

council has told me he heard him speak it. The king was one day with

his privy council, and some of his counsellors said that the clerks did

him great wrong, and they wondered that he suffered it. He replied: “I

believe that they do me great wrong; but when I think of the honours

our Lord has conferred on me, I by far prefer suffering my loss or

injury, to doing anything which might create a misunderstanding between

me and the holy Church.” I repeat this to thee, that thou mayest not

lightly believe those who speak against persons connected with the holy

Church. In such a way honour and protect them, that they may be able to

perform the service of our Lord in peace. I teach thee this, in order

that thou mayest principally love religious people, and mayest succour

them in their wants; and those by whom thou shalt think our Lord is

best honoured and served, such love better than others.

Dear Son, I desire that thou shouldst love and honour thy mother,

and that thou shouldst willingly receive and observe her good

instructions, and be inclined to place faith in her good counsels; love

thy brothers, and always watch over their good and their advancement;

be to them in the place of a father, to lead them to all that which is

good; but take care, that for the love of any one, thou dost not fall

off from acting rightly, or do anything that ought not to be done.

Dear Son, I advise thee, that all the benefices of the holy Church

which thou shalt have to bestow shall be given to persons judged worthy

by the great council of _prud’hommes_; and it appears better to me that

thou shouldst give to them who have nothing, and will employ thy gifts

well, if thou searchest for them diligently.

Dear Son, I advise thee to avoid, as much as it shall be possible, to

enter into war with any Christian; and, if any one do thee wrong, try

by every means to learn if there be no way of maintaining thy right

without going to war, observing that this is to avoid the sins that

are committed in war. And if it should happen that it be proper for

thee to make it, or that any one of thy men fail in his duty, or commit

wrong against any church, or any poor person whatever, and will not

make amends, for which, or for any reasonable cause, it be proper for

thee to make war, carefully _give orders that the poor people, who have

committed neither crime nor offence, be protected, let no injury fall

upon them either by fire or other means_; for it will be much better

for thee to contend with the evil-doer, and take his castles by storm

or siege: but be sure to be well advised before thou movest in any war;

be sure that the cause be perfectly just, that thou hast summoned the

evil-doer, and hast waited as long as thy duty will permit.

Dear Son, I advise thee, that when wars shall arise in thy dominions

among thy men, that thou shouldst take all possible pains to appease

them; for that is a thing which is pleasing to our Lord; and Messire

Saint Martin has given a very great example of it, for he went to

restore concord among the clerks who were in the archbishop’s palace,

although at the time he knew from our Lord that he must die; and it

appeared to him that by doing so he ended his life worthily.

Dear Son, be sure that thou hast good judges and provosts in thy

dominions, and frequently examine whether they are doing justice, and

whether they are doing wrong to nobody, and are acting as they ought;

in the same manner be sure that they who live in thy court (_ton

hostel_), commit no injustice; for however thou mayest hate doing ill

to others, thou oughtest still more to hate the ill which should come

from those who receive the power from thee, and shouldst take great

heed that this never should happen.

Dear Son, I advise thee to be always devoted to the Church of Rome, and

to our holy father the pope, and to pay him the respect and honour due

to thy spiritual father.

Dear Son, confer power freely upon well-intentioned people who know how

to employ it properly, and take great pains to remove all sins from thy

territories,—that is to say, profane swearing and everything that may

be said or done in contempt of God, our Lady, or the saints; carnal

sins, gaming with dice, tavern-drinking and other vices. Suppress, in

thy dominions, wisely and prudently, all rebels and traitors against

thy power; drive them and all ill-disposed persons from the land, until

it be quite purged of them. When, by the sage counsel of worthy people,

thou shalt hear of any good thing to be done, forward it by every means

in thy power, giving proofs that thou acknowledgest the blessings our

Lord has bestowed upon thee, and that thou art willing to return him

thanks for them.

Dear Son, I advise thee to take great care that the money thou shalt

spend shall be properly expended, and, moreover, that it be justly

levied: this is a thing of which I should wish thee to be particularly

heedful; that is to say, avoid extravagant expenses and unjust

extortion, let thy money be justly received and well employed; and this

may our Lord teach thee, with everything that may be profitable and

suitable to thee!

Dear Son, I pray thee, if it shall please our Lord that I should quit

this life before thee, that thou wilt help me with masses and prayers,

and that thou wilt send to the congregations of the kingdom of France,

to make them put up prayers for my soul, and that thou wilt desire that

our Lord may give me part in all the good deeds thou shalt perform.

Dear Son, I give thee every blessing that a father can and ought to

give to a son, and I pray our Lord Jesus Christ, that by his great

mercy, and by the prayers and the merits of his blessed mother the

Virgin Mary, and of the angels and archangels, and of all the male

and female saints, that he will keep and defend thee from committing

anything that may be against his will, and that he will give thee grace

to perform his will, and that he may be served and honoured by thee:

and may he grant to thee and to me, by his unbounded generosity, that

after this mortal life, we may come to him for life everlasting, there

where we may see him, may love him, and may praise him without end.

Amen.

To him be all glory, honour, and praise, who is one God with the Father

and the Holy Ghost, without beginning and without end. Amen.

_No. 36._

_Edward I., King of England._

As our author has said but little to show English readers what part

this, one of their greatest kings, played in the holy wars, we offer an

extract from the chronicler Walter Hemingford, canon of Gisseburne, of

whom Michaud speaks highly.

Edward, son of Henry III., took part in the crusade of Louis IX. He

set out, about the feast of St. Michael, to Aigues-Mortes, where he

embarked, and at the end of ten days, landed at Carthage, and was

received with much joy by the Christian princes who were then there;

that is to say, Philip of France, who had just succeeded Louis IX.,

his father; Charles king of Sicily, and the king of Navarre. Walter

relates that Edward was disgusted with the treaty made between the

Christian kings and the king of Tunis, and would take no part in it.

The English prince went to Acre with a thousand picked men, and reposed

for a month, in order to refresh his troops, and become acquainted

with the country. At the end of the month, many Christians joined him,

and leaving Acre, at the head of seven thousand men, he marched to a

distance of twenty leagues from that city, took Nazareth, and killed

a great number of Saracens. The army then returned towards Acre, but

were followed by the enemy, who hoped to surprise them in some valley,

or confined place. The Christians, upon becoming aware of their

intentions, faced about, killed many, and put the others to flight.

Towards the feast of St. John, Edward, learning that the Saracens were

within fifteen miles of Acre, marched out, fell upon them, at break

of day, killed about a thousand of them, and put the rest to flight.

The name of Edward was soon spread among the enemies of Christ, and

beginning to dread him, they devised means to get rid of him. The

great emir of Jaffa, feigning a wish to be converted to the Christian

faith, sent to him several times a slave, bearing letters, but charged

secretly with the commission of assassinating the king, which the

slave executed. But fortunately Edward escaped the consequences by the

assistance of skilful leeches. As soon as he was cured, he concluded a

truce for ten years, and returned to Europe with his Crusaders.

_No. 37._

_The Openings of the Troncs._

M. Michaud has given a very long account of the openings of the troncs,

of which we only think it necessary to offer our readers a small

portion, to show them the nature of the thing. The continued repetition

of the names of French towns, &c., with the amount of money found in

the troncs, can be interesting to nobody.

On Low Sunday, the 19th day of April, in the year 1517, between the

hours of eight and nine after mid-day, was raised and carried away

the tronc of the metropolitan church of St. Stephen of Thoulouse,

closed and fastened with three keys, and sealed with two seals, and

placed in the archiepiscopal house of the said Thoulouse, by the said

commissary, treasurer, or receiver and comptroller, in the presence

of Messire Jehan de Verramino, canon and chancellor of the said

church; Thomas le Franc, rector of the said church; Domengo Vaussenet,

burgess, and several others; and on the next day, in the presence of

as above, the said commissary, receiver, and comptroller opened the

said tronc, where they took and found for the confessionals the sum

of six hundred and fifty-one livres, six sols, six deniers in full,

for one thousand one hundred and fifteen confessions, which have been

distributed; for this

6c. 51 liv. 6s. 4d. (sic)

Of other money found in the said tronc on the day and year aforesaid,

arising from the pardons and jubilee of the crusade, the sum of four

hundred and ninety-nine livres, fifteen sols, four deniers Tournois

ci. 499 liv. 15s. 4d.

From another opening of the trone of Thoulouse, at the feast of the

following Christmas, in the said year 1517, the sum of twenty-seven

livres, three sols, nine denier Tournois.

27 liv. 3s. 9d.

From another opening of the said trone of Thoulouse, made the first

day of May, 1518, which is the second of the year 1518, in which there

was found, as well for money for the jubilee as for confessionals, the

sum of two hundred and five livres, ten sols, six deniers Tournois;

for this

205 liv. 10s. 6d.

From another opening made the 7th day of June, of the said year, there

was found, as well for jubilee as for confessionals, the sum of one

hundred and twenty-seven livres, two sols Tournois; for this

127 liv. 2s.

From an opening of the tronc of Castannet, in the diocese of

Thoulouse, there was found, as well for confessionals as for the

jubilee, the sum of fourteen livres, one sol, five deniers Tournois;

for this

14 liv. 1s. 5d.

&c. &c. &c.

From the opening of the various troncs in the diocese of Thoulouse,

within and without the city, in the years 1517 and 1518, many being

opened several times, they collected an amount which stands thus at

the end: SUMMA TOTALIS _receptœ presentis computi_

3,700 liv. 18s. 6d.

The expenditure of this money is detailed equally minutely; of which we

will offer a few examples.

EXPENDITURE

OF THIS PRESENT ACCOUNT,

AND, IN THE FIRST PLACE,

_Moneys paid to People who are to account for them_.

To Master Jehan Grossier, notary and secretary of the king our lord,

and by him commissioned to keep the account, and receive the moneys

for the crusade granted by our holy father the pope to the king our

lord, in his kingdom and other lands and lordships owing allegiance to

him, the sum of fifteen hundred and thirty-two livres, seventeen sols,

four deniers Tournois, which the present receiver owes on account of

the said receipt which he has made of the moneys for the said crusade

to the said city of Thoulouse, which sum has been paid to the said

Grossier, in virtue of the letters missive of our lord the king,

given at Amboise, the 25th day of January, there rendered, as by his

quittance, signed by his hand, the 26th day of February, in the year

1517, thus so rendered, as appears; and for this

1,532 liv. 17s. 4d.

To the said Master Jehan Grossier, by his written quittance, the 10th

day of June, in the year one thousand five hundred and eighteen,

the sum of two hundred and forty-eight livres, three sols Tournois,

which the said receiver ought, upon receiving the said receipt, pay

him, by virtue of the letters missive of the king our lord, given at

Amboise, the last day of April, as by said quittance, here rendered,

as appears; for this

248 liv. 3s.

To the same Master Jehan Grossier, for another written quittance on

the 20th day of May, 1520, the sum of six hundred and twenty-five

livres, fourteen sols, five deniers Tournois, which the said receiver

ought to pay him, as by his said quittance, here rendered, as appears;

for this

625 liv. 14s. 5d.

_Other Expenses made by the said Master Jehan Clucher, by the order of

Messire Josse de la Garde, Doctor of Theology, Vicar-General of the

Very Reverend Father in God, Monseigneur the Archbishop of Thoulouse,

Commissary, ordered by the King our Lord, on the matter of the

Crusade, and according to the Letters Missive and Instructions signed

by the hand of the King, transcribed and rendered at the commencement

of this Account._

For the expenses of the commissaries, receiver, comptroller, and

notary, for having been, with seven horses, setting out on the

22nd day of April, in the year 1517, through the diocese of the

archbishopric of Thoulouse, to collect the troncs and boxes, in which

they were engaged for the space of thirteen days, the sum of twenty

livres, nine sols, five deniers Tournois, which has been paid by the

present receiver by order of the said commissary, as appears by the

papers signed and certified by his hand, and by Monsieur Raymond

Raffin, canon in the metropolitan church of Thoulouse, comptroller,

deputed by our lord the king to assist in collecting the money for the

said crusade,[174] containing the expense of this account rendered,

and containing likewise a certification of the payment of all the said

expense, instead of quittance (receipt); for this the sum of

20 liv. 9s. 5d.

To Pierre Langiere, the sum of sixteen sols Tournois, for having

pasted up four hundred articles, and for having placed and fixed about

two hundred of them at the doors and cross-ways of the said Thoulouse,

for the feast of Easter; for this

16s.

To Messire Pierre Ferrestiere, Anthoine Chassantre, and Durant

Veissiere, priests, for having carried the said articles, at the said

time, to Montastruc, Versveil, and Carmaing, the sum of sixty sols

Tournois; this

60s.

To Georges Ruveres, for having made two tin cases to put over the

tronc, the sum of ten sols Tournois; this

10s.

To Thomas Noel, for having made the tronc for the said crusade, at

Thoulouse, the sum of sixty-three sols, four deniers Tournois; this

63s. 4d.

To Jehan Dernent, for having bound about with iron the coffer of the

said tronc, and made the padlock for the same, the sum of eleven

livres, T.; this

11 liv.

To Master Stephen Fabry and Jehan Galmart, for having carried the said

articles into several places, and for writing-paper and packthread to

tie up the packets, the sum of four livres, two sols, nine deniers

Tournois; this

4 liv. 2s. 9d.

To William Perolle, for having carried some confessionals to Cluriac,

the sum of twelve sols Tournois; this

12s.

To Lion de Veausclera, for four padlocks for the said tronc, the sum

of forty sols Tournois; this

40s.

To the bell-ringers of St. Stephen of Thoulouse, for what may be due

to them for having rung the Pardon, at the late festival of Easter,

the sum of sixty sols Tournois; this

60s.

To la Roussignolle, for twelve cloth bags to put the money into, the

sum of eight sols, six deniers Tournois; this

8s. 6d.

To Master Jehan Galmar, for having been to fix the troncs in various

places, and having furnished nails for the padlocks, the sum of

twenty-seven sols, six deniers

27s. 6d.