TRAVELS
IN
THE FOOTSTEPS OF BRUCE
[Illustration: _Plate I._
J. LEITCH & Co. Sc.
TOMBEAU DE LA CHRÉTIENNE, OR TOMB OF JUBA II.
FAC-SIMILE OF A WATER COLOR DRAWING BY BRUCE.]
TRAVELS IN THE FOOTSTEPS
OF BRUCE IN ALGERIA
AND TUNIS
_ILLUSTRATED BY FACSIMILES OF HIS ORIGINAL DRAWINGS_
BY
LIEUT.-COLONEL R. L. PLAYFAIR
H.B.M. CONSUL-GENERAL IN ALGERIA
[Illustration]
LONDON
C. KEGAN PAUL & CO., 1 PATERNOSTER SQUARE
1877
(_The rights of translation and of reproduction are reserved_)
_DEAR LADY THURLOW_,
_May I dedicate to you the following pages, written to illustrate
the earliest travels of your ancestor, James Bruce; and to make known a
portion of that priceless collection of drawings, too long shut up in
the muniment room of Kinnaird, which you have so kindly and so
unreservedly placed at my disposal?_
_Although you are the sole heiress of the illustrious traveller,
all the world are co-heirs with you in his fame and in the result of
his explorations; and they will tender to you their sincerest thanks
for restoring to them so important a part of their heritage._
_Believe me, dear Lady Thurlow,_
_Yours most gratefully,_
_R. L. PLAYFAIR._
_British Consulate General,_
_Algiers: October_ 1, 1877.
CONTENTS.
* * * * *
PAGE
INTRODUCTORY 1
_PART I._
CHAPTER
I. BRUCE APPOINTED CONSUL-GENERAL AT ALGIERS 15
II. JULIA CÆSAREA 23
III. START FOR BONE — VISIT THE FOREST OF EDOUGH AND
MINES OF AIN BARBAR 31
IV. BONE TO GUELMA — RUINS OF ANNOUNA — HAMMAM MESKOUTIN
— ROKNIA — CAVE OF DJEBEL THAYA — MAHADJIBA — THE
SOUMAH 36
V. CONSTANTINE 47
VI. BRUCE’S ROUTE TO LAMBESSA — ZANA OR DIANA
VETERANORUM — THE MEDRASSEN — BRUCE ARRIVES AT THE
AURES — CURIOUS MEETING WITH A CHIEF OF THOSE
MOUNTAINS 52
VII. OUR ARRIVAL AT BATNA — HISTORY AND DESCRIPTION OF
THE AURES MOUNTAINS 61
VIII. START FOR THE AURES — LAMBESSA — EL-ARBÄA — MENÄA 70
IX. ASCENT OF THE OUED ABDI — MINES OF TAGHIT — ARRIVAL
AT OUED TAGA 77
X. TIMEGAD 83
XI. LEAVE TIMEGAD — FOUM KOSENTINA — MEGALITHIC REMAINS
— OUM EL-ASHERA — EL-WADHAHA — ASCENT OF CHELLIA —
AIN MEIMOUN — LIONS 91
XII. AIN KHENCHLA — ACROSS THE PLAINS OF THE NEMEMCHA
TO TEBESSA 98
XIII. TEBESSA — RETURN TO CONSTANTINE 103
XIV. CONSTANTINE TO ALGIERS THROUGH KABYLIA 114
_PART II._
XV. START FROM ALGIERS ON SECOND EXPEDITION — EARL OF
KINGSTON UNDERTAKES PHOTOGRAPHIC DEPARTMENT —
ARRIVAL AT TUNIS — SEBKHA ES-SEDJOUNI — MOHAMMEDIA
— AQUEDUCT OF CARTHAGE — OUDENA — ZAGHOUAN 127
XVI. ES-SABALA — THE MEDJERDA — DRAGONS OF THE ATLAS —
BIZERTA — IMMENSE LAND-LOCKED HARBOUR — FISH IN LAKE
— DJEBEL ISHKUL — WILD BUFFALOES 140
XVII. VISIT TO THE BEY AND GENERAL KHEIR-ED-DIN —
DIFFICULTIES ATTENDING TRAVEL IN TUNIS —
IMPROVEMENT IN THE GOVERNMENT OF THE COUNTRY —
COMMENCEMENT OF BRUCE’S JOURNEY BY THE MEDJERDA —
OUR START FOR SUSA BY SEA — SUSA 147
XVIII. DEPARTURE FROM SUSA — ES-SAHEL — EFFECTS OF THE
DISFORESTING OF TUNIS — OLIVE-TREES — EL-DJEM 154
XIX. EL-DJEM TO KEROUAN 163
XX. KEROUAN TO DJEBEL TROZZA, DJILMA AND SBEITLA 172
XXI. SBEITLA 177
XXII. BRUCE’S JOURNEY FROM SBEITLA TO HYDRA 188
XXIII. LEAVE SBEITLA — SBIBA — ER-RAHEIA — HAMADA OULAD
AYAR — ARRIVAL AT MUKTHER 191
XXIV. MUKTHER 197
XXV. MUKTHER TO ZANFOUR — BRUCE’S ROUTE FROM KEF
TO ZANFOUR 205
XXVI. ZANFOUR TO AIN EDJAH AND TEBOURSOUK — DOUGGA 213
XXVII. LEAVE TEBOURSOUK — VALLEY OF LIONS — AIN TUNGA
— TESTOUR 226
XXVIII. TESTOUR TO EL-BADJA BY THE MOUNTAINS — EL-BADJA 231
XXIX. ROUTE FROM EL-BADJA TO TABARCA 238
XXX. TABARCA 247
XXXI. FROM TABARCA TO LA CALLE 251
_PART III._
XXXII. BRUCE’S ROUTE FROM TEBESSA TO THE DJERID AND BACK
TO TUNIS 265
XXXIII. BRUCE’S ROUTE TO DJERBA, TRIPOLI, AND BACK TO
TUNIS 275
XXXIV. TRIPOLI 278
XXXV. BRUCE’S ROUTE CONTINUED — LEBIDAH — BENGAZI —
TEUCHIRA — PTOLOMETA — SHIPWRECK AT BENGAZI —
DEPARTURE FOR CANEA 283
INDEX 295
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
* * * * *
PLATE
I. TOMBEAU DE LA CHRÉTIENNE, OR TOMB OF
JUBA II. _Frontispiece_
VASE BROUGHT BY BRUCE FROM NORTH
AFRICA _Title Page_
PAGE
MAP OF PART OF ALGERIA AND TUNIS _to face_ 1
II. TOMBEAU DE LA CHRÉTIENNE, DETAILS OF
COLUMNATION „ 24
FALSE DOOR OF TOMBEAU DE LA CHRéTIENNE 27
III. AQUEDUCT OF JULIA CÆSAREA _to face_ 28
PORTCULLIS AT SENIORE 44
IV. EL-KANTARA OF CONSTANTINE IN 1765 _to face_ 48
V. THE MEDRASSEN, OR TOMB OF THE NUMIDIAN
KINGS „ 56
VI. ARCH OF THE GODS, TIMEGAD „ 88
VII. THE CAPITOL, TIMEGAD „ 90
VIII. TEMPLE OF JUPITER, TEBESSA „ 106
IX. QUADRIFRONTAL ARCH OF CARACALLA AT TEBESSA „ 108
X. AQUEDUCT AT CARTHAGE „ 130
XI. AMPHITHEATRE OF EL-DJEM, PLAN OF LOWER
STOREY „ 158
XII. AMPHITHEATRE OF EL-DJEM, GENERAL VIEW „ 158
XIII. AMPHITHEATRE OF EL-DJEM, INTERIOR OF LOWER
CORRIDOR „ 158
XIV. ENTRANCE TO HIERON OF TEMPLES AT SBEITLA „ 184
XV. BACK VIEW OF TEMPLES AT SBEITLA „ 184
XVI. TRIUMPHAL ARCH AT HYDRA „ 190
TOMBSTONE AT MUKTHER 198
XVII. LOWER TRIUMPHAL ARCH AT MUKTHER, BY BRUCE _to face_ 198
XVIII. LOWER ARCH AT MUKTHER, PRESENT CONDITION „ 198
XIX. LOWER ARCH AT MUKTHER, ARCHITECTURAL
DETAILS „ 198
XX. ARCH OF TRAJAN AT MUKTHER „ 202
XXI. TRIUMPHAL ARCH AND TEMPLE AT ZANFOUR „ 208
XXII. TEMPLE OF JUPITER AND MINERVA AT DOUGGA,
SIDE VIEW „ 216
XXIII. TEMPLE OF JUPITER AND MINERVA AT DOUGGA,
FRONT VIEW „ 216
XXIV. LYBIAN MAUSOLEUM AT DOUGGA, BRUCE’S DRAWING „ 220
LYBIAN MAUSOLEUM AT DOUGGA, CATHERWOOD’S
DRAWING 222
XXV. THEATRE AT DOUGGA _to face_ 224
XXVI. THEATRE AT AIN TUNGA „ 226
XXVII. QUADRIFRONTAL ARCH AT TRIPOLI „ 280
XXVIII. QUADRIFRONTAL ARCH AT TRIPOLI,
ARCHITECTURAL DETAILS „ 282
MAP OF BRUCE’S ROUTE IN TRIPOLI AND THE
CYRENAICA „ 284
XXIX. FAC-SIMILE OF BRUCE’S MS. „ 294
TEMPLE AT PTOLEMETA, OUTER COVERING OF VOLUME.
[Illustration: MAP OF PART OF ALGERIA and the REGENCY OF TUNIS.
Edwd. Weller, _Litho._]
INTRODUCTORY.
I must explain briefly how I came to travel in the footsteps of
Bruce, and to illustrate the first works of this great father of
African travel.
Many years of my life have been passed in and about the countries
which he first opened out to geographical knowledge. When, therefore,
I found myself at Algiers as Bruce’s successor in office, after
the lapse of a century, my interest in him was redoubled. I read the
unsatisfactory account of his Barbary explorations, prefixed to the
first volume of his travels, with the greatest regret that it was
not more detailed, and I resolved to ascertain whether some hitherto
unpublished matter might not exist, tending to throw greater light
on the subject.
I searched the records of the Consulate in vain; not a document
of his time remained; all had been destroyed by fire before the
French conquest. At the Record Office in London a series of his
reports exists, containing many interesting details of the State
of Algiers. They are bound up with Arabic documents relative to
treaties of great historical value; but, naturally enough, there is
not a word regarding his explorations, which only commenced after
he had resigned his public duties in August 1765.
I then bethought me that Lady Thurlow, daughter of the late Lord
Elgin, was great-great-granddaughter of the traveller, and heiress
of Kinnaird. I applied to her, and was overjoyed to find that
she possessed immense stores of his manuscripts, drawings, and
collections. Lord Thurlow selected from amongst these everything
relative to the first journey Bruce made in Africa before proceeding
to Abyssinia, and these he most kindly placed at my disposal for
publication, if I thought the subject sufficiently interesting. I
went to Lord Thurlow’s, fully prepared to find much valuable
matter, but I had no conception that a treasure of such magnitude
and importance awaited me. I do not intend to allude to the great
mass of drawings irrelevant to my present subject; what especially
interested me was a collection of more than a hundred sheets,
some having designs on both sides, completely illustrating all
the principal subjects of archæological interest in North Africa
from Algiers to the Pentapolis, and executed in a style which an
architectural artist of the present day could hardly excel.
Mr. Bruce frequently exhibited these drawings during his lifetime,
and alluded to the desire he entertained of publishing a work on
the antiquities of Africa. Ornamental title-pages for the various
parts of this work actually exist, but he appears never to have
commenced the letterpress necessary to illustrate the drawings. It
is possible that the manner in which his book of travels had been
received induced him to abandon the subject in disgust, but it is
more probable that the enormous expense of engraving the drawings,
estimated at from 3,000_l._ to 5,000_l._, rendered the project too
costly to be realised.
After his death the increasing taste for the arts and the more general
patronage of publications of that nature induced his son to think
of making arrangements regarding such a work, but his designs were
interrupted by his own death in 1810.
Major Cumming Bruce more than once entered into negotiations with
the trustees of the British Museum for the transfer of the whole
collection to the nation, but no arrangement satisfactory to both
parties could be arrived at, and for the past thirty years they have
remained unseen by the present generation, and almost forgotten,
in the possession of the Bruce family.
With some of the monuments I was perfectly familiar, and I could judge
of their extreme fidelity; others I found to be priceless records
of structures which no longer exist; but the remainder, especially
those situated in the Regency of Tunis, I could not identify at
all, and I immediately formed the determination to follow him in
his wanderings as far as it was possible for me to do so, and to
ascertain the actual condition of those remarkable ruins, which the
depredations of time and of barbarians have not been able to destroy.
To have followed in his footsteps exactly in the same order in which
he made the journey would, for many reasons, have been inconvenient;
and to have accompanied him throughout the whole extent of his
explorations in the districts of the Djerid, Tripoli, and the
Cyrenaica was more than I could accomplish. I determined, however, to
visit every ruin in Algeria and Tunis which he had illustrated, and
so to plan my route as to include all that was most picturesque and
instructive in a country hardly at all known to the modern traveller.
No traveller has ever had to contend against a greater amount of
ill-deserved obloquy than Bruce. There is hardly an act of his
life or a statement in his writings that has not been questioned or
received with incredulity; and yet, the more the countries in which
he journeyed have been explored, the more his astonishing accuracy
and truthfulness have been recognised. I well remember, now nearly
thirty years ago, meeting the brothers d’Abbadie at Cairo, on
their return from a residence of many years in Abyssinia. I was on
terms of intimacy with two of them, and our conversation naturally
turned a good deal on Bruce’s travels. They assured me that,
though they had occasion to consult his work as a daily text-book,
they had never discovered a misstatement, and hardly even an error
of any considerable importance in it.
It is not to be supposed that these drawings should have escaped
criticism, and some people have even expressed grave doubts as to
their having been, in any considerable degree, executed by Bruce
himself.
On this point he ought to be allowed to state his own case, and
I subjoin all the passages I have found in his MSS. bearing on
the subject.
I had all my life applied unweariedly, perhaps with more love than
talent, to drawing, the practice of mathematics, and especially that
part necessary to astronomy.
· · · · · · ·
By the experiments I had made at Pæstum, and still later at an
aqueduct about four-score miles from Algiers, where were the ruins
of Jol or Cæsarea, the capital of the younger Juba and Cleopatra,
I had found the immense time it would take a single hand to design
the whole parts of any ancient fabric of ornamental architecture,
so as to do it and the public justice. All the members of the
Tuscan were plain, easily measured, and as easily drawn, but by
the account I had from Shaw, and the inscriptions copied, and one
awkward representation of three temples which he actually gives in
his work, I found all here were ruins of architecture in the best
time of Trajan, Hadrian, and the Antonines.
The description he gives of Jibbel Aures, Jemme, Hydra, and Spaitla
sufficiently shows this. I found that without a number of assistants
it was impossible even to do tolerable justice to such a multitude
of objects, of greater consideration for taste, materials, and
number than those at Rome, where all the orders of architecture,
Composite, Corinthian, and Ionic, were to be found in their most
perfect state. But where was that assistance to be obtained? and
what encouragement was it in my power to give? that would induce
a number of men of merit to dedicate so much of their time to the
dangers of such an undertaking, unknown ways, sickly climates, and
dangerous journeys. That I might not, however, be wanting to myself,
I applied to Mr. Byres, Mr. Lumsden, and several other intelligent
gentlemen then in Rome; several students were spoken to, but none
would venture. A M. Chalgrin, a Frenchman, engaged himself, was
terrified, and then drew back.
All the assistance I could get was a young man, a Bolognese, called
Luigi, surnamed Balugani, which signifies short-sighted. This was
very feeble help; but being of good disposition, in twenty-two
months which he stayed with me at Algiers, by close application and
direction he had greatly improved himself in what I chiefly wished
him to apply to, foliage and ornaments in sculpture.
Assisted by him alone, the voyage to Africa and Asia was performed. He
contracted an incurable distemper in Palestine, and died after a
long sickness, after I entered Ethiopia, having suffered constant
ill-health from the time he left Sidon. I had drawing instruments
a prodigious quantity of pencils, India ink, and colours. To these
was added an instrument upon constructing whose parts great care was
taken by Messrs. Nairne and Blunt, opposite to the Royal Exchange,
under my constant direction and inspection; this was a large camera
obscura,[1] upon whose specula great attention and pains had been
shown, and many improvements and conveniences were added, which was
all enclosed in a case representing a huge folio book, about four
feet long and ten inches thick.
This, attentively used, and placed with taste and judgment, forwarded
the work of drawing in a manner not easily conceivable; in a moment
it fixed the proportion of every part to what size you pleased; it
gave you in clear weather the sharpest, truest, and most beautiful
projection of shade; every break that was in the building was truly
represented upon the paper, every vignette, that nature had hung
upon the summit or edges of the cornice, gave hints that could not be
mistaken where the artist could place others with equal or superior
advantage. It is true there were inconveniences in those lines at a
distance from the focus, but those errors were mechanical and known,
and easily redressed. A small one of these, an imperfect instrument,
made at Rome, the young man Luigi had brought with him to Algiers,
which afterwards served in good stead in saving my more excellent one.
I shall just name the quantity of work done.
First, thirteen large views of Palmyra, upon the largest imperial
paper, the drawings twenty-two inches high, two of the same of
Baalbec.[2]
On large imperial paper, of a smaller size—
Two views of the ruins of Carthage.
A temple over the fountain of Zowan.[3]
A noble triumphal arch at Tunga.[4]
A magnificent Corinthian arch and temple at Tipasa.[5]
Two views of a fine triumphal arch at Hydra, where are the Welled
Sidi Boogannim, Dr. Shaw’s lion eaters, as bad to him as my raw
beef to me.
Spaitla or Sufetula, _vide_ Dr. Shaw, page 201, two Corinthian
temples, one Composite temple; three views of these and one of a
triumphal arch which serves as an approach to them.
Jibbel Aures, _Aurasius Mons_, a very fine ornamented building,[6]
use unknown.
El Jemme, or _Tisdrus_, view of the amphitheatre there.
Taggou-zaina, the ancient Diana Veteranorum, triumphal arch of the
Corinthian order there.[7]
Timgad _olim Thamugadi_, magnificent temple of white marble of the
Corinthian order, though highly finished, and a triumphal arch with
great particularities in architecture.
Medrashem, tomb of Syphax.
Jol, Cæsarea, magnificent aqueduct of three rows of arches.
Cirta, Syphax’s capital, view of the aqueduct and cascade there.
Muctar, two triumphal arches of the Corinthian order.
Tripoli in Africa, a four-faced triumphal arch of white marble,
the most ornamented of any building in the world; in parts of its
details the most beautiful, never before known.
Assuras, triumphal arch and temple.
Ptolometa, old Ionic temple, the only one I know existing, built by
Ptolemy Philadelphus, where my travels in Africa ended.
In order to conceive the number of pieces that each elevation or
view was accompanied by, you may compute six to each elevation.
All these buildings, besides one or two perspective views, have
geometrical elevations, and sections, with the whole detail of
their ornaments and parts, all measured with the most indefatigable
industry and strictest regard to truth. These sketches are most
of them still by me, and you may still see how far every one was
advanced in the desert.
I have now but one word to say as to what happened upon my coming
home.
· · · · · · ·
When I carried my views of Palmyra to the King, he was exceedingly
struck and pleased with them, and going to the window with the Prince
of Mecklenburgh Strelitz, the Queen remained with me at the drawings,
and I was a good deal surprised at her asking if I had not had help? I
answered, ‘Undoubtedly, every help that I could get to make them
worthy of the King’—yet I had desired Dr. Hunter to describe every
part of my voyage and performance, and he told me he had done so.
· · · · · · ·
I will not be so hard as to expect that any one man shall be an
excellent sky painter, an admirable figurist, a landscape, tree
and water painter, a painter of ruined picturesque architecture,
of ornaments and foliage, and of straight lines. Claude Lorraine
was never capable of this, Clarisso cannot; Bartolozzi is not, and
Cypriani far from being able; Mr. Robert Strange is capable of no part
of it. I will give them leave to take all the help that they can get,
and I will choose three drawings in the King’s collection and two of
my own, and defy them to produce the equal in the term of two years.
Mr. Robert Strange, now Sir Robert Strange, knows well I have been
at least an indifferent draughtsman in ruined architecture near these
forty years, for about that time he himself recommended me my second
drawing master, poor Bonneau, then teaching Lady Louisa Greville,
daughter of my Lord Brock, afterwards Lord Warwick. Till then I had
only been used to drawing military architecture; and with a ruler and
compass I have ever since mostly drawn; I wish to make every part
of my work as perfect as possible. You and Dr. Douglas will both
testify how willingly I seek, and thankfully and openly I embrace
every assistance. This I think doing justice to the public and to
posterity, from whom, after ten days’ abuse from people that I
despise, I shall receive the commendation or blame that appears _ex
facie_ of my work.
The famous Piranese, the best draughtsman of broken architecture
that I know, is of another opinion; that perfection in every part he
disdains; his figures are just untouched and done with little, as he
calls it; he knows he is no figurist, and therefore, in place of that
agreeable ornament to design, he has placed figures in convulsions
upon the points of stones and of rocks, with long legs and arms, and
no bodies, but monstrous heads, and liker demons of another world than
inhabitants of this. This the connoisseurs call freedom in design,
masterly manner, and indeed it is so; it is freedom, just as great an
one taken with the public as it would be for an individual in private
life to walk in company with a long beard, nightgown and slippers.
The two great requisites in travelling are to see well and record
faithfully what we have seen. I hope I may have succeeded in the
first, but I am very certain I have done so in the last.
Thus, then, we see that according to Bruce’s own account the
drawings were made by himself, with the aid of the camera obscura,
and with such assistance as he could obtain from his young artist,
Luigi Balugani. That they were done on the spot admits of no doubt
whatever. During our late expedition my companion, the Earl of
Kingston, took most successful photographs of every building drawn
by Bruce throughout Tunis, with the single exception of Hydra; and
though time, and the more destructive hand of man, have dealt hardly
with some of the ancient monuments, others are almost unchanged,
and a comparison of the original drawing and the photograph must
satisfy the most sceptical on this point.
One of the most striking instances of accuracy of detail is in the
case of the triumphal arch giving access to the Hieron of the three
temples at Spaitla (Plate XIV.). In the attic of this building the
first course of stones is entire; in the second only four stones are
represented as remaining; two of these are in place, and two others
have fallen on their sides, and are projecting beyond the surface of
the façade. In our photograph these four stones now occupy exactly
the same position as in Bruce’s sketch.
The drawings themselves furnish abundant proof, that two people worked
simultaneously at delineating the ruins. Nearly every monument is
drawn in duplicate, but no two sketches are ever from the same point
of view. In some instances the difference of angle is very slight,
as if the two companions had chosen positions sufficiently close to
be able to converse together. A glance at the itinerary (page 21)
will show that they never remained long enough in one place for either
of them to have repeated his view of the object designed. Most of the
measurements are written in Italian, as if Bruce had taken the actual
dimensions and called them out to Balugani, who had recorded them. At
the same time Bruce wrote Italian with as much facility as English,
and many remarks in the former language occur in his own handwriting.
Sometimes, instead of only two copies of the same monument, there
are several; but the same difference is always observable.
One of these sketches, or sets of sketches, is done with the most
perfect accuracy and good taste. Generally there is no attempt at
accessories of any kind, but where such are inevitable they are always
true to nature. The other, as far as its architecture is concerned,
is also accurate, but it is marred by the introduction of grotesque
figures and impossible landscapes, such as it was the custom of
that age to consider, and which Bruce himself has described, as
‘that agreeable ornament to design.’ My impression is that the
former are the production of Bruce himself, the latter perhaps in
part his sketches, but finished up and ‘agreeably ornamented’
by Luigi Balugani.
There is still a third class of illustrations, finished architectural
drawings done to scale; plans, sections, and elevations, with
elaborate details of sculpture, columnation, &c. These could
manifestly have been done better at home than abroad, and they
are executed so beautifully, and with such a profound knowledge
of architectural design that it is difficult to believe that they
are the unaided work of Bruce himself. They were done during the
retirement of the traveller at Kinnaird with a view to his intended
publication, and it is just possible that he may have been aided by
a professional draughtsman. It may be in allusion to this that he
wrote to his friend the Hon. Daines Barrington, ‘You and Dr. Douglas
will both testify how willingly I seek, and thankfully and openly I
embrace, every assistance. This I think doing justice to the public
and to posterity.’
These drawings were exhibited to the Institute of British Architects
by Major Cumming Bruce, M.P., in 1837, and the following letter
was addressed to him by Mr. Donaldson, their honorary secretary,
under date May 17, 1837:—
‘By a special resolution passed at the ordinary meeting,
held on Monday last, I am directed to convey to you the grateful
acknowledgments of the members for the rich treat with which you
favoured them on that occasion, by laying before them the highly
interesting series of drawings prepared by Bruce, the traveller,
in illustration of the antiquities existing in Northern Africa. The
members were struck with that profusion of important edifices
which embellished the provinces of the Romans; and they admired the
perseverance and skill which enabled Bruce to procure such minute
and highly wrought details of these monuments.
‘The members hope that these documents may ere long be published,
and thus add another to the long list of obligations which not only
this country, but all Europe, owes to his spirit of enterprise and
research. These drawings prove that he added the acquirements of
the naturalist, the geographer, and the philosopher, to those of
the antiquarian, the scholar, and the artist.’
They were also shown at the Graphic Society about the same period,
and the following is an extract from their proceedings, dated May 10.
‘Distinguished as Bruce is for his researches in Abyssinia, these
drawings furnish ground for an honourable and lasting reputation from
a very distinct source. It has been said among some to whom their
existence was known that they were not Bruce’s, but the work of a
young Italian artist named Balugani, who was sent to him by Lumsden,
the author of “Roman Antiquities.”
‘But among the drawings shown at the Graphic Society were some
of Pæstum made by Bruce when he was alone, prior to his visit to
Africa, where Balugani first joined him. The execution of these
prove _the same hand as appears in the greater part, and best, of
those of the African cities_,’—that is, according to my theory,
of all those which were not ‘agreeably ornamented’ by Balugani.
They were submitted to several other eminent archæologists and
architects of the day; amongst others to Mr. C. M. Cockerell, who,
writing under date June 9, 1837, thus alludes to them:—
‘In an antiquarian point of view I consider them of the utmost
importance . . . in a practical point of view they offer to the
professor of architecture many motives of composition and ornament
entirely new; and if not equal to the choicest remains of Greece
are, perhaps, of more frequent use, and on both these grounds it
is exceedingly to be regretted that they have been so long withheld
from the public.’
Mr. W. Hamilton, the celebrated archæologist and diplomatist, who
was one of the founders and first presidents of the Royal Geographical
Society, and to whom we are indebted for the discovery of the Rosetta
stone on board a French transport, writing on the same date, thus
expresses himself: ‘They are indeed most interesting documents of
his ability, fidelity, and perseverance. . . . I was particularly
struck by his correct selection, amongst the many monuments he saw,
of those only which were of a good time, and certainly they give a
most favourable notion of the state of the arts under the first two
centuries of the Roman Empire. We must not, of course, look to that
quarter of the world for genuine specimens of Greek art, but these
drawings afford the most convincing proofs that taste and judgment
prevailed in these distant and flourishing colonies to at least as
late a period as they did in Rome itself.’
No man is a better judge of architectural drawings than my esteemed
friend Monsieur César Daly. I submitted two of them only for
his inspection, and these by no means the most remarkable of the
series—the Triumphal Arch and the Capitol of Timegad, which we had
visited together. His opinion is worthy of being recorded:—‘The
architectural conscience of Bruce exceeds that of most of the best
architectural draughtsmen of his time, which nevertheless was rich
in talent of this nature. You may remember with what care I myself
designed the triumphal arch at Timegad. I intended to publish this
drawing of a monument now accessible to everyone, and having, as
director of the _Revue générale de l’Architecture_, a reputation
to keep up, my conscience as an artist was most particularly
stimulated. Well, I have compared Bruce’s design with mine, and
I repeat that I am much struck with his extreme exactness and the
great conscientiousness of the man, so rigorous towards himself,
regarding the design of a monument which in all probability none of
his contemporaries would ever be called upon to verify.
‘During the thirty-five years that I have directed the _Revue
d’Architecture_, that I have visited exhibitions of architecture,
inspected the portfolios of architects, &c., &c., I have seen so much
inexactness, which has inspired me with the most profound disgust,
that I give, or rather I offer with eagerness, the tribute of my
sympathy and respect wherever I find talent joined to honesty. I
admired Bruce as a brave and intelligent traveller; now I love him as
a serious and honest artist. I thank you once more. You will certainly
find a means of publishing these treasures; they belong to science;
they honour England in Bruce, and will serve most happily to teach
us that which existed here and there in our Algeria, and which
unfortunately exists no longer, or only in a state of _débris_.’
Bruce makes frequent allusion to drawings of his being ‘in the
King’s collection,’ and in one place he remarks: ‘They composed
three large volumes folio, two of which I presented to the King;
one, not being then finished, remains in my custody to this day.’
These two volumes of drawings were exhibited by Her Majesty the
Queen, through Mr. Woodward, the late Librarian at Windsor, to the
Society of Antiquaries of London, on March 27, 1862.[8] I have not
had an opportunity of inspecting these, and I am not aware of what
the contents of the volumes in question may be: it is to be hoped
that they contain drawings of the interesting monuments of which
no sketches sufficiently finished to admit of reproduction exist
in the Kinnaird collection, namely, the Amphitheatre of El-Djem and
the Triumphal Arch of Diana Veteranorum.
All the relics and documents of this traveller have been preserved
with scrupulous care; but I cannot resist expressing an opinion that
his drawings, of which the Barbary sketches form only a portion,
should not be allowed to remain in any private hands, but should be
religiously enshrined in our national collection.
To reproduce the entire series would be a work of great magnitude
and expense; nor is it necessary, either from an architectural or an
archæological point of view. In Bruce’s own days they could only
have been published by the costly process of engraving. Photographic
processes have now greatly facilitated the publication of such
drawings, and permit us to lay them before the public as actual
fac-similes.
In making my selection, I have as a rule preferred such drawings
as I believe to have been done by Bruce himself on the spot; but I
have included some of the more finished sketches to show the share
that Balugani had in them, and specimens of those that I believe to
have been subsequently executed in Scotland.
A few words are still necessary as to the manuscripts, which the
traveller has left, and which are of the most fragmentary and
unsatisfactory description.
They consist of the following documents:—
1. A carefully-written autobiography, intended for the Hon. Daines
Barrington, Bruce’s intimate friend, after the publication of his
travels. It is fantastically, perhaps conceitedly, entitled, ‘Memoirs
of One Unknown.’ It alludes with some asperity to the reception his
book met with, and professes great contempt of the doubts thrown on his
veracity. It extends to about 86 pages of long folio, and bears date
April 14, 1788.
2. A rough note-book of Arab manufacture, in which entries were
evidently made from day to day immediately after each halt. On the
first page is this memorandum:—
If I should die in this voyage, these notes are not to be published,
as they are memoranda only for myself, and unintelligible, and
designed to be so, to anybody else.
This contains a record of his journey from November 5, 1765, till
December 30 in the same year. At the end are a few rough details of
architecture, and copies of inscriptions.
3. A few sheets of native paper, as if torn out of a note-book similar
to, but not exactly the same size as the preceding, containing a
note on the Aqueduct at Arriana, and the records of his journey from
December 29, 1765, till his arrival at Gabes about the middle of
the following month. It is marked No. 7, which is erased, and No. 3
substituted. A fac-simile is given of one page of this manuscript
(Plate XXV.).
4. A note-book, 12mo., of Arab paper, marked No. 2, containing notes
on the Pentapolis, and of his subsequent journey in Syria and the
Red Sea.
5. A similar book, marked No. 6, containing notes on the Pentapolis.
6. A volume containing, as its name indicates, ‘Basso-relievos,
Statues, and Inscriptions, 1765.’
7. Draft of original letter, in Bruce’s handwriting, to Mr. Wood,
author of the work on ‘Baalbec and Palmyra,’ dated Tunis, April
2, 1766, published in Vol. I. of ‘Bruce’s Travels,’ Appendix
No. XXIII.
8. A note on ‘Tripoly in Africa,’ certainly not written by Bruce.
9. An autograph memoir on the Island of Tabarca.
10. An autograph memoir on Tunis and Djerba, the island of the
Lotophagi.
11. An original letter, dated London, June 16, 1775, to Mr. Seton
(of Touch?), giving an account of his adventure with the Arab chief
at Lambessa. This has been published in Major Cumming Bruce’s
pamphlet, 1837.
In addition to these manuscripts and drawings, Bruce brought a very
interesting collection of antiquities from North Africa, consisting
of fragments of sculpture and inscriptions, including part of the
frieze of the Temple of Hercules at Kef, a number of medals and
coins, a small bronze statue of Mercury, and an exquisite bronze
vase, which forms the design on the cover of this work. It has four
faces, two of nymphs and two of satyrs, very beautifully executed,
of a date probably not later than the second century. These are all
in the possession of Lord Thurlow.
There is little doubt that Bruce transcribed his rough notes, and
added many particulars, then fresh in his memory, which he did not
think it necessary to record in his daily journal. This occurred
during his residence at the island of Djerba. Probably this manuscript
was not included amongst the books and drawings which he forwarded
from Tripoli in Africa to Smyrna, or those which he despatched at
Bengazi to Tripoli in Syria, in which case they would certainly
have been lost during the shipwreck at Bengazi. His _pocket-book_
was saved there, and may be the manuscript which I have numbered 2,
into which 3 would naturally fit, but almost everything else he
possessed was lost, especially
A book with many drawings, and a copy of M. de la Caille’s
Ephemerides, having a great many manuscript marginal notes.
In addition to illustrating Bruce’s travels, I have had another
object in view—to furnish _an advanced hand-book_ of travel to
those who, like myself, dislike diligence routes and French auberges,
and revel in the delightful liberty of life on horseback and under
canvas. I hope they will find many such suggestions as to routes
here, as I should have been glad of myself, though they must not
expect to be treated with the same amount of hospitality.
And here I think I ought, in justice to myself, to acknowledge
the authorship of ‘Murray’s Handbook to Algeria.’ I have
endeavoured, as far as possible, to avoid any allusion to the
districts therein described; but this was not always possible,
and passages will, no doubt, be found, which, but for this avowal,
might lay me open to the charge of obtaining my information from a
popular work in everybody’s hands.
Every word of these manuscripts relating to his Barbary journey I
have embodied in my text, either in the order in which I visited the
places, or, where I was unable to do so, as a continuous narrative
in his own words.
I have elsewhere acknowledged my deep obligations to Monsieur César
Daly, with whom I had the pleasure of making the first part of my
journey. I would also record how much I am indebted to Professor
Donaldson, the Nestor of British architects, who, ever since he
signed the letter to Major Cumming Bruce, before quoted, in 1837, has
felt the deepest interest in Bruce’s work; he greatly aided me in
making the best possible selection of the drawings for publication,
and in many other respects he has given me the benefit of his great
professional knowledge and experience.
I cannot conclude these introductory remarks without allusion
to a letter which has reached me since the manuscript was in the
publishers’ hands, and which has to me almost the solemnity of a
voice from beyond the tomb. Mrs. Whitely Dundas, of Clifton, after
stating that she had seen in the papers a paragraph to the effect
that I had recently been instrumental in erecting a stained-glass
window and memorial brass in the church at Algiers to Bruce, and that
I was occupied on a work to illustrate his travels in this country,
adds: ‘I can well imagine, even after the lapse of so many years,
how proud and gratified my mother would have been could she have
lived to see this day. She was Bruce’s only daughter, and died
before her father’s fame and veracity were fully established.’
If what has been to me so great a labour of love shall have the
effect of adding one leaf to the well-earned laurel-wreath of my
favourite hero, I shall be amply repaid. My work has had no other
object, although I have thought it advisable to combine the result
of my own journeys with his, and thus to give the subject a wider
interest, and make it useful for travellers in little-known parts
of Algeria and Tunis.
However badly my share of the work may be performed, Bruce’s
merits can hardly fail to ensure its success. Never was a trite
old saying more aptly applied than that adopted by his biographer,
and which I have engraved on his monument at Algiers: ‘Magna est
veritas et prævalebit.’
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 1: This instrument still exists at Kinnaird.]
[Footnote 2: In searching for Bruce’s Barbary drawings in Her
Majesty’s Library at Windsor Castle, eighteen drawings of Palmyra
and Baalbec were discovered; they bore no names or signature, and
the authorship was unknown to the librarian until I identified them.]
[Footnote 3: Zaghouan.]
[Footnote 4: This is evidently a clerical error; there is no _good_
arch at Ain Tunga. Bruce probably means _Zanfour_.]
[Footnote 5: Tebessa.]
[Footnote 6: The Prætorium of Lambessa.]
[Footnote 7: This does not exist in the Kinnaird collection.]
[Footnote 8: _Proc. Soc. Antiq._, 2nd series, vol. ii. p. 96.]
PART I.
CHAPTER I.
BRUCE APPOINTED CONSUL-GENERAL AT ALGIERS.
The circumstances which induced Bruce to accept the post of
Consul-General at Algiers are contained in the following extracts
from his autobiography:—
My Lord Halifax, in many conversations, laughed at me for my intention
of returning to Scotland. He said, the way of rising in this King’s
reign was by enterprise and discovery; that all Africa, though just
at our door, was yet unexplored; that every page of Doctor Shaw,
a writer of undoubted credit, spoke of some magnificent ruins which
he had seen in the kingdoms of Tunis and Algiers; that now was the
age to recover these remains of architecture and add them to the
King’s collection.
Fortune seemed to enter into this scheme. At the very instant,
Mr. Aspinwall, very cruelly and ignominiously treated by the Dey
of Algiers, had resigned his consulship, and Mr. Ford, a merchant,
formerly the Dey’s acquaintance, was named in his place. Mr. Ford
was appointed, and, dying a few days afterwards, the consulship
became vacant. Lord Halifax pressed me to accept this, as containing
all sorts of conveniences for making the proposed expedition. The
appointment was a handsome one, the salary was 900_l._ a year, and a
promise was added that a vice-consul of my own appointment would be
allowed to keep my place while on the discovery, and that, if I made
wide excursions into Africa, and any considerable additions to the
King’s collection, my former conditions of being made a baronet
were to be preserved, and either a pension if I chose to retire,
or my rank and advancement in the diplomatique line, preserved to
me on my return.
Many conversations passed about the then unknown and despaired of
fountains of the Nile; but this was considered as an enterprise
above the power of extraordinary men, presumption to think it was
within the reach of an untried ordinary man like me, but agreed
on all hands that he that should achieve it, if he was a Briton,
should not in this age despair of any reward.
In passing through Holland, I had collected all the printed books
in the Arabic language, and at the time when I was to go to Algiers
I was as good an Arabian as these books and dictionaries and this
manner of study could make me.
Thus prepared, I set out for Italy through France, and though it
was in time of war, and some strong objections had been made to
particular passports solicited by our Government from the French
Secretary of State, Monsieur de Choiseul most obligingly waived all
such exceptions with regard to me, and most politely assured me that
those difficulties did not in any shape regard me, but that I was
at perfect liberty to pass through or remain in France with those
that accompanied me, without limiting their number, as short or as
long a time as should be agreeable to me.
On my arrival at Rome, I received orders to proceed to Naples,
there to await His Majesty’s further commands.
While waiting at Naples for instructions to proceed to his post,
Bruce visited Pæstum, the ruins of which were then but little known,
and at the suggestion of Sir James Gray, the British Ambassador,
made accurate drawings of those ruins, and conceived the idea of
illustrating the history of that city from its various coins of
different periods. This idea, which he was the first to originate,
he executed with great learning and ingenuity. On proceeding to
Africa, he entrusted these drawings to Sir Robert Strange, for the
purpose of having them engraved; but, from circumstances which have
never been explained, copies of them were surreptitiously obtained,
and, on his return from Abyssinia, he found that his work had been
pirated and published under another name. In his autograph memoir he
expresses himself strongly on this subject, but his chief complaint is
That the bunglers did not know how to avail themselves of the
materials for the history of Pæstum which, by whatever means,
had fallen into their hands.
To resume, however, Bruce’s own narrative:—
The Government was so kind as to send the ‘Montreal’ frigate to
carry me to Algiers.
I pursued my plan, studied hard, was become now a good Orientalist
in general. I speedily spoke the Arabic fluently; among the natives
and among the servants I exercised myself every day. I was also an
adept in Geer, or Ethiopic, as far as Ludolph and Memmers and the
few books I had could make me, but these were as yet very few.
It happened at St. Philip’s in Minorca, as it always, I believe,
happens, that when a fortress is surrendered to an enemy, the
papers, plans, and documents found therein are to be delivered up
to the captors. The French, when they took Minorca, had found in
that fortress a multitude of blank Mediterranean passes, a number
of these being always lodged for common demand with the Secretary
of the Governor of Minorca and Gibraltar. The French, upon finding
these, had countersigned them, and sold them to Sardinians, Genoese,
Neapolitans, and Spaniards, who navigated under their authority with
English colours. They had not even taken the precaution of putting
an English supercargo on board, so that English colours were found
everywhere, with not a man on board but the enemies of Algiers.
This Regency soon were informed of this in all its circumstances by
the French and Swedish Consuls residing in Algiers; they could not
read, their only trial of the passport was by a countercheck delivered
them by the Consul. When they applied this to these false passports
they all checked and agreed; when the ships were, notwithstanding,
brought into Algiers, the English Consul detected the fraud, disowned
the signature, and the ship was made a legal prize.
This secret, however obvious to everyone skilled in business of that
kind, was inscrutable to pirates who knew no other rule but the check;
the cruisers were on the point of mutinying; had I not been on good
terms with the whole Regency, as well as with the common soldiers
and merchants, I should have been burned in my house, or condemned
to draw the stone cart in irons, as a short time before I had had
the mortification to see the French Consul and all his nation do.
The event here alluded to is an extraordinary example of the terrorism
which prevailed in Algiers at that epoch, and of the indignities
to which even representatives of the most powerful nations were
subjected, without provoking more than a passing remonstrance. The
story is recorded in the private memorials of the Congrégation de
la Mission, which have been obligingly placed at my disposal by the
Superior-General in Paris. Well may he remark: ‘Nos confrères ont
beaucoup travaillé et beaucoup souffert sur cette terre d’Afrique,
où les Chrétiens avaient été si longtemps persécutés; maintenant
la croix a heureusement triomphé, et puisque vous avez étudié
l’histoire de ce pays, vous pouvez voir combien il a gagné à
être délivré de la domination Mahométane.’
A French vessel had, through some mistake, fired upon an Algerian
galliot, which made a prize of it, and brought it into the harbour of
Algiers. Monsieur Vallière, the French Consul, went on the following
day to request the Dey to restore the boat and its equipage, assuring
his Highness that if the latter had been guilty of any infringement
of the conventions between the two countries they would be severely
punished in France. The Dey answered him that the French were only
good at chicanery; they were liars, the greatest enemies of the
country, and no better than spies of the Spaniards; he knew how
to right himself, and would hear nothing more from the Consul,
who might retire.
The Consul did retire, in company with his chancellor. In less
than an hour he was again called to the palace, and, without further
explanation, he was heavily chained, as were also the Vicar Apostolic,
two other missionaries, the chancellor, the secretary, the Consul’s
servants, and the crews of the four boats then in harbour, in all
fifty-three persons. Every morning they were sent out to the hardest
and most degrading labour, and exposed to the insults and jeers
of the populace; harnessed two and two to stone carts and heavily
ironed, they were compelled to drag their weary burden twice every
day from the quarries at several miles’ distance to where the
masons were at work, after which, though worn out with fatigue,
the good priests’ first care was to console their fellow-captives,
and to conduct public prayer in the Bagnio.
Our treaties, made and renewed by captains of men-of-war, from time
to time, who know no more of the interest of their country in the
Mediterranean than I know of directing a line-of-battle, afforded
no sort of remedy for this grievance, which was new, because Port
Mahon falling into the hands of the enemy was a new event not to
be foreseen.
These treaties were growing worse every day; they were a monstrous
heap of confusion not understood either by the Turkish or the British
Government. I wrote home repeated letters explanatory of the mischief
and the causes of it. I either got no answers at all, or short ones,
that showed me they did not attend to the subject. We were on the very
eve of having all our Mediterranean and Straits trade carried into
the Barbary ports as prizes, when letters were said to be expeded
(_sic_) by the Secretary of State—I think the Duke of Grafton
or Lord Shelburne—desiring the Governor of Mahon and Gibraltar
(for Mahon was now restored to the English) to recall all these old
irregular passports signed by the French, and in their place to issue
what was called _passavants_, under the hand and seal of the Governor
of those fortresses, importing the ship bearer thereof to be British
property, and that this should serve as a passport during a limited
time, after which new checks and new passports were to be issued by
the Admiralty for the ships then in the Mediterranean and the Barbary
cruisers that visited them. But no intimation was sent to the Consuls
of this, nor was such passavant to be found in the treaty, nor did
any new checks or passports come for a long time from the Admiralty.
In the meantime the Algerine cruisers were more exasperated than
before; they had still no way of knowing an enemy from a friend but
by the check the Consul gave them, and that had been declared as no
longer of use, as covering fraud, and was issued no more.
· · · · · · ·
All Algiers was in arms, and to excuse our Government was impossible;
they never did know Barbary politics in my time.
· · · · · · ·
British Consuls in the Straits, or in the Barbary States, are
generally men that have failed in their own mercantile affairs; they
are afraid to write the true situation of things to a Secretary of
State, because they fear hurting their interest at Algiers and losing
their posts at home. Government have for some years been afraid of
Algiers, or so complaisant as to recal the British Consul upon a
complaint they do not like him, and often for having done his duty.
I was no merchant, and afraid of neither; I had stated the thing as
it was constantly, and one day when a few of these pirates had come
home in disappointment at meeting nothing but what was covered by
these passavants, crossing me in the street, one of them, drunk,
I suppose, fired a large horse pistol directly in my face at the
distance of sixteen yards. It was loaded with slugs, one of which
cut the loop where my hat was buttoned, another cut the skin of my
eyelid, and a third wounded me slightly in the left arm. Government
seized the unhappy beast and would have put him to death, had I not
saved him by the trouble of some application and interest, and even
a little expense.
It was no vain boast on the part of Bruce that his intercession had
saved this man’s life. Monsieur Laugier de Tassy, in his ‘Histoire
du Royaume d’Alger,’ published at Amsterdam in 1727, gives the
following account of what happened to another unhappy wretch who had
insulted a British Consul, and there is little doubt that if Barbary
justice had been left to take its course this man would have fared
no better.
‘In 1716 Mr. Thomas Thompson, British Consul, going to the
Assembly Rooms of the ship captains, met on the pier a young Moor,
who, it is generally believed, was drunk. The pier is very narrow,
and much rain having fallen, the passage was by no means easy. The
Moor would not make way for the Consul, but began to quarrel and even
pushed him. The Consul asked him whether he wished to throw him off
the pier, adding that he thought it rather impertinent of him not
to turn aside. The Moor answered that it was well for a Christian
to wish to pass before him, and at the same time seized the Consul,
boxed his ears, tripped him over, threw him on the ground and placed
his knee on his stomach. The Captain of the Port, having witnessed
this scene from a distance, came forward and threatened the Moor, who
thought it better not to wait for him and ran away. The Captain took
the Consul to the house where the captains met, to console him and
to repair the disorder he was in. The Admiral expressed his regret at
what had happened. He told him he would report the matter to the Dey,
and the Moor would soon be punished for his crime. The Admiral had
great regard for the family of this young man, for his father was a
friend of his and an honest merchant. When, therefore, he had laid
the whole affair before the Dey, he begged him not to condemn the man
to death, as he deserved, as he belonged to a respectable family, and
that drink, to which he had been tempted by libertines, had been the
cause of his crime. The Dey answered that he deserved to be hanged,
but that out of regard for him he would be pardoned. As an example,
however, and for the sake of the insulted Consul, it was necessary
to punish the wretch; the Dey therefore asked the Admiral to choose
the kind of punishment he liked. The Admiral chose the bastinado, and
the Dey said to him, “Out of regard for thee I will spare him.”
The Consul soon after arrived. The Dey, seeing him, said, “Consul,
I am doing what you desire. I am sorry for what has happened to you,
but you shall have justice; remain there.” He gave orders at the
same time to the Moorish _Bach-Chaouch_ to bring the accused before
him. As he had not hidden himself, he was soon found and brought
before the Dey, who, in great anger, said to him, “Wretch, what
hast thou done?”—“I have beaten a Christian, a dog who wanted
to be more than myself, and who insulted me.” The Dey, enraged
at his arrogance, said, “Is it true that you have treated the
British Consul in such and such a way?”—“Yes, my Lord,” he
answered. “Is it worth sending for me for such a trifle?” Then
the Dey, furious, cried out, “That is enough,” and pronounced
sentence, which was that he should receive 2,200 stripes. This was
done at once, in the presence of the Consul. He received 100 blows on
the soles of the feet, so that his feet were taken off as far as the
ankles, or held on by so little that Mehemed Effendi Khasnadar drew
his knife and cut the skin by which they hung. As further blows would
have caused death, and as the Dey was anxious that he should suffer
well before such a thing happened, he gave orders to conduct him to
prison, so that he might regain strength. The following day, at nine
in the morning, the Dey sent for the British Consul, and also for the
prisoner, who there and then received the remaining 1,200 blows on his
back, which was so cut up that he lost both speech and breath. But, as
he was not yet dead, the Dey ordered him to be taken back to prison,
and to be shut up there alone, and without help. This was done, and
the poor wretch was suffered to die of pain, hunger, and thirst.’
To resume however Bruce’s narrative:—
This dispassionate behaviour reconciled all the soldiery to me,
already well-inclined to a man as to personal friendship. I gave
Government a long detail of the situation of their affairs, without
fear or disguise; I begged them to send out a man of some knowledge
and dignity in business, who with me might go through the treaties,
renew them, and make them intelligible, who might bring out new
Mediterranean passes, a thing to be done in a very short time, after
which I was satisfied that things would be settled on a peaceable
and permanent footing. I claimed the King’s promise to be allowed
to appoint a man, who had nothing to do but to sign the passports,
while I made the excursions into Africa, which were the object of my
voyage, for which I was fully prepared, and wished to defer no longer.
I received an answer that His Majesty commanded me to stay, till
an Ambassador should be sent, to explain and settle the matter and
the disputes with the Dey of Algiers. At the same time it said,
slightly enough, that it undoubtedly was the King’s wish I might
continue at Algiers; but since I did not choose it, His Majesty was
resolved, that these places should not be sinecures, and therefore
another Consul would be sent over, unless I certified my resolution
to stay in course.
This mandate, which was a direct breach of the faith of Government,
filled me with indignation.
· · · · · · ·
A relative of my own, a Captain C———,[9] son to the Secretary
of the Admiralty, a man that I knew much better than those that sent
him, came as the King’s representative to Algiers, and brought
with him a city attorney,[10] that had somehow or other connected
himself by marriage with the family of Egerton, as Consul.
None of them understood a word of the language, none of them a word
of sense; they quarrelled from the beginning, and the Ambassador
privately engaged the Dey to send the Consul home again by the end
of the year, when he would bring out another and new presents from
the King.
· · · · · · ·
The Dey[11] continued my fast friend; he furnished me with all the
necessary letters to his provinces. I told him I was going for some
necessaries to Mahon. I should then go down the coast by Bona, to
Tunis. I should then come back to Constantine and return again to
Tunis by the foot of Mount Atlas.
He assured me of every mark of friendship and protection, which he
kept through the whole course of the voyage.
The Ambassador, in the _Phœnix_, man-of-war, and I in a small
Mahonese barque, sailed together from Algiers for Mahon.[12]
In the night we were overtaken by a violent storm of wind, which
lasted all the next day, broke our mainsail yard, and did us other
considerable damage. We saw no more of the _Phœnix_; she had held
her wind, which though violent was fair, and arrived at Gibraltar.
I put into Quarantine Island in Mahon, and announced my arrival
there and the reason of it to General Townshend, desiring it might
be entered in some book, where the authentic evidence of day and
date might be referred to. Every sort of politeness was shown me by
that officer, who ordered immediately to give me pratique. Having
nothing to do in Mahon, I refused it, and set sail for Tunis.
As the first portion of Bruce’s journey is not given in the order
in which he made it, I subjoin the dates of the various stages,
as nearly as they can be made out.
1765.
About August 19, left Algiers.
Middle of October, left Tunis for Medjez-el-Bab, Dougga, and Kef.
November 5, left Kef.
„ 6 to 9, Zanfour, Mukther.
„ 10, Oulad Ayar.
„ 11, Sbiba—Oulad Hassan.
„ 12 to 14, Sbaitla.
„ 15, six miles north of Sbaitla.
„ 16, Zeghalma.
„ 17, Djebel Hannech.
„ 18, Mountains of Zeghalma.
„ 19-20, Hydera.
„ 21 to 23, Tebessa.
„ 24, Mountains of Hannencha, fourteen miles from Tebessa.
„ 25, Oulad Aissa at Bucowash.
„ 26, passed Miskiana and ‘entered eastern province of
Algiers.’
„ 27, eight miles E. of Sidi Bou-geise.
„ 28, Sigus.
„ 29, Boo Marzook.
„ 30, Constantine.
December 2, five miles south of Constantine.
„ 3, Ain Fisgeeah.
„ 4, Tattubt.
„ 5, encamped at Smala of the Bey, nine miles from Tattubt.
„ 6, Zana.
„ 7, Djebel Mustowa, seven miles from Zana.
„ 8, The Medrassen.
„ 9, 10, Tezzoute (Lambessa).
„ 11, eight miles S.E. of Lambessa.
„ 12, Timegad.
„ 13, four miles from Baggai.
„ 14, head of the Miskiana.
„ 15, five miles from Ain Shabrou.
„ 16, Tebessa.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 9: Captain Cleveland.]
[Footnote 10: Mr. Robert Kirke.]
[Footnote 11: Baba Ali, 1754-1766.]
[Footnote 12: Bruce’s passport for Tunis, signed by his successor,
Robert Kirke, is dated August 19, 1765.]
CHAPTER II.
JULIA CÆSAREA.
There is no written account remaining of Bruce’s explorations to
the west of Algiers, and the only allusion to them is the fact that
he first used his camera obscura in delineating the _Kubr-er-Rumiah_,
or Tombeau de la Chrétienne, as it is now called.
The illustrations he has left of Julia Cæsarea, which, doubtless,
he visited while still Consul-General at Algiers, are as follows:
1. A perspective view in water-colours and distemper of the
Kubr-er-Rumiah, or Tomb of Juba II. No architectural details are
shown, as the _débris_ around the base had not then been cleared
away.
2. Finished drawing to scale, in Indian ink, of restored plan,
and elevation of Tomb.
3. Perspective view in water-colours of the same building, taken from
the S.E. In the foreground are architectural fragments, including
Ionic capitals, frusta of columns, and portion of entablature. [Plate
I.]
4. Finished drawing to scale, in Indian ink, of front and side
elevation of capitals of Ionic order; plan of columns. Elevation
and section of architrave. [Plate II.]
5. Duplicate of 2; dimensions not figured.
6. Duplicate of 4.
7. Pencil drawings of coins: six coins of Ptolemy, one of Juba II.
8. Pencil drawings of coins: eight coins of Juba, four of Juba and
Cleopatra Selene, one of Cleopatra Selene.
9. Pencil sketch of Tomb, very similar to 3.
10. Perspective view of Aqueduct of Cherchel. [Plate III.]
11. A view of the same, in distemper.
12. Elevation and section of the same to scale.
13 to 15. Three ornamental titles of proposed work.
The site of the ancient city of Jol, subsequently Julia Cæsarea, is
marked by the modern town of Cherchel, about 72 miles west of Algiers.
After the surrender of Jugurtha to Marius by his son-in-law and ally,
Bocchus King of Numidia, the latter reunited to his own kingdom the
provinces, which extended from Saldae, the modern Bougie, to Molocath,
the modern river Molouia, on the confines of Morocco. At his death,
about 91 B.C., he left the western portion of his dominions to Bogud,
and the newly annexed portions to his second son Bocchus.
Fifty years later we find these two divisions of Mauritania still
existing, and governed by kings bearing the same names as before,
but with this difference, that it was Bogud who was King of
Eastern Mauritania, and Bocchus who governed the western portion
or Tingitana.[13]
The former of these took part with Cæsar in the war, which terminated
in the defeat of the Pompeian army at Thapsus, and the suicide of
Juba I. King of Numidia. The infant son of that monarch was taken
to Rome, where he graced the triumph of the great dictator; a part
of the forfeited kingdom was given to Bogud, and subsequently the
western province was added by Augustus, during the reign of his son
Bocchus III. That prince reigned five years over the two Mauritanias,
his capital being Jol, and died B.C. 33.
In the meantime the young Juba had been carefully educated at Rome,
where he attained a high literary reputation, being frequently cited
by Pliny, who describes him as more memorable for his erudition than
for the crown he wore, glorious as it was. Plutarch also calls him
the greatest historian amongst kings.
All his works have disappeared, though a long list of them has
survived; they treated of a great diversity of subjects, including
history, antiquities, arts, science, grammar and geography.
In the year 26 B.C. Augustus, desiring to give to the people of
the late monarch a sovereign of their own race, fixed upon this son
of Juba, and restored to him the western portion of his father’s
dominions, trusting to his thorough Roman education to secure his
submission, and on the prestige of his race and name to win the
affections of the Numidian races, and to hasten their fusion with
the conquering nation.
He removed his capital to the ancient Phœnician city of Jol, to
which he gave the name of Julia Cæsarea.
He died in A.D. 19, leaving a son, Ptolemy, the last independent
prince of Mauritania, who was far from sharing the high qualities
of his father.
[Illustration: _Plate II._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
TOMBEAU DE LA CHRÉTIENNE OR TOMB OF JUBA II.
FAC SIMILE OF PLATE OF ARCHITECTURAL DETAILS
EXECUTED BY BRUCE AFTER HIS RETURN TO SCOTLAND.
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
His reign was characterised by debauchery and misgovernment, and the
Mauritanians were not slow to rise in revolt, under the leadership
of Tacfarinas. This war lasted for seven years, shortly after which
Tiberius died, and was succeeded by Caligula, who summoned Ptolemy
to Rome, and, after having received him with great honour, caused
him to be killed, as he thought that the splendour of his attire
excited unduly the attention of the spectators. It is more likely
that he desired to appropriate the wealth that Ptolemy was known to
have accumulated. This murder was followed by a serious revolution
in Mauritania, which lasted several years.
The Tombeau de la Chrétienne figured by Bruce is well known to all
visitors to Algiers. It is one of three somewhat similar edifices,
one of which is found in each province of Algeria, the other two
being the Medrassen, or Tomb of the Numidian Kings in Constantine,
and El-Djedar in Oran.
This, however, is the only one mentioned by any ancient author.
Pomponius Mela, in his work ‘De Situ Orbis,’ written about the middle
of the first century, after the death of Juba II., but before the
murder of his son Ptolemy, mentions both Cæsarea (Cherchel) and Icosium
(Algiers), and states that beyond the former is the _monumentum commune
regiæ gentis_.
This at once decides the nature of the building, which, though
intended to be seen far and near, is yet entirely concealed from view
at Cherchel by the mountain of Chennoua, the presumption being that
the king would not care to have constantly within sight of his royal
residence, the tomb which he had caused to be constructed for himself.
The resemblance to the Medrassen, or Tomb of the Numidian Kings,
from whom Juba was descended, is another presumption that it was
erected by him in imitation of his ancestral mausoleum.
Bruce’s illustration (Plate I.) of this monument is the only
inaccurate one in the whole series. Until long after his time the
podium was so encumbered with _débris_ that it was impossible to
make out the architectural details, and he has represented this
portion of the edifice rather as what he imagined it to be than as
it actually existed.
Juba II. married Cleopatra Selene, daughter of the celebrated
Egyptian queen by Marc Antony, and there is every probability that
this monument served only as his tomb, and that of his wife, who died
before him. It is hardly likely that the remains of his son Ptolemy,
the last of his race, could have been transferred from Rome to Africa.
The tomb must have been violated at a very early period in the search
for hidden treasure. A careful examination of the accumulated earth
and dust within revealed traces of successive races, who had visited
the place, some of whom had even made it a place of residence, but
none whatever of the bodies for whose reception it had been erected.
It is called by the Arabs _Kubr er-Roumiah_, tomb of the Roman,
or rather Christian woman, the word _Roumi_ (fem. _Roumiah_) being
used commonly by Arabs all over the East to designate strangers of
Christian origin.
Various explanations are given of this name. Marmol mentions
a tradition, that under it were interred the mortal remains of
the beautiful daughter of Count Julian, over the story of whose
misfortunes the muse of Southey has shed so strong an interest.
Shaw[14] states that amongst the Turks it was known by the name
Maltapasy, or Treasure of the Sugar Loaf; and the belief, that it
covered some great accumulation of riches, has exposed it to attacks,
by which it has been much ruined, and before which a less solid
structure would have altogether disappeared. Marmol adds:
‘In the year 1555 Solharraes[15] attempted to pull it down,
hoping to find some treasure in it; but when they lifted up the
stones there came a sort of black poisonous wasps from under them,
which caused immediate death wherever they stinged, and upon that
Barbarossa dropped his design.’
Many other legends and traditions are connected with it, which it
would be out of place here to reproduce.
The Tombeau de la Chrétienne is built on a hill forming part of
the Sahel range, 756 feet above the level of the sea, covered with a
brushwood of lentisk and tree heath, situated nearly midway between
Tipasa and Koleah, and to the west of Algiers.
It is a circular, or rather polygonal, building, originally about
131 feet in height; the actual height at present is 100 ft. 8 in.,
of which the cylindrical portion is 36 ft. 6 in., and the pyramid 64
ft. 2 in. The base is 198 feet in diameter, and forms an encircling
podium, or zone, of a decorative character, presenting a vertical
wall, ornamented with sixty engaged Ionic columns, 2 ft. 5 in. in
diameter, surmounted by a frieze or cornice of simple form. The
capitals of the columns have entirely disappeared, but they are
represented in Bruce’s drawings as having very small volutes, most
of the space between which is occupied by a honeysuckle flower. There
are two tendrils, one on each side of the flower, but growing out of
the surface of the capital, and not continuous with the flower. The
necking between the capital and the shaft is composed of a succession
of four small petalled flowers, flatly applied, contained between
an upper and a lower fillet.
The series of the colonnade has at the cardinal points four false
doors, the four panels of which, producing what may have been taken
to represent a cross, probably contributed to fix the appellation
of Christian to it.
Above the cornice rise a series of thirty-three steps, which gradually
decrease in circular area, giving the building the appearance of a
truncated cone.
The whole monument is placed on a low platform 210 feet square,
the sides of which are tangents to the circular base.
During the Emperor Napoleon’s last visit to Africa he charged the
well-known Algerian scholar, M. Berbrugger, and M. MacCarthy, the late
and present directors of the library and museum, to explore this tomb,
which had never been penetrated in modern times, spite of the attempt
of Salah Rais, in 1555, and the efforts of Baba Mohammed in the end
of the eighteenth century, to batter it down by means of artillery.
[Illustration: SKETCH SHOWING THE CROSS ON THE FALSE DOORS.]
In May, 1866, a hole was drilled by an Artesian sound, which gave
indications of an interior cavity, and shortly afterwards an opening
was made from the exterior to the interior passage. Entering by this,
both the central chamber and the regular door were easily found.
Below the false door, to the E., is a smaller one, giving access to a
vaulted chamber, to the right of which was the door of the principal
gallery. Above this are rudely sculptured the figures of a lion and
a lioness.
From this passage a large gallery, about 6 ft. 7 in. in breadth,
by 7 ft. 5 in. in height, is entered by a flight of steps. Along it
are niches in the wall, intended to hold lamps. Its total length
is 483 feet. This winds round in a spiral direction, gradually
approaching the centre, where are two sepulchral vaulted chambers,
one 12 ft. 4 in. by 9 ft. 3 in., and the other 12 ft. 4 in. by 9
ft. 7 in., separated from each other by a short passage, and shut
off from the winding passage by stone doors, consisting of a single
slab capable of being moved up and down by levers like a portcullis.
Julia Cæsarea itself, corresponding to the charming little French
town of Cherchel, is situated further on, at a distance of 71 miles
from Algiers, and twenty from the nearest station, El-Afroun.
Close to the twenty-second kilometric stone, counting from where the
Cherchel road branches off from the main one to Miliana at Bou-Rekika,
and at a distance of between six and seven miles from Cherchel, is
the subject of Bruce’s second illustration (Plate III.), part of the
aqueduct which led the waters of the Oued el-Hachem, and the copious
springs of Djebel Chennoua into Julia Cæsarea. This consisted of
two converging branches, following the contour of the hills as open
channels or traversing projecting spurs by means of galleries. In
only two places was it necessary to carry the water over valleys on
arches; the first was at the place here illustrated, and the second
about three miles further on, at the junction of the two branches,
where the united waters were carried over the valley of the Oued
Billah on a single series of arches, of which five are still entire.
Many piers of the others remain, and the high road now passes between
two of them.
Bruce has, as usual, left no names or indication of locality on his
drawings of this structure, but its condition at the present day is
hardly different from what it was a century ago. And amongst his
MSS. I discovered a small scrap of paper containing a memorandum
in pencil, which would have removed all doubts on the subject,
had any existed.
‘_Shershell arches. View is that of the east side. River
Hashem. Shenoa on the east. The mountain of Beni Habeeb that seen
through the broken arch_.’
At this spot a small stream winds through a deep and narrow
valley. The aqueduct is carried over this on a triple series of
arches, nearly all of which are still entire, with the exception of
the gap exhibited in the illustration.
The lower and middle series consisted each of seven arches, of
which five are complete, and the upper one had sixteen, of which
thirteen remain.
The construction of the building cannot compare with that of the
great aqueduct of Carthage; the arches are irregular in form, where
irregularity does not appear to have been necessary. The masonry is
of cut stone only as far as the spring of the middle arches, above
which it is of rubble; all the superstructure above the bottom of the
specus has disappeared, but at the south end there still remains a
circular basin, intended, no doubt, to break the fall of the water,
which descended at a steep incline, and to collect the stones and
other substances which might be washed down by it, and thus allow
only a stream of clear water to flow over into the duct beyond.
[Illustration: _Plate III._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
AQUEDUCT OF JULIA CAESARIA (CHERCHEL)
FAC-SIMILE OF FINISHED INDIAN INK DRAWING BY BRUCE (AND BALUGANI?)
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
The dimensions given by Bruce of this aqueduct are as follows:—
Ft. in. lines.
Height to keystone of lower arch 39 9 0
Thickness of keystone 2 6 0
Height to keystone of middle arch 34 0 0
Thickness of keystone 1 9 0
Thence to keystone of upper arch 38 9 0
Above intrados of upper arch 5 9 0
Total height 116 6 4
Breadth of first pier 11 7 2
Breadth of first arch 11 5 0
Breadth of second and third piers 14 8 0
Interval between them 19 6 4
Thickness of pier of first series 14 7 3
Cherchel is easily reached in one day from Algiers by railway and
omnibus, and is well worthy of a visit. It is pleasantly situated on
the sea coast in a very picturesque plateau west of the Oued Billah,
and between the mountains of the Beni Manasser and the sea. Ruins of
former magnificence exist in every direction, and wherever excavations
are made, columns and fragments of architectural details are found in
abundance; unfortunately, little or no regard has been paid to the
preservation of the numerous remains which existed even as late as
the French conquest. Most of the portable objects of interest have
been removed to museums elsewhere, and nearly all the monuments have
been destroyed for the sake of their stones. The large amphitheatre
outside the gate to the east still retains its outline, but the
bottom is encumbered with twelve or fifteen feet of _débris_, and
is at present a ploughed field; the steps, excepting in one small
corner, have disappeared, and every block of cut stone has been
removed. The theatre or hippodrome near the barracks is now a mere
depression in the ground, though in 1840 it was in a nearly perfect
state of preservation, and was surrounded by a portico supported
by columns of granite and marble, to which access was obtained by
a magnificent flight of steps. Here it is said that St. Arcadius
suffered martyrdom by being cut in pieces. Magnificent baths existed
both in the vicinity of the amphitheatre, where is now the _Champs de
Mars_, and on the opposite side of the town overlooking the port. Even
as late as my first visit to Cherchel a curious old fort existed on
the public place, built, as an inscription in the museum testifies,
by the Caïd Mahmoud bin Fares Ez-zaki, under the government and by
order of _The Emir who executes the orders of God, who fights in the
ways of God, Aroudj, the son of Yakoob, in the year of the Hejira_
924. This was built out of older Roman materials found on the spot by
the celebrated corsair Baba Aroudj, surnamed by Europeans Barbarossa.
Numerous columns of black diorite and the _brèche_ of Djebel Chennoua
lie scattered about the place, as well as magnificent fragments of
what must once have been a white marble temple of singular beauty. In
the museum a great variety of fragments are collected, many of which
probably belonged to the same building, together with broken statues,
tumulary and other inscriptions, capitals and bases of columns,
amphoræ, etc., and in one corner, amongst a heap of rubbish, are
some precious specimens illustrating curious facts connected with the
state of industrial arts during the time of the Romans. For instance,
a small section of a leaden pipe shows us that such implements were
then made by rolling up a sheet of the metal, folding over the edges,
and running molten lead along the joint. An ingot of the same metal
exists, as perfect as when it left the foundry, with the maker’s
name in _basso relievo_. There is a boat’s anchor much corroded,
but still perfect in shape, a sundial of curious design, and, most
interesting of all, the lower half of a seated Egyptian divinity,
in black basalt, with a hieroglyphic inscription. This was found in
the bed of the harbour, and may have been sent as a present to the
fair Cleopatra, from her native land.
One of the most interesting buildings in the town is the Military
Hospital, once a Mohammedan mosque, supported on 89 columns of
diorite, surmounted by capitals brought from other buildings, without
regard to size or style. The bases are embedded in the ground, it
having been found necessary to raise the floor, in order to protect
the building from damp. The mosque, which was of immense size,
has been divided by partition walls to make four separate wards.
From an antiquarian point of view, there is no place in the province
of Algiers so interesting as Cherchel and its neighbourhood,
and however reckless has been the destruction of the precious
architectural treasures which it contained, abundance still remains
to testify to the splendour of the capital of Mauritania Cæsariensis.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 13: De Vermeuil et Bugnot, _Rev. Afr._ xiv. p. 45.]
[Footnote 14: Shaw, p. 45.]
[Footnote 15: Salah Rais.]
CHAPTER III.
START FOR BONE — VISIT THE FOREST OF EDOUGH AND MINES OF AIN BARBAR.
My first expedition in the footsteps of Bruce commenced at Bone early
in April 1875, and was devoted to that part of his route which lay
within the French colony of Algeria. I was accompanied by a few very
valued friends, and I trust that the retrospect of the two months we
spent together may prove as pleasant to them as it does to me. One of
them was Monsieur César Daly, Architect to the French Government,
the learned and accomplished founder of the ‘Revue Générale de
l’Architecture et des Travaux Publiques,’ a distinguished veteran
in his own department of art, whose voluminous works are almost as
highly appreciated in England as they are in France. His thorough
knowledge of the subject enabled us to appreciate the Roman ruins we
visited in a manner that without such a companion would have been
impossible; and I cannot sufficiently thank him for the great aid
and encouragement he has continued to give me in the preparation of
this work.
Bone is too well known to all the tourists who visit Algeria to
require any description; they visit the ruins of Hippo or Hippone,
rendered sacred by memories of St. Augustine, and make various
other pleasant little excursions round about; very few, however,
make the most interesting one of all, the ascent of Djebel Edough,
the Mons Papua, where took place some of the most important events
in the history of North Africa.
When the Vandal King Genseric laid siege to Hippone, during the
year in which St. Augustine died, the inhabitants of this mountain
witnessed from their natural fastnesses the extinction of Roman
power in Africa. A century later Belisarius reconquered the country,
and Gilimer, the last of the Vandal monarchs fleeing before him,
took refuge in these mountains, whence before his surrender he sent
the well-known message to his conqueror, requesting that he might
be supplied with a lyre, a loaf of bread, and a sponge. On being
questioned as to the meaning of this strange request, his messenger
replied that his master wished once more to taste the food of
civilised people, from which he had been so long debarred, to sing
to the accompaniment of the lyre an ode to his great misfortune,
and with the sponge to wipe away his tears.
In the neighbouring port of Hippo was captured the great treasure
of the Vandals: ‘Silver weighing many thousand talents, and a
huge mass of royal furniture (Genserick having sacked the palace
at Rome), amongst which were some monuments of the Jewes brought
to Rome by Titus after the destruction of Jerusalem. Subsequently,
at the triumph of Belisarius in Constantinople, a Jew espying the
same, standing by one of the emperor’s familiar friends—“It is
not good,” quoth he, “to bring these monuments into the palace,
for they cannot continue but where Solomon first put them. Hence
it is that Genserick sacked the palace in Rome, and now Belisarius
that of the Vandals.” The emperor, hearing this, sent them to the
Christian church in Jerusalem.’[16]
For several years after the French occupation of Bone, Edough
maintained a sort of independence; its inhabitants avoided all
intercourse with the conquerors, and abstained from all acts of
aggression.
In 1841, however, a Marabout, who lived near the Cap-de-Fer,
imagined that Providence had called him to become the liberator of
his country, and, as then was always the case, the moment a fanatic
began to preach the _Jehad_ or holy war, he was surrounded by a host
of followers as ignorant and fanatic as himself.
Several acts of hostility and brigandage were perpetrated, which could
no longer be tolerated, and a force was sent to pacify Edough, under
the command of General Baraguay d’Hilliers. Three columns ascended
the mountain simultaneously, from Constantine, Philippeville and Bone,
and compelled the tribes to recognise the authority of the French. For
a time, however, the Marabout Si Zerdoud continued at liberty, and
urged his followers to resistance. The advancing columns drove the
hostile Arabs on to a small promontory occupied by the Koubba of
Sidi Akesh, between Cap-de-Fer and Ras Takoush, when, seeing that
all further resistance was hopeless, they demanded _aman_. This
was at once accorded; but while the negotiations were going on,
a shot from the thicket behind wounded an orderly of the General,
who immediately gave the order for a general massacre. Many of the
Arabs threw themselves into the sea and were drowned, the rest were
slaughtered without pity.
Si Zerdoud escaped at the time, but was captured shortly afterwards,
and was immediately shot.[17]
My principal object in ascending Edough was to visit the copper-mine
of Ain Barbar, which had lately been acquired by an English
company. The road is not absolutely impracticable for carriages,
as carts descend daily with timber and ore and mount with supplies;
but it is exceedingly rough, and after bad weather must be quite
impracticable. By far the best plan is to go on horseback, and we
had no difficulty in hiring excellent little animals at a moderate
rate in Bone. The road ascends the southern side of the mountain,
which is at first rather bare and covered with tufts of _diss_ grass,
but very soon cork oaks begin to appear, and long before reaching
the culminating point the road traverses a thick forest of these
trees and deciduous oak (_Quercus Mirbeckii_).
On the top of the hill, 3,294 feet above the level of the sea,
is the village of Bugeaud, created in 1843 and named after the
well-known Maréchal. It is situated in a clearing, from which there
is a magnificent panoramic view of the sea on one side, and of the
bay and plain of Bone on the other, bounded by the mountains of the
Beni Saleh.
The winter at Bugeaud is severe, but in summer it has quite an
European climate: and it will, no doubt, one day become a favourite
sanitarium for the good people of Bone, who cannot all manage to get
away to France during the hottest months. A few villas have already
been built in the village and in its vicinity. After having traversed
Algeria in every direction, I have seen no place to be compared with
it as a summer residence. The distance is only eight miles from Bone,
and the road, excellent for horse travellers, could be made fit for
carriages at no great expense, especially during the summer months,
when even the mud of winter attains the consistency of stone.
About a mile further on is the village of Edough, composed almost
entirely of buildings connected with the cork establishment of
Messrs. Lecoq and Berthom, who have a concession of 8,000 hectares
of forest land. There is a clean and comfortable _auberge_ here,
where we had an excellent breakfast on our return.
Instead of continuing along the high road we turned off to the
right, and followed a path, which has been made in connection with
the aqueduct, that conveys the waters of the Fontaine des Princes
to Bone. At the head of the valley is a charming retreat, where
breakfast had been prepared for us by our friends at Ain Barbar. In
this elevated spot the leaves had not yet begun to sprout in the
beginning of April, but so many evergreen trees were mixed with the
deciduous oak that we were in the densest shade. The sirocco can
never find its way here; if we disbelieved the people who said so,
we had only to look at the trees themselves, covered with moss and
polypodium, and to the great variety of ferns which lined the roadside
and peeped out of mossy nooks and springs. Truly it is a princely
spring, and deserves such a name on its own merits; but the Orleans
Princes once picnicked here before the days of the Second Empire,
and the fact has been perpetuated in their honour.
An abundant and perennial stream flows down this valley, part of
which has been diverted and carried in iron pipes for the supply of
Bone. The ancient city of Hippo was supplied from the same source,
and the Roman bridge still exists which carried the water across the
ravine. It is close to where we stopped, and is covered with ferns
and wild flowers, and a venerable oak tree grows from the very centre
of it. The under-shrub here consists chiefly of tree-heath, myrtle,
and arbutus; the wild cherries almost attain the size of forest trees,
while the ground is a perfect carpet of flowers and creepers.
At about thirteen miles from Bone, all this beautiful verdure
disappeared and was replaced by blackened stumps, and the
weird-looking skeletons of what had once been trees. This is the
result of the fatal conflagration of 1873, which created such havoc
here, and in almost all the forests of Algeria. The fire commenced
in the month of April after an unusually strong sirocco; and in a
few hours the City of Bone was surrounded by a belt of flame thirty
miles deep, which reached almost to its gates. Many lives were lost,
but happily the village of Bugeaud escaped. The destruction to the
forest has been very great, almost incalculable, when we consider
that the prosperity of Algeria depends entirely on its rain-fall, and
that every acre of clearing exercises some influence on the climate.
I am quite satisfied, that the great difference in point of fertility
between Algeria and Tunis is owing to the almost utter destruction of
forests in the latter country. I shall endeavour to prove this when
the time comes for me to follow Bruce’s footsteps there. Fortunately
many of the trees were only scorched and not entirely destroyed;
they are beginning to sprout again, and the under-shrub will soon
be as thick as ever. After passing this gloomy belt the character
of the scenery changes; Aleppo pines begin to mingle with the oaks,
the road takes a turn to the west, running parallel to the sea,
and soon the burnt portion of the forest is shut out from view.
The first impression that naturally occurs to the traveller here is,
that, though the whole country is an alternation of forest land and
grassy slopes, there is not a sign of habitation; yet it is impossible
to conceive a locality better suited for colonisation, especially
for the growth of vines, which, I believe, are destined, at no very
distant period, to become the staple production of Algeria. Wherever
the experiment has been tried, the result has been remunerative,
and the wine of excellent quality.
The mines of Ain Barbar are situated at about 25 miles from Bone. The
right of working the mineral over an area of 1,300 hectares has been
purchased by the _Anglo-Algerian Mineral Company_ from the original
concessionaires, and, so far as I can learn, the enterprise promises
to be remunerative. The principal mineral is sulphide of copper, or
copper pyrites, containing on an average 12 per cent. of pure metal,
together with sulphide of zinc or blende, containing as much as 40
per cent. Small quantities of argentiferous lead ore have also been
found. A large village is springing up at this spot; it is extremely
healthy and tolerably cool in summer, being situated at an elevation
of 1,460 feet above the sea.
There is a bridle-path by which a traveller can descend to the French
iron mines of Ain Mokra, and so by railway to Bone; but the road
through the forest is so beautiful that he will generally be only
too glad to return by the way he came. A few lions still remain in
the neighbourhood, and have been seen within a mile or two of Bone;
panthers are more common, but the numbers of both are decreasing
very sensibly every year.
We spent two days with our kind hosts at the mines, and it required
no small amount of determination to resist their schemes for our
detention, but we had a long journey before us, which must be done
before the heats of summer set in, and we could not afford to linger
at all the pleasant places on our way.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 16: Procop., _Wars of the Vandals_, trans. Sir Henry
Holcroft, book ii. c. vi.]
[Footnote 17: Carette, _Algérie. L’Univers_, 1856, p. 16.]
CHAPTER IV.
BONE TO GUELMA — RUINS OF ANNOUNA — HAMMAM MESKOUTIN — ROKNIA
— CAVE OF DJEBEL THAYA— MAHADJIBA — THE SOUMAH.
We left Bone on April 13, for Guelma. It is no part of my plan
to take the reader over beaten paths and well-known ground—the
guide-books will tell him all he wants to know regarding these—but
I cannot resist asking him to accompany me in several excursions we
made in parts of the country quite unknown to the English traveller,
and of which he will find no trace in ‘Murray.’
Our first resting-place was Guelma, and here I must acknowledge with
gratitude the extreme kindness I have ever received from General
Chanzy, Governor-General of Algeria, during my numerous wanderings in
the colony. His letters of recommendation to the civil and military
authorities have always ensured me a most distinguished reception,
and have enabled me to visit places, which would have been very
difficult of access to the simple traveller. I have described Guelma
on a former occasion;[18] the only object of interest, which I had
not noticed before and which M. Daly seized upon with delight, was
a Roman tombstone in the square facing the hotel. It was that of a
young man twenty-five years of age, who too confidently hoped that
his wife would have rested beside him. The work is rude in point
of art, but extremely beautiful in conception. It is a monolith
of rose-coloured marble, square in plan, consisting of a pedestal
with cornice, plinth and base, supporting a crowning part rising
on the same plan, terminating in an architectural feature which
has now disappeared. On the principal façade the top piece bears
a circular wreath enclosing two portrait busts, in relief, that of
the man only being completed, the features of the woman are not
chiselled. The plinth has a garland suspended from the cornice,
below which the surface is divided vertically for two inscriptions;
that of the man only is filled up.
D_iis_ M_anibus_ S_acrum_.
Fl. Nævilla V_ixit_ A_nnis_ viginti novem d_iebus_ quindecim.
On the left side of the plinth is a folding door just shutting,
symbolical of the terrestrial home which is being closed for
ever. Above the cornice on the same side is another one opening,
representing the life to come. This is confirmed by the opposite
side, which bears on the plinth the figure of a winged child with
reversed flambeau, while above it is a cock crowing, to represent
the opening day. The cock is standing on a figure resembling a loop;
it may possibly be intended for a serpent, the emblem of immortality.
At Guelma, the commandant-superior kindly provided us with tents and
spahis for our intended explorations; but before commencing these,
we visited the hot springs of Hammam Meskoutin, which none of my
companions had seen. We also paid a visit to the ruins of Tibilis,
which, though easily accessible from Guelma, are rarely visited
by the tourist. They are close to the village of Ain Amara, on the
highway between Guelma and Constantine.
Just after passing the 87th kilometric stone, a narrow path to the
left descends a steep ravine, in which flows the Oued Announa, and
mounts to the plateau on which stood the Roman city of Tibilis. The
distance in a direct line is not more than three quarters of a mile
from Ain Amara—by the road it is about a mile and a half.
The ruins stand on an open platform scarped on all sides except
the S.W., where it joins the lower counterforts of Ras el-Akba. The
view in the opposite direction looking eastward towards Guelma is
extremely fine, and these two considerations, capability of defence,
and a picturesque situation, appear here, as everywhere else in
Algeria, to have determined the selection of the site. The ruins
are worthy of a visit, though by no means in the best style of Roman
art. They consist of a triumphal arch of the Corinthian order, with
a single opening; on each side are two pilasters, the capital of
one only exists; in front of these were disengaged columns, which
have entirely disappeared, as also the whole of the entablature.
There are the remains also of what appears to have been another
triumphal arch or one of the city gates, with two openings of equal
size. The piers, which supported the arches, had a double Corinthian
fluted pilaster embracing each angle, or eight pilasters to each
pier. There is a Christian basilica, probably of the Byzantine
period, and several other buildings of greater or less importance,
fragments of the city walls, and frusta of columns lying about in
every direction.
Announa was first described by Peyssonnel, who says:—
‘The numerous ruins in cut stone still remaining, show that it must
have been a large and beautiful city; four gates similar to those
of Paris, though smaller, still remain. They are detached works with
pilasters of the order Corinthian-Ionic. Two of these are double, like
that of St. Bernard at Paris. Towards the mountain are the ruins of a
church, above the door is a cross _pattée_ with an A and a P under
the limbs of the cross. There are also great fragments of columns,
of which some are four or five feet in diameter, and 30 or 40 feet
long, others smaller.’[19] Shaw also mentions Announa by name,
but there is no reason to believe that he ever actually visited it.
No important inscription has ever, as far as I am aware, been found
here, by which the age of this city may be determined; but, to judge
from those hereafter mentioned as existing in the entrance to the
cave of Djebel Thaya, the third century was probably the culminating
period of its prosperity. Few of the monuments are at all likely to
have been built at a period anterior to this date.
There is a little wayside inn at Ste. Cécile, the junction of
the Oued Bou-Hamdan and Oued Cherf, near which the road to Hammam
Meskoutin branches off. On a previous visit to this place, I witnessed
a rather curious experiment in vivisection. Our party had come
unexpectedly upon the good people, and found that they had absolutely
nothing to give us for supper, not even the usual standing dishes
of omelette and sausages. I asked the hostess if, living so close to
two rivers, she never had fish; her countenance cleared up at once,
and she said that if we cared for the fish of the country, we might
have as many as we pleased in ten minutes. She sent her son, with a
casting-net, to the river, and he soon returned with a magnificent
basketful of barbel, some weighing nearly half a pound. No time was
to be lost—we were starving—so our hostess at once emptied the
fish into a tub, cut them open, cleaned and brushed out their inside
with a little broom made of twigs, and threw them into another tub of
clean water. To our astonishment, the fish swam about as if no such
liberties had been taken with their interiors, and _so continued to
swim about_, until subsequently transferred to the frying-pan! If
my story is discredited, I shall have the satisfaction of knowing
that Shaw shared the same fate when talking of his lion-eaters,
and Bruce’s raw beef was long considered an impudent fiction.
We slept at the hot springs of Hammam Meskoutin on the night of the
14th April, and on the following day made an excursion on horseback
to Roknia, a distance of about six miles.
Here, on the west side of Djebel Debagh, is an immense necropolis of
megalithic tombs, generally of the same type, rough stones placed
in an upright position, enclosing the actual grave, and covered
with a large flat slab. We excavated a number, and found them to
contain human remains and cups of pottery. Not far off are 300 or
400 caves, some quite natural, others excavated by the hand of man,
which have evidently served as residences for the living as well
as tombs for the dead. A few fragments of a bronze bracelet were
found in one and a bronze ring in another. In the present state
of Algerian archæology it is impossible to fix with any precision
the age of these dolmens. Notwithstanding the interesting memoirs
and researches of General Faidherbe, MM. Bourguignat, Berbrugger,
Féraud, Bertherand and Bourjot, we have insufficient data for coming
to any definite conclusion; one thing is certain, that if they were
commenced in prehistoric times they were continued down to a late
period of the Roman occupation. M. Ph. Thomas found in one of the
dolmens of Sigus a vase unmistakably of Roman origin, containing
a quantity of black mould, amongst which was a coin of Domitian;
his bust was crowned and surrounded by a long Latin inscription,
recording his titles of Augustus and Germanicus, and his elevation
for the fourteenth time to the consular dignity. M. Letourneux is also
said to have found in the Aures Mountains megalithic monuments, some
of the stones of which were evidently the remains of Roman edifices.
On the 16th April we started for Djebel Thaya, which is about sixteen
miles distant. Shortly after leaving the baths, the road crosses
the Bou Hamdan, and passes amongst the hills to the left of that
river, following a north-westerly direction. Many beautiful views
are obtained, especially that from the crest of a spur of Thaya;
on the right is a sterile hill called El-Gharar, on the left the
lofty and fertile mountain of the Beni Ibrahim, on the top of
which is a conspicuous conical rock called _Hadjar eth-Theldj_,
or stone of ice. At last, after a short descent, we crossed the
Oued El-Khoorshif, and came in sight of the entrance to the cave,
high up in the face of a mass of rock rising abruptly to our left.
We found that three tents had been pitched for our accommodation, and
that the Sheikh of the district, Tahar ben el-Fitisi, with a number
of Arabs, was waiting to receive us. It was too late to do anything
that night, so we contented ourselves with examining the entrance
and walking about the neighbourhood, which was most picturesque. The
cold was intense, and, though we piled all available garments upon
our beds, we seemed to get no warmer. It did not occur to us till
afterwards that, as we used canteen beds, which consist only of
a single sheet of canvas, stretched on poles, we should have put
some of our wraps below us; one side of our bodies was protected
by a thick layer of covering, the other had no protection whatever,
save the canvas.
Early next morning we commenced our exploration; our party consisted
of three ladies and two gentlemen. I dare not venture to describe the
costume adopted by the former; it was thoroughly well adapted for the
purpose, but, to say the least, it was unusual. M. Daly and I put on
some old rags, which we intended to throw away afterwards. All of us
had Spanish rope _espadrillas_ instead of shoes, and miners’ lamps
in our hands. We had a large number of Arab guides to attend us,
each of whom carried a lighted candle in his hand, and an abundant
reserve in case of need.
The opening of the cave is on the north-west side of the mountain,
which is composed of a compact limestone. The entrance-passage is
spacious, being in no place less than ten feet in height; the exterior
portion opens out like a hall, well lighted, dry, and adorned with
beautiful tufts of ivy-leaved and other ferns. On the sides are carved
numerous Roman inscriptions, so much effaced by time as to be hardly
legible. M. Bourguignat, who was one of the first to explore this
cave, has published an elaborate, but rather fanciful description
of it.[20] He counted fifty-three inscriptions on the left, eight on
the right, and three on the roof. Nearly all begin with the letters
B.A.S.; one, better preserved than the others, has the words BACICI.
AVG. SAC., from which it is inferred that this cavern is dedicated
to the god Bacax; it is further gathered from the inscriptions,
that every year the magistrates of _Tibilis_ (Announa) came, with
much ceremony, on a pilgrimage to Thaya, to offer a sacrifice to the
god of the cavern. The inscriptions contain the names of consuls
who were elected under the Emperors Caracalla and Geta, A.D. 211,
and from this date they are mentioned up to A.D. 268. The following
is one of them:—
BACCACI . AVG. SAC.
GENTIANO . ET . BASS
O. COS. VII. I_d._ MAIA_s_
C. IVLIVS . FRONTO
NIANVS . ET . M_odes_
_tin_VS . PR_vd_ES
MA_gg_. THIB.
which may thus be rendered: ‘In the year of the Consuls Gentianus and
Bassus (A.D. 211), the 7th of the Ides of May, Caius Julius
Frontinianus and Modestinus, Magistrates of Thibilis, offered sacrifice
to the august Bacax.’ One is commemorative of two brothers, who strayed
into the cavern and were lost there, an accident which might very
easily happen at the present day, and which probably would happen to
anyone entering without experienced Arab guides. The god Bacax is
unknown to history; probably he was one of the local deities adopted
by the Romans.
On leaving the passage containing the inscriptions, the cave descends
at an angle of not less than 45 degrees; the ground is covered with a
thick layer of loose stones, which roll down with alarming velocity
at almost every step made in advance. Great care should be taken
to keep well to the right hand, as on the left there is an abyss
which has never been explored, but which must be of great depth,
and nearly vertical. This is the most alarming part of the whole
descent, and one lady of the party found herself unable to face it,
and returned. The two others were made of sterner stuff, and proved
themselves the best acrobats of the party.
From the foot of this ramp the cave extends, with many accidents of
level, to nearly three quarters of a mile in length and a thousand
feet in vertical depth. The descent is difficult, and even dangerous
throughout, as deep holes occur at numerous places, in which an unwary
explorer might easily be engulfed. Sometimes we had to drop down
steep precipices, by the aid of projecting stalagmites, at others
to slide down muddy gradients, now to creep through small holes and
narrow passages, and again to wade through pools of liquid mud. We
traversed vast halls, intricate labyrinths, passages, and chambers
of every size and form. Groves of stalactites and stalagmites adorn
the sides, while the lofty vaults are hung with the most exquisite
fret-work, like the roof of a Gothic cathedral. The finest of all
is the great domed chamber, at the bottom, which gives to the cave
its Arab name, _Ghar el-Djamäa_ (Cave of the Mosque); it is an
immense, nearly circular, cavity, with domed roof; from the ground
rise magnificent stalagmites, like the trunks of palm trees, and in
the centre is a huge block of stone, which M. Bourguignat imagines
to have been an altar to Bacax. It may have been so; we certainly
observed marks of fire and fragments of blackened Roman pottery upon
it, but it must have been a matter of no small difficulty to convey
animals for sacrifice to it.
One of the most exquisite spots in the cave was a long, narrow
passage, which, our guides assured us, they had never observed
before. It was not convenient to enter, as we had to creep on our
hands and knees in water, and could in no place sit upright, but the
effect was very beautiful; the walls were of dazzling whiteness,
and the floor a series of cells, like a honeycomb, filled with
beautifully pure water. We christened this hall ‘Salle Cobden,’
after our companions. I inscribed the name with the smoke of my lamp,
on the roof, and I record the fact in order that future generations
may know the meaning of the inscription, and not puzzle themselves
as much over it as we did over Bacax.
We had an abundant supply of blue lights and red fire, and one of
the grandest effects was produced by sending Arabs with these to
illuminate distant caves and galleries, while we remained in the
darkness of some central hall.
A comparatively small portion of the cave has been explored. The
Arabs say that there is _no end_ to it. We spent more than five hours
there, and I am sure that we did not see half its beauties. When we
did emerge into the light of day, I leave the reader to imagine our
condition; I certainly shall not venture to describe it. Luckily
there was abundance of hot water awaiting us, and gradually we
returned to our normal condition.
In visiting this cave a few precautions are absolutely necessary.
1. The traveller should provide himself with a tent.
2. He should never attempt to penetrate without Arab guides.
3. He should have an abundant supply of candles, matches, and blue
lights, or magnesium wire.
4. He should have canvas shoes with hempen soles to prevent himself
from slipping, and he should only wear such clothes as he is content
to abandon afterwards.
We made up our mind to proceed to Constantine on horseback, by
an unfrequented path; so we sent back our tents from Djebel Thaya,
and determined to content ourselves with such accommodation as we
could find on the way.
We started on the morning of April 18. The road passed through a great
variety of scenery—cork forests, fertile valleys, wide stretches
of pasture land, everywhere well watered. Some of the streams are
as beautiful as if they had been transported from a Highland glen.
At about 10 miles from Thaya, we passed an Arab market, _Souk
el-Arbäa_, where a fair is held every Wednesday. There are a few
buildings, generally unoccupied save on market day.
At Tarafana, some distance further on, is a remarkable isolated
mass of rock, fifty or sixty feet high, on the right of the road;
on the west side of it are the remains of a building of large cut
stones, either of Roman construction or more probably erected by
the Byzantines out of older material. Its position in the centre
of this fertile valley clearly enough indicates that it must have
been a military post. On a rising ground to the left of the road,
opposite to it, are a few large dolmens, which, unfortunately,
our time would not allow us to excavate.
Shortly after this we entered a long plain and saw, far off in
the distance, the village of El-Aria, which we hoped to reach that
night. We felt very tired, not having yet got habituated to marching,
and longed to know exactly how many weary miles we still had to
travel. Two human beings alone appeared in sight, and they were mere
specks in the distance, and might be Arabs, who had no idea whatever
of distance or time; as they approached they assumed the very pleasant
forms of a well-to-do farmer, out for an evening ride accompanied
by his young daughter. He counselled us not to attempt to go any
farther that night, but to accompany him to his farm of El-Khanaba,
which was close at hand. We needed no second invitation, and I am
sure that none of us will ever think of M. and Mme. A——— and
their fair young daughter without the most pleasant reminiscence of
the night we spent under their hospitable roof.
He took us all over his farm and showed us some interesting ruins,
which proved that it must have been an important agricultural
establishment in the time of the Romans. The foundations of a handsome
villa still exist, mill-stones and immense amphoræ have been dug
up, and a perfect mine of cut stones, which have been utilised in
constructing the modern farm buildings.
Next morning, April 19, our host and his daughter insisted on
accompanying us some distance on our way; poor girl, it was such
a boon to her to meet a party of English ladies, that she could
not contemplate bidding them adieu without a little moistening of
the eyes. She had no neighbour within many miles, and, but for the
fact of her being a good horsewoman, must have felt it very lonely,
living so far from other Europeans.
They advised us strongly to visit some interesting Roman remains
at no great distance, which but for them we should have missed,
Mahadjiba, or Kasr-el-Mahdjouba, the _Castle of the Female Recluse_
and the Seniore of the Itinerary of Antoninus.
The position of this city or stronghold was admirably chosen from a
strategic point of view, being built on an isolated hill, the top of
which is a rough triangle rising abruptly from the plain and sloping
backwards towards its base in a series of terraces.
In front of it is an extensive stretch of rich corn and pasture land,
reaching as far as Constantine, while behind it on the South is a
narrow pass in the Fedj-bou-Ghareb, a remarkable scarped hill of
compact limestone, giving access to the plain of the Amer Cheraga
and Oued Zenati, in which are situated 83,000 out of the 100,000
hectares of land so lavishly granted to the Société Generale
Algérienne by the late Emperor.
Thus this position completely commanded the ancient highway between
Cirta and Kalama, as it now commands the Arab road between Constantine
and Guelma.
The whole hill is covered with the remains of buildings constructed
of huge blocks of cut stone; some of the walls are entire to above
the level of the first-floor, the holes for the reception of the
joists being distinctly visible. The principal and best-preserved
edifice is the tower, from which the ruins derive their Arab name,
an elegant and massive building, which perhaps formed the citadel of
the place. It consists of a rectangular inner keep about 30 ft. by 18,
and 40 high, complete as far as the cornice. It was divided in ground
plan into two portions, communicating with a door which was about
half the whole interior width; there were probably also two or more
stories. This was surrounded on three sides by an outer wall four feet
thick, forming a spacious enclosure, the whole being a part of the
general system of defence. The fourth side of the tower, towards the
body of the place, was not thus surrounded; a simple prolongation of
its face completed the enceinte. The walls of the tower are pierced
with narrow apertures, like modern loop-holes for musketry, while
the outer wall has larger ones, resembling embrasures for artillery.
Two different styles of masonry are observable in the outer walls
of this building, the stones in both being identical. The lower
courses are accurately and closely joined, the upper ones much more
loosely put together. This would indicate that, like many other Roman
strongholds, Seniore was more or less destroyed by the Vandals, or
suffered to fall into decay during their occupation, and restored
by Belisarius or his successor Solomon. Every building in the place
seems to have been built with a view to defence. All have the same
loopholes, and many of them have what appears to have been a species
of portcullis.
[Illustration]
This was formed by two immense upright blocks of stone, _a_, _a_,
having an exterior and interior groove. In the former large flat
stones were dovetailed, _c_, and it is probable that some of these
were habitually left out, and only put into position during an actual
siege; the lowest one generally exists at present in its proper
place. In times of peace, bars of wood, _b_, one above the other,
let into the inner grooves, formed a more temporary barrier.
At the base of the hill below the citadel is an arch of cut stone,
giving access to a subterranean passage, whence flowed a stream
of water. This is now choked up, and the water has forced itself a
passage through the _débris_ about a hundred yards further down,
where it has created a little oasis of trees, the only ones as far as
the eye can reach. Here, again, the destruction of forests has been
taking place. Shaw, alluding to it, says, ‘There is a large tower at
this place, besides a fountain of excellent water, and good pasturage,
but the forests all about it are so frequented with wild beasts that
the _Girfah_ will rarely sit down in the neighbourhood of it.’[21]
M. Renier gives ten inscriptions found here, but none of them of any
great importance,[22] and illustrations of the ruins have been made
both by Ravoisier and De la Marre.[23]
On the hill to the left are several dolmens and cromlechs mixed up
with the remains of Roman tombs and modern Arab graves.
On the opposite side of the valley is seen El-Aria, or, more
correctly, El-Haria, the goal of our journey yesterday, twenty-five
miles from the cave, and nineteen from Constantine. A caravanserail
was built there when the road between Guelma and Constantine passed
by it; now the direction is changed, and the building had been
abandoned. At the time of our journey a village was in process of
construction; it is intended to contain sixteen homesteads, to be
occupied by colonists having means sufficient to build their own
houses. Each family has received a gratuitous concession of ninety
acres of land, but they complained loudly that their allotments were
generally in three different positions remote from each other. The
Mairie, schools, and other public offices, were to be in the old
caravanserail.
After leaving Mahadjiba we went in a south-westerly direction towards
El-Khroub, for the purpose of visiting another remarkable ruin, which
is only two miles from it, and nine-and-a-half from Constantine,
but which is hardly ever visited by English travellers. It is called
by the Arabs Es-Soumah, the minaret, a term which they habitually
employ to designate any ancient mausoleum or tower-like monument.
This beautiful edifice, the history of which is quite unknown, is in
the purest Doric style, and probably dates from the first century. It
is built on a mound near the eastern boundary of the territory of
Cirta, as has been proved by the discovery of a stone bearing the
inscription A.P.C. (_ager publicus Cirtensium_),[24] and close to the
high road between that city and Kalama on the one hand, and Lambessa
on the other. Its object was either to serve as the mausoleum of
some distinguished person or to commemorate a great victory.
The building as it now exists is composed of three principal parts,
a square base, of nearly 10 feet high, surmounted by three gradients,
each 20 inches in height. Above these gradients rises a plinth of 3
ft. 7 in., crowned by a splendid cornice, of a bold and firm, yet
refined, character, measuring 26 inches in height. At this level
a course of stones, 20 inches high, retired from the cornice by 12
inches on all sides, extends like a pavement over the upper surface
of the monument, and serves as a footing to four square pillars that
occupy each angle, leaving a distance outside of nearly a yard on
the two exterior faces. The courses of stone in the pillars are 2
ft. high, and 5 ft. 8 in. on each side. Prominent round bucklers
decorate the outward faces of each of these pillars.
Unfortunately, at this point the monument has been thrown to the
ground, and it is amongst the ruins that a search must be made for
the completion and restoration of the buildings. No doubt, earthquakes
contributed greatly to its destruction, but there is abundant evidence
that the hand of man was not foreign to the work. Part of the material
is scattered in every direction, but it is principally on the north
side that it lies heaped up to the level of the floor. We found
beautiful capitals of the Doric order, frusta of columns without
fluting of any description, soffits decorated with geometric forms,
small entablatures, evidently belonging to the interior of the ruined
part of the building, and fragments of the superior cornice. No doubt,
the square pillars supported columns crowned with a pediment of some
sort, and leaving between them an open vista to expose to view and
protect some notable object, such as a statue or a sarcophagus.
The whole building is formed of beautifully cut stone, joined with
great perfection. No trace of mortar can be perceived.
The ground around it has risen in the course of ages nearly to the
level of the base, but in 1861 the south and part of the east side
were cleared of _débris_,[25] and a vain attempt made to penetrate
to the interior. The problem of its origin still remains unsolved;
but a careful search amongst the accumulated ruins on the north side
would, doubtless, be richly rewarded.
No detailed description, so far as I am aware, has been published of
this monument, but excellent illustrations, and a proposed restoration
of it, are given by M. Ravoisier.[26]
From the Soumah we continued our ride to Constantine, where we
arrived just as it was getting dark, and here, for the first time,
we found ourselves on the track of Bruce.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 18: _Murray’s Hand-book_, p. 193.]
[Footnote 19: Peyssonnel, ap. D. de la Malle, i. p. 285.]
[Footnote 20: _Histoire du Djebel Thaya_; Paris, 1870.]
[Footnote 21: Shaw, p. 123.]
[Footnote 22: L. Renier, Nos. 2,565 to 2,574.]
[Footnote 23: Ravoisier, _Expl. Sc. de l’Algérie, Beaux Arts_,
i. pl. 65-66, and De la Marre, l.c. _Archéologie_, pl. 161.]
[Footnote 24: _Ann. Arch. Const._ vol. v. p. 143.]
[Footnote 25: _Ann. Arch. Const._ vol. vi. p. 68.]
[Footnote 26: Ravoisier, _Expl. Scien. de l’Alg., Beaux Arts_,
vol. i. p. 75, pl. 61-64.]
CHAPTER V.
CONSTANTINE.
The remarkable situation of the city of Constantine has pointed it
out from the earliest times as an important fortress, and as one
of the natural capitals of a country which has been the scene of
perpetual wars and revolutions.
It formerly bore the name of _Cirta_ or _Kirta_, a word which in
the Numidian dialect signified an isolated rock.
It was the capital of Syphax, who according to Livy possessed a
splendid palace here; of Masinissa and Micipsa, the last of whom,
as stated by Strabo, adorned it with many fine buildings, and it
was the scene of some of the most stirring events of the second and
third Punic wars. Here the fair Sophonisba, wife of Syphax, was taken
by Masinissa, who himself married her, and on her being claimed by
Scipio, as the prisoner of the State, he sent her a cup of poison,
which she instantly drank, merely remarking that she would have died
with more honour had she not wedded at her funeral.
It was erected into a colony by Julius Cæsar, under the government of
Sallust, to recompense the partisans of Publius Sittius Nucerinus,
who had rendered him important services, and was called _Cirta
Sittianorum_ or _Cirta Julia_ till the fourth century, when it
received the name of Constantina, which it ever afterwards retained.
Owing partly to its natural strength, and partly to the fact of its
bishop being a Donatist, it escaped destruction when Genseric and
his Vandals overran the country; and Belisarius, when he drove out
the barbarians, found the Roman buildings still intact.
After the Arab invasion, in the 7th century, it fell into decay,
and during the successive sieges which it had to withstand, and
the centuries of Arab and Turkish misrule which succeeded, its
ancient monuments were destroyed; but it was not till after the
French occupation that these entirely disappeared, to make room for
inevitable ‘municipal improvements.’
Constantine occupies the summit of a plateau of rock, nearly
quadrilateral in shape, the faces corresponding to the cardinal
points, and its surface sloping from north to south. Its sides rise
perpendicularly nearly 1,000 feet from the bed of the river Roumel,
the ancient Ampsaga, which surrounds it on the north and east, and it
is connected on the west side only, by an isthmus, with the mainland.
The deep ravine through which the river flows varies in breadth from
about 200 feet on the south-east side to nearly double that distance
opposite the Kasbah, and it is spanned on the north-east side by
four natural arches of rock, about 200 feet above the stream, one of
which served as the foundation for the bridge of El-Kantara. Four
other bridges spanned it in the time of the Romans, of which the
traces are still visible, but the most important, and the only one
remaining in modern times, was that just mentioned.
An excellent description of this arch has been left by El-Bekri,
the Arab geographer of the eleventh century, who says:—
‘This bridge is of a remarkable structure, its height above
the level of the water being about 100 cubits; it is one of the
remains of Roman architecture; it is composed of five upper and
lower arches, which span the valley. Three of these, namely those
to the west, have two storeys, as we have said; they are intended
for the passage of water, while the upper ones form a communication
between the two sides of the ravine. Regarding the others, they
abut against the mountain. These arches are supported by piers,
which break the violence of the torrent, and are pierced at their
summit by small openings. When there are extraordinary floods,
which sometimes take place, the water which rises above the top of
the piers escapes by means of these orifices. This is, we repeat,
one of the most remarkable buildings ever seen.’[27]
Peyssonnel, who visited it in 1724, describes it as ‘a very fine
structure, with three rows of arcades, and a height of about 250 feet,
but rather narrow, having fallen.’
Shaw thus describes the bridge in 1728:—‘The gate towards
the S.E. is in the same fashion and design, though much smaller,
and lyeth open to the bridge that I have mentioned to have been
built over this part of the valley. The bridge was a masterpiece
of its kind, having had the gallery and the columns of the arches
adorned with cornishes and festoons, axe-heads and garlands; the
key-stones likewise of the arches are charged with _caducei_ and other
figures. Betwixt the two principal arches we see, in strong relief,
well executed, the figure of a lady treading upon two elephants,
with a large escallop shell for her canopy. The elephants, turned
towards each other, twist their trunks together; and the lady, who
appears dressed in her hair, with a close-bodied garment like the
riding-habit of our times, raiseth up her petticoats with her right
hand, and looks scornfully upon the city.’[28]
[Illustration: _Plate IV._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
EL-KANTARA OF CONSTANTINE IN 1765
BEFORE ITS RECONSTRUCTION BY SALAH BEY, IN 1792
FAC-SIMILE OF INDIAN INK DRAWING BY BRUCE.
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
This curious piece of sculpture is still visible in the foundations
of the old bridge, though time has worn out the look of scorn in
the good lady’s face.
Bruce was the next traveller who describes it, and his is the
most interesting of all, because it is pictorial. He has left
two drawings—one (Pl. IV.), a beautiful and artistic sketch in
Indian ink, which I have chosen for reproduction, and the other,
a highly-finished drawing with figures by Balugani, intended, no
doubt, for presentation to the King. He says:—
The view of it is in the King’s collection; a band of robbers,
the figures which _adorn_ it, is a composition from imagination,
all the rest is perfectly real.
There can be no doubt whatever of the extreme accuracy of Bruce’s
drawings when _unadorned_ by Balugani. This one, therefore, has an
exceptional interest, as it shows the condition of the bridge before
its restoration by Salah Bey; it is the only sketch extant of the
ancient structure.
In 1792, Salah Bey caused it to be restored by Don Bartolomeo, an
architect from Port Mahon, in the Balearic Islands, who rebuilt the
upper part, the two lower arches and the three piers which sustained
them being in a perfectly sound condition.
He commenced to obtain his stone from Mahon, but that proving too
costly, he made use of such as he found on the plateau of Mansourah,
and especially of the triumphal arch, which the Arabs called Kasr
el-Ghoula, _the fortress of the Ogress_, a name familiar to every
reader of ‘The Thousand and One Nights.’
Admirably executed illustrations of the bridge thus restored, as it
existed after the conquest of Constantine, are given by MM. Ravoisier
and De la Marre.[29]
A curious document was found by Monsieur Feraud amongst the papers of
the family of Kadi Si Moustafa ben Djelloul, one of whose ancestors
was secretary to Salah Bey, relative to the restoration of the bridge
by Don Bartolomeo.[30] The translation is as follows:—
‘The Christian who came to Constantine, with workmen of his nation, to
construct the bridge formerly called _El-Mechebka_, and situated at
the gate of _El-Kantara_, told His Highness Salah Bey, who repeated it
to us, that the date of the construction of the ancient bridge, carved
on the stone in ancient characters, was the 335th year of the era of
Our Lord Jesus, on whom be prayer and peace! From the time of Our Lord
Jesus to the present date, the end of Djemad eth-Thani, 1206 (February,
A.D. 1792), 1792 years have passed, according to the calculation which
has been made to us.
‘Written this Friday, the 20th of Djemad eth-Thani, 1206, the very
day on which we have heard this statement.’
If this be correct, it must have been Constantine the Great
who caused this bridge to be built, two years before his death,
and one before his partition of the Empire.
On the 18th of March, 1857, only 65 years after it was rebuilt,
at half-past seven A.M., one of the upper piers of the bridge,
that nearest the town, gave way, carrying with it the two arches
which it supported, also 24 yards of the aqueduct which supplied
the city. After this accident it was found necessary to destroy
the bridge altogether, which was done by means of artillery, on
March 30 following. It was replaced by an iron structure in 1863,
under the direction of the Department of _Ponts et Chaussées_. It
is higher than the old one, and its axis, instead of passing by the
natural vault where the remains of the Roman bridge are still visible,
passes higher up the ravine.[31]
Bruce arrived at Constantine, from Tebessa, on November 30, 1765. The
following is the only record he has left of his visit:—
I arrived just as the Bey went out to the camp. He had left orders
to have everything ready for my reception. We were lodged in his
own palace, and treated with the utmost magnificence, as well as the
greatest attention, and six chosen Moorish horsemen, well acquainted
with the language and the country, for the language is in many places
difficult, appointed to accompany me wherever I intended to go.
It is situated on a rock, everywhere surrounded by a dreadful
precipice, except on the south, where is the principal gate. The
river Rummel runs below, in a very rocky channel, and near the
bridge passes under an arch of natural rock, as it afterwards does
through two others, the highest of which is about 120 feet high. A
little to the westward of this the Rummel falls in a large cascade
of above 100 feet, under the precipice on which stands the citadel,
which is on the north side of the town, from whence they precipitate
criminals, and is in height 434½ feet.
Dr. Shaw is much mistaken in the description of Cirta. The ports of
the town are in a very bad state, so is Cassir Goulah, all of the
time of Constantine. The aqueduct is very inconsiderable, and of
no height, and was never otherwise, the water from Physgeah being
chiefly carried along the mountains.
I made a drawing of the precipice on which the town stands, and
whence a torrent falls.
This, unfortunately, is not extant.
The _Kasr el-Ghoula_ here alluded to was thus described by Shaw:—
‘Among the ruins to the S.W. of the bridge, upon the narrow
strip of land just now described, is the Cassir Goulah, or Castle
(as they interpret it) _of the Giant_, consisting of three arches,
the middlemost whereof is the most spacious. All the mouldings
and friezes are curiously embellished with the figures of flowers,
battle-axes, and other ornaments. The Corinthian pilasters erected
on each side of the grand arch, are pannelled like the side-posts
of the gates of the city, in a _gusto_, as far as I have observed,
peculiar to Cirta; but the pillars of the stone order, which supported
the pediment, are broken down and defaced.’[32]
This was also described by Peyssonnel, who says: ‘On the
other side of the ravine is a small plain on a level with the town,
where is a triumphal arch in a very good state of preservation. It
is formed of three large gates; that in the middle is 25 feet wide;
the others are proportionally smaller. After this arch a great wall
is seen, which sustained some considerable building.’[33]
When Constantine was taken by the French, the remains of this
building were discovered on the plateau of Mansourah, overlooking
the ravine. They consisted of several foundations in cut stone,
and two fragments of cornice of an elegant and severe design,[34]
but these have all disappeared. The French have done great things
for Algeria, and the world owes them a deep debt of gratitude for
having converted a nest of pirates and robbers into one of the
most charming countries in the Mediterranean: but it is devoutly
to be wished that they would do a little more for archæology, or
rather establish a strict conservancy of all their venerable ruins,
which otherwise will soon disappear everywhere as completely and as
unnecessarily as they have done at Cherchel and Constantine.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 27: Ravoisier, _Expl. Sc. de l’Alg., Beaux Arts_,
i. p. 10.]
[Footnote 28: Shaw, p. 127.]
[Footnote 29: _Expl. Scien. de l’Alg., Beaux Arts_, vol. i. plates
4 and 5; _Archeol._, plates 114-118.]
[Footnote 30: Fer. _Rev. Afr._, vol. xii. p. 131.]
[Footnote 31: Vaysettes, _Ann. Arch. Const._ vol. xii. p. 368.]
[Footnote 32: Shaw, p. 128.]
[Footnote 33: Peyssonnel, ap. D. de la Malle, i. p. 303.]
[Footnote 34: Ravoisier, _Exp. Sc. de l’Alg., Beaux Arts_,
i. p. 10.]
CHAPTER VI.
BRUCE’S ROUTE TO LAMBESSA — ZANA OR DIANA VETERANORUM — THE
MEDRASSEN — BRUCE ARRIVES AT THE AURES — CURIOUS MEETING WITH
A CHIEF OF THOSE MOUNTAINS.
We proceeded towards Batna by the diligence. I will therefore follow
Bruce’s route in preference to my own.
On December 2, 1765, left Constantina late, and travelled only about 5
miles. The 3rd, arrived at Physgeah, a fountain whence issues a large
stream, and where there are still a few slight traces of former works.
The _Ain Fesgiah_ here mentioned is 60 kilometres, or 37½ miles,
on the road to Batna, and its waters have lately been re-conducted
to Constantine for the supply of that city.
All this day passed along the ruins of a Roman causeway, which was
probably the road to Lambessa.
The journey to-day was between hills all cultivated; and, near
Physgeah, passed through the plain, bounded on each side by the high
rocky mountains Niffen Sur and Geryon.
This is the territory of the ancient _Makhzin_ tribe of Zemoul,
situated between Djebel Gerioun on the east and another mountain
to the south-west, the highest point of which is, from its peculiar
shape, called by the natives _Enf-en-neser_, or the Eagle’s Beak.
The 4th, arrived at Tattubt, 5 miles; where there remains nothing
but the ruins of a modern building.
Tattubt is also in the tribe of Zemoul, not far from the lakes. From
the Roman remains here were obtained the columns used to build the
Mosque of Souk el-Ghazel, now the Cathedral of Constantine.[35]
The 5th, encamped at the Smellie (Smala) of the Bey, 9 miles.
The 6th, arrived at Taggou Zainah, 16 miles from Tattubt, due
west. It is situated at the foot of Jebbel Mustowah, whose _Gellah_
or fortress lies immediately south of it. The inhabitants of Taggou
Zainah and the mountain Mustowah are the Haract, a clan that pays
no tribute or obedience to the Bey, and not the Welled Abdenore,
as Dr. Shaw says, these last lying to the westward.
A small river runs immediately below Zainah on the northwards,
over which are the large plains of Tattubt, bounded on the south
by Jebbel Auress, and on the north by the high mountain Niffen Sur
(_Enf-en-neser_), Geryoun, and Ziganeah.
The 7th, designed one triumphal arch and left the other, it being
in a bad state; no other buildings on foot, or any remains of the
amphitheatre mentioned by Shaw. Zainah is the Diana of the Itinerary,
and Taggou is but the continuation of it to the eastward, along the
riverside, which does not divide Taggou from Zainah, as Dr. Shaw says,
but runs parallel to them from east to west.
The mountain Mustowah above mentioned is a very well known hill
near Batna, which has the form of a table or martello tower, whence
its name of _Geläa_, or fortress. It was here that the insurgents,
who attacked Batna in 1871, established their head-quarters.
The _Haract_ or Haracta, is a powerful tribe of Berber origin, still
speaking the Chawi language and inhabiting the great plains around
Ain Beida; they are beginning to abandon nomad life and to settle down
to the cultivation of the soil. Like most of the Chawi branch of the
Berber race, they are lax Mohammedans, but fanatically attached to
their religious confraternities, or _Khouans_, particularly to that
of Sidi Mohammed ben Abd-er-Rahman bou Koberain. The _Abdenore_, as
Bruce calls them, or the Oulad Abd-en-Noor, is one of the largest
tribes in the province of Constantine. They now occupy the high
plateau between Constantine and Setif. Under the Turkish Government
they extended much further south, and at one time actually occupied
the plain of Zana, as mentioned by Shaw.
Taggou-Zainah is, as Bruce shows, only the combination of two
names, Taggou and Zana. The latter is the ordinary modern name of
the district, and is evidently a corruption of the word Diana. The
Itinerary of Antonine simply calls this city Diana. In the tables
of Peutinger it is called Diana Veteranorum, and beside the name is
the figure of a temple dedicated to Diana, the remains of which are
still visible.[36]
The site of this city was found by Peyssonnel, in 1725, who thus
described it:[37]—
‘The 14th, we arrived at the camp of the Bey, situated near to
Izana. Izana is the ancient Diana. It was situated at the foot
of a great mountain, now called Arquet,[38] near a beautiful
spring . . . the situation is fine, and the city must have been
considerable. Two triumphal arches still remain; one faces the east,
and has a single gate with four small Corinthian columns. The other
is at a little distance, and has also a single gate, but grander
and more superb, with two great columns of the Corinthian order. The
gate is about 25 feet wide and 38 high, and with the cornice and a
great inscription above it, about 50 feet, all in good taste.
‘The inscription is:—
IMP. CAES. M. AVRELIO SEVERO . . . FELICI
AVG. PONT. MAX. TRIB. POTEST. COS. DESIGN. . . .
PROVIDENTISSIMO ET SANCTISSIMO PRINCIPI . ET ANTONINO
NOBILISSIMO CAESARI PRINCIPI JVENTVTIS DIANENSIVM
EX DECRETO . D.D. P.P.
‘These gates are detached works, four feet thick, and well
preserved. Beside them is a large building quite destroyed; it was
square, and at the four corners was a pavilion or square bastion. This
must have been a very fine palace.
‘There are other ruins which do not deserve much notice.’
Of this inscription a very small fragment now remains, so that the
above rendering of Peysonnel cannot be verified. M. Léon Renier
states that it is very incorrect, and suggests the following
re-construction, based on his own researches:—
‘_Imperatori Caesari Marco Opellio Severo Macrino Pio Felici
Augusto, pontifici maximo, tribuniciae potestatis, consuli designato,
patri patriae, proconsuli, providentissimo et sanctissimo principi,
et Marco Opellio Antonino Diadumiano, nobilissimo Caesari Principi
Juventutis, Respublica Dianensium ex decreto decurionum_.’[39]
This, if correct, would show that the building was erected in the
reign of Macrinus, A.D. 217-218.
Two other inscriptions were copied by Bruce, but he does not record
the exact spots where he observed them:—
. . . . ES M AVR
. . . . ES L AVR
. ADRIANI . . . .
. ANTE C . . . .
* * * * *
MERCVRIO
AUG. SACRVM
M. AVRE . VS Q FIL . . .
PAP. AEMILIANVS Q . . . .
AEDIL II VIRV. STA . . . VM
QUAM . OB HONOR . M . .
VIRATVS EX V. MIL. N.
. . . . . . EST POSVIT
POL . CITVS . . . . .
INLATIS REIP LEGI . IMIS
HONORVM SVORVM.
Of this last inscription M. Renier supplies two additional lines,
and gives the following rendering. It was found on an altar, the
lower part of which was probably buried when Bruce saw it.
‘_Mercurio Augusto sacrum. Marcus Aurelius, Quinti filius,
Papiria tribu, Aemilianus quaestor, aedilis, duumvirum, statuam,
quam, ob honorem duumviratus, ex sestertium quinque milibus nummum
pollicitus est, posuit, inlatis rei publicae legitimis honorum suorum
summis et at fori straturam cubis decem, idemque dedicavit._’[40]
As appears from its name, Diana was inhabited, and probably
founded, by a colony of veterans of the Third Legion. This remark,
that the town is situated at the foot of Djebel Mestowa, which
has always served as a centre of resistance under the Berbers,
Turks, and French, favours the impression that it was the same
under the Romans. This, no doubt, also induced the Byzantines to
build a fortress there, 230 feet square, the walls of which are
still standing.
Diana existed in A.D. 160, as is proved by a dedication to Antoninus
Pius in the last year of his reign. It had the title of Municipium,
and, according to Morcelli,[41] was several times favoured by the
munificence of the Emperor.
Fidentius, a Donatist bishop of Diana, assisted at the Council of
Carthage in 411.
It appears not to have been destroyed, like Lambessa and Timegad,
for at the period of the Arab conquest it was the capital of the
region. Moula Ahmed[42] thus mentions it:—
‘When Sidi Okba had conquered the people of Lambessa, he asked
which was the strongest city in the country. They replied that it
was Diana, where there was a king, chief of the Christians of Zab,
a country containing 360 _bourgades_, having each an Emir. El-Yakoubi
says that _Adanaa_ was the largest city in the Western Zab. Okba there
encountered the people of the country, and a great battle ensued. The
Mohammedans triumphed over the Christians, of whom the greatest part
were destroyed, and their power ceased in the province.’
Diana disappeared as a city in the tenth century. El-Bekri,[43]
who places it at two days’ journey from Tobna, states that it was
ruined in 935, by Ali ben Hamdoun El-Andalousi, governor of Zab, and
the faithful servant of the Fatemites. The inhabitants had probably
taken part in the great religious and political insurrection which
began in the Aures, and of which Abou-Yezid was the promoter.
El-Bekri also states that the Haoura, who dwelt near Magra, having
carried off the women of Diana, the inhabitants pursued the ravishers
and killed a great number and delivered their women. The battle took
place on the banks of a river, which took the name of _Oued-en-Nissa_
(the river of women).
The principal Roman ruins at Diana are the two triumphal arches—of
which the finer was drawn by Bruce, though unhappily his sketch is no
longer extant in the Kinnaird Collection—the remains of a temple
of Diana and a Christian basilica. The ruins of an aqueduct which
brought the waters of Ain Sultan to the city are still visible for
about nine miles.
From this point Bruce directed his course towards the Medrassen,
spending the night of December 7 only eight miles distant from
Diana. We descended from the diligence at Ain Yakoob at four A.M. on
April 24, and hired mules to convey us thither. There is a road-side
inn at Ain Yakoob, kept by a Maltese, and there is usually very
little difficulty in obtaining beasts, though the Arabs, seeing
travellers entirely at their mercy, without any French authorities
to control them, know how to charge accordingly. The distance is
less than six miles.
Shaw, in describing this building, says: ‘Five leagues to the
east of Tagou-Zainah, upon the northern skirts of Jibbel Auress,
we have a very remarkable sepulchral monument, situated between
two eminences. It goes by the name of _Medrashem_, or _Mail Cashem_
(‘_the treasure of Cashem_’), being nearly of the same fashion
with the Kubber Romeah, but differeth in being larger and in having
the cornish of the base supported with Tuscan-like pilasters. The
Arabs imagine, as they do with regard to other large piles, that an
immense treasure lieth buried beneath it, and have therefore made
the like attempts as at the Kubber Romeah to lay it open.’[44]
Bruce dismisses the subject of the Medrassen with very few remarks,
although he has left a drawing and a plan of it, the former of which
is here given (Plate V.)
The 8th, arrived at _Medaghashem_, or _Mad Cashem_, at two o’clock,
12 miles, and finished the design that night. The entrance is to
the east; it is situated in a plain about two miles square, between
two mountains, Azim and Boaref, and has to the east a view of an
extensive lake, and by the south-east side passes the remains of a
public road, which is probably that from Cirta to Lambese, of which
we found traces between Constantina and Physgeah.
This remarkable monument, very similar to the Tombeau de la
Chrétienne near Algiers, was situated on the high road between
Theveste and Diana Veteranorum. The form is that of a truncated cone,
placed on a cylindrical base 193 feet in diameter; the total height
is 60 feet. The lower portion, which forms a vertical encircling zone
or ring, is ornamented by 60 engaged columns, of which not one half
are now perfect. The upper part, or roof, gradually diminishes, by
a series of steps, each 22 inches in height, and 38 in breadth. The
columns are stunted, much broader at the base than at the top,
the height being about four times the lower diameter. They rest on
three steps, which serve as base both to the monument and to the
columns. The capitals are Doric, and above them is an entablature
with a large, bold cavetto, as if of Egyptian origin. Commandant
Foy,[45] probably following the description of Shaw, calls them
of the Tuscan order; Colonel Brunon,[46] criticising the former,
remarks that the capitals belong rather to the _genre Egyptien_ than
to the Tuscan order, the truth being that they are neither one nor the
other, but purely Greek. Greece and Egypt seem to have inspired the
ornamentation, while the _tumulus_ suggested the monument itself, as
it did the Tombeau de la Chrétienne, Etruscan tombs and the Pyramids
of Egypt. The actual conical part has lost its apex, if it ever had
one. The exterior masonry is remarkably fine, the stones being of
great size, well cut, the joints not more in some places than the
thickness of a knife and each stone joined to its neighbour by a
massive clamp, probably of iron set in lead, the search for which has
greatly contributed to the destruction of the building. Unfortunately
the interior masonry was of a much inferior kind, and an extensive
subsidence of it has caused a dislocation of the outer coating.
[Illustration: _Plate V._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
THE MEDRASSEN OR TOMB OF THE NUMIDIAN KINGS
FAC-SIMILE OF FINISHED INDIAN INK DRAWING BY BRUCE (AND BALUGANI?)
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
Various attempts have been made to penetrate it, but till quite
recently without success. Salah Bey endeavoured to force an entrance
by means of artillery. General Carbuccia commenced to explore it in
1849, and discovered the passage leading to the sepulchral chamber;
but, owing to the roof having fallen in, he was unable to penetrate
further. Commandant Foy resumed its exploration with no better
success; Monsieur le Garde du Génie Bauchetet failed likewise
in 1866; but being again sent in 1873, with more ample means, he
succeeded in clearing away the _débris_ and penetrating to the
central chamber, which he ascertained to be 10 feet 3 inches long
by 4 feet 7 inches broad. Nothing of any interest was found inside,
but clear evidence was obtained that it had been opened at some
former period, and that an attempt had been made to destroy the
building by means of fire; great quantities of charcoal and lime
(the latter the calcined stone of which it is built) were discovered,
and the fire having communicated to the woodwork which supported
the roof of the passage, the superincumbent masonry had fallen in
and obstructed the entrance. The masonry in the passage and chamber
is very inferior to that of the Tombeau de la Chrétienne, and it
differs from the latter by the passage going straight to the centre
instead of in a spiral direction.
Numerous tumuli, also of a circular form, were discovered around,
together with the traces of a bastioned enclosure, proving the place
to have been an immense necropolis, subsequently used as a fortress,
of which the Medrassen was simply the principal tomb.
There have been many speculations as to the meaning of the word
and the destination of the building, which is not mentioned by
any classical author. There can, however, be little doubt that the
word _Medrassen_, as it is usually written, or _Madghassen_,[47]
which is the more correct orthography, is the plural of the Berber
word _Madghes_, the patronymic designation of an ancient family
from which Masinissa was descended. Ibn Khaldoun says that Madghes
was the son of Berr Ibn Kais; he bore the name of El-Abter, and was
the father of the Berbers-Botr.[48] The name still exists in that
of the tribe inhabiting the vicinity, the Haracta-_Mader_, and in
that of a stream, the Oued _Mader_.
It is much more probable that this was the tomb of the Numidian
kings—perhaps of Masinissa—than that of Syphax, to whom it has
been referred, whose capital was at Siga, near the Tafna, and who
only occupied Cirta for a short period. This would lead us to assign
the date of B.C. 150 as about that of its construction, a supposition
amply supported by the style of the architecture.
Here it may be well, before proceeding with my own route, to continue
Bruce’s narrative of his.
Alluding to the Aures, he says:—
This mountain is of a very considerable height but inferior to
Atlas, beautifully covered to the top with thick woods of cedar;
on the top are fine plains and plentiful pastures; about 14 miles
from Meda Cashem we encamped at the Shek of Auress’s dowar. His
name is Mahomed, and Beni Momnein[49] are his people on the plain
and Lashash[50]; formerly he commanded all Auress till his father was
slain by Morad Beni Manesseh,[51] who now has taken the greatest part;
Lashash, Welled Abdi, Boozenah and Marfah are dependants of Mahomed,
and were at war with the Amamrah, Haract, Welled Sheela and several
other clans, so that it was with great danger we passed on towards
Tezzoute.
Here I met, to my great astonishment, a tribe, who, if I cannot say
they were fair like English, were of a shade lighter than that of the
inhabitants of any country to the southward of Britain. Their hair
also was red and their eyes blue. They are a strong and independent
people, and it required address to approach them with safety.
Each of the tribe, in the middle between the eyes, has a Greek cross
marked with antimony. They are Kabyles. Though living in tribes,
they have among the mountains huts built with mud and straw, which
they call Dashkras, whereas the Arabs live in tents on the plains.
I imagine these to be a remnant of the Vandals. Procopius mentions a
defeat of an army of this nation here after a desperate resistance,
a remnant of which may be supposed to have maintained themselves
in these mountains. They with great pleasure confessed their
ancestors had been Christians, and seemed to rejoice much more in
that relation than in any connection with the Moors, with whom they
live in perpetual war. They pay no taxes to the Bey, but live in
constant defiance of him.
It happened that one of these tribes had its dwelling upon a
pointed rock (probably the Tamar of Procopius) just over the
ruins of Lambessa. As we approached then these ruins, the nine
soldiers of the Bey began to murmur for fear of the Neardie[52]
(so they call this sturdy tribe, who had often beat the Bey);
and matters had come the length of an absolute refusal to follow,
when we alighted at an encampment of Arabs three hours’ journey
from Lambessa. I was fatigued with hunting and the heat of the day,
and having pitched my tent, lay down to sleep, when I heard a dispute
between my servants and an Arab who was wanting to come into the tent
to speak to me. As everything is of consequence to be attended to
in these countries, I got up and brought the Arab into my tent. He
was an old man of a mean appearance. He asked me what countryman I
was, and if I spoke Italian. I answered that I was an Englishman,
had been all over Italy and spoke Italian perfectly; and I was
very much surprised to hear him ask me in very good Italian if I
had ever been to Nice, or knew General Paterson. Having satisfied
him that I knew the General, and what near neighbours and intimate
friends our families were, he leaped up and embraced me with great
joy and sincerity, calling General Paterson his father. He told me
that he had been taken by the Sardinian galleys and at first ill
used, but that by the interposition of General Paterson he had been
exempted from all hardships and confinement, and treated with great
humanity, tenderness and confidence; that he had also assisted him
in his redemption. There was no end of his thanks and gratitude. He
brought his wives and daughters into my tent, the greatest of all
marks of veneration amongst the Arabs. He feasted us magnificently
and seemed only at a loss he could do no more. The Arabs, who from
the door of the tent had heard their chief speak an unknown language,
and show such marks of respect to a stranger and a Christian, the
object of their aversion, came all into the tent; and after a very
adroit explanation given by the old man, all of them made me the most
fervent offers of service as the friend of the deliverer of their
chief. It was now time to enter into a discourse about the Neardie,
the fears of my companions and my resolution to see Lambessa at all
hazards. They laughed heartily at the fears of the Bey’s horsemen,
which however they confessed to be well founded, and seemed to think
little of the journey itself. ‘You shall do,’ said the old man,
‘in this case, what no wise man will do in general; you shall leave
your old friends for your new; you shall leave the Bey’s soldiers
to eat and drink here, and I will conduct you to Lambessa. If any
harm falls on you in my company, let the soldiers witness against
me to their master.’
I made no scruple to follow his directions, and on the next morning
we entered the dark, rocky, wooded defiles which lead to Lambessa,
full of lions, tigers[53] and men more savage than these animals.
We stayed three days at Lambessa without molestation and returned to
the tents of our Arab conductor. To this accident is owing my having
made one of the most accurate drawings ever seen on paper[54] as
well as the knowledge of many historical circumstances. He attended
us two days’ journey on our return, and embracing me at parting,
said to me in Arabic, ‘God is a free Agent in judgment. He saves
whom He pleases, and condemns whom He pleases; if so we may, though
of different religions, meet in Paradise. To me it seems impossible
that God the Great and Merciful should make men like General Paterson
and you for damnation.’
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 35: Shaw, p. 110.]
[Footnote 36: See Ragot, _Ann. Arch. Const._ xvi. p. 224.]
[Footnote 37: Peyssonnel, ap. D. de la Malle, i. p. 334.]
[Footnote 38: This is Djebel Harkat, the root of which word is
identical with that of the _Harackta_ tribe in the neighbourhood.]
[Footnote 39: L. Renier, Inscr. 1,731.]
[Footnote 40: L. Renier, Inscr. 1,744.]
[Footnote 41: Morcelli, _Afr. Chr._ t. i. p. 150.]
[Footnote 42: _Voyage dans le sud de l’Algérie_, trad. Berbrugger,
p. 223.]
[Footnote 43: _Description de l’Afrique Septentrionale_,
pp. 320-321.]
[Footnote 44: Shaw, p. 110.]
[Footnote 45: _Ann. Arch. Const._ iii. p. 58.]
[Footnote 46: Ibid. xvi. p. 303.]
[Footnote 47: The letter غ in Arabic is frequently rendered by _r_
instead of _gh_.]
[Footnote 48: Ibn Khaldoun, trad. de Slane, i. p. 181.]
[Footnote 49: The section of Beni _Moumen_ or _Moumeneen_ still
exists in the Aures.]
[Footnote 50: The tribe of _El-Ashash_ still exists, its chief is
the well-known Bou-Dhiaf.]
[Footnote 51: The family of _Beni Merad_ long governed in the Aures;
they were subsequently expelled and now inhabit Guerfa between Ain
Beida and Guelma.]
[Footnote 52: I cannot at all identify this tribe; the name is unknown
in the country at the present day, and I should be inclined to think
that Bruce meant the Oulad _Abdi_, who occupy the principal part of
the Aures, but for the fact that he subsequently mentions them as
the _Welled Abdi_.]
[Footnote 53: Perhaps panthers are here meant, there being no _tigers_
in Africa.]
[Footnote 54: This is not extant in the Kinnaird collection.]
CHAPTER VII.
OUR ARRIVAL AT BATNA — HISTORY AND DESCRIPTION OF THE AURES
MOUNTAINS.
After having spent some hours at the Medrassen, we continued our
way to Batna. The first part of the route was across country for
about five miles, after which we rejoined the high road at the
Hôtel du Tournant, about six and a quarter miles from Batna. The
Governor-General had been good enough to send special recommendations
in our favour to the Commandant of that station, General Dastugue,
and as chance would have it, General Chanzy was himself on a tour of
inspection, and expected to arrive at Batna about the same time as
ourselves. We were in a sorry plight, having spent the previous night
in the diligence; we were mounted on Arab mules and pack-saddles,
and altogether presented a miserably travel-stained appearance. Judge
of our horror at having thus to run the gauntlet of all the officials
who had come out to meet the Governor-General: the Commandant himself
with a brilliant staff, all the judicial authorities in their robes,
the Maire and Municipal Council, streets of little boys and girls
bearing flowers and banners, and ready to sing a pæan of praise
to His Excellency. And, worst of all, we were stopped by General
Dastugue in the midst of all this glory; he had recognised us even
in our rags and dirt, and wished us to understand that as soon as his
official duties were over, he would do all in his power to facilitate
our journey, a promise which he far more than fulfilled.
We remained at Batna till the 27th April, and were most hospitably
entertained by the General. He sent letters of recommendation in
advance to all the chiefs of the Aures, caused good mules to be
brought in for ourselves, and supplied us with tents and mules
from the train for our baggage. No one could have taken more pains
to ensure the success of our journey, and it was with the deepest
regret that we heard shortly after our return to Algiers, that his
health had broken down, and that he had returned to France with but
little hope of being able to resume active service in Africa. Before,
however, commencing a narrative of our journey, the reader will be
glad to know something of this country, which, as far as I am aware,
has never been explored by an English traveller, and is comparatively
little known even to the French. Bruce never actually penetrated
into these mountains: he merely skirted their northern slopes.
English tourists, who flock every season to Biskra, cannot fail to see
and to admire their distant outline; everyone goes to Lambessa; a few
may visit Timegad and Tebessa, all on Bruce’s route; but with these
exceptions the country is as little known as it was a century ago.
The geographical term _Aures_ comprises at the present day that mass
of mountains stretching between the route from Batna to Biskra on the
west and the Oued el-Arab on the east. It does not extend further
north than Batna, or so far south as Biskra. The greatest length
from east to west is 75 miles, and from north to south 44; Ptolemy
places here his Audon; Procopius and other geographers speak of it
as Aurasion, or Mons Aurasius, but it does not appear that they
included under these names the entire range, but rather isolated
peaks, like the Djebel Aures, which actually exists as a single peak
near Khenchla. To the south of Audon Ptolemy traces a long chain
of mountains, which he calls Thambes, and which, with Mampsurus
(the modern _Dj. Mahmel_), would about include the district known
as the Aures Mountains at the present day.
Procopius describes it in the following terms: ‘This mountain,
the greatest that we know, is situated at thirteen days’ journey
from Carthage. Its circuit is three long days’ journey. One can
only ascend by steep paths and wild solitudes, but on the summit
is an immense plain, watered by springs, giving rise to rivers,
and covered with a prodigious quantity of orchards; the grain and
fruit are double the size of those in other parts of Africa.’
The general configuration of the Aures is a series of mountain
ranges, running with more or less continuity from N.E. to S.W. They
are roughly parallel to each other, and in the valleys between them
flow considerable rivers.
On the north side, they have only moderate slopes, which convey its
waters into the Chotts of the neighbouring plateau. These streams
are few in number and of no great volume; the great body of the
drainage is from the southern side, where the rivers, after a long
and fertilising course, pour their waters into the great marshy basin
of Melghigh. The most important of these watercourses are the Oued
el-Kantara just outside the range, and the Oueds Abdi and el-Abiad,
which flow through it. To the east of these, the rivers assume a
more directly southern course.
The inhabitants of this country are called _Chawi_ (plural, _Chawia_),
from the Semitic root _cha_, a sheep. They are emphatically shepherds,
as well as agriculturists, having few or no cattle, but immense
flocks of sheep and goats.
They form a branch of the great Berber nation, which has occupied
the north of Africa, from Egypt to the Atlantic, since pre-historic
times. The Kabyles form another branch. Both speak slightly different
dialects of the same language, but the former, shut up in their
mountain fastnesses, hardly yet known to the world beyond and rarely
leaving their native country, have remained less mixed with foreign
elements, at least since the period of the Arab conquest.
These remarks apply particularly to the Chawia of the Aures: the race
itself has a much wider geographical distribution, and in the same
manner that there are tribes of Kabyles out of Kabylia, so there are
tribes of Chawia in the plains and high plateaux all round the Aures,
which, from contact with the nomad Arabs settled in their vicinity,
have lost much of their distinctive character.
Comparatively little is known of the history of the Berbers before
the Roman occupation of North Africa, which followed the long and
bloody wars in the second century before Christ. For some time after
that, the government of the country still remained in the hands of
the native races, and it was not till A.D. 40 that Numidia became
finally reduced to the condition of a Roman province.
The accuracy of the description given of them by Ibn Khaldoun, in
the fourteenth century, may be verified in a thousand particulars
at the present day.
‘From the most ancient times,’ he says, ‘the west country was
peopled by this race. They construct their houses either with stone
and mud, with reeds and brushwood, or with cloths made of horse-hair
or camel’s wool. Those who possess a certain degree of power and
govern the others, adopt a nomad life, and wander about with their
flocks in search of pasturage. But they never quit the Tell to enter
into the vast plains of the desert.
‘They gain their living by rearing sheep and cattle, and reserve
their horses for riding and for the propagation of the species. A part
of the nomad Berbers breed camels also, thus following an occupation
which is ordinarily that of the Arab. The poorer Berbers live off
the produce of their fields and flocks; but the higher classes,
those who live as nomads, wander over the country with their camels,
and lance in hand are as much engaged in robbing strangers as in
tending their flocks.
‘Their raiment and almost all their effects are of wool, and they
clothe themselves in striped garments, one end of which is thrown
over the left shoulder.’[55]
The origin of the Berber name, according to the same author, is
as follows:—
‘When Ifrikos, son of Kais, son of Saifi, one of the Himyarite
kings or Tobbas of Yemen, invaded North Africa, to which country
he gave his name, he was astonished at the strange idioms spoken by
the inhabitants, and exclaimed, “What a _berbera_ yours is!” The
word _berbera_ signifies _a mixture of unintelligible cries_, and the
name of Berber was ever afterwards applied to designate them.’[56]
He further adds that the Berbers of the Aures had previous to this
embraced Judaism;[57] certainly, during the domination of the Romans
they resigned themselves to the profession of the Christian faith,
and submitted to their conquerors, paying without much resistance
the heavy taxes imposed upon them. The enormous amount and the
magnificent character of the Roman ruins still existing in and around
the Aures show how extensive their occupation of the country was. All
the fertile plains and valleys must have been appropriated by them,
and their hands being as prompt to suppress insurrection as to uphold
military discipline, the native races were, no doubt, either entirely
assimilated to their conquerors, or driven to mountains and deserts,
where even the Roman power was unfelt.
The Vandal invasion, which swept all this away, never penetrated
into the Aures, and for a brief period the Berber princes were
again permitted to rule their country in peace and quietness. The
last Vandal king was Gilimer, and it was in his reign (A.D. 533)
that Justinian sent a powerful army under Belisarius to invade
Africa. The secretary of that general was Procopius, who has left
us a most valuable account of the wars of the Byzantines against
the Vandals. In less than six months Belisarius conquered the whole
country from Carthage to the Atlantic, and either drove the Vandals
out, or forced them to retreat to the mountains, especially the Aures,
where their conquerors did not at first dare to follow them.
Belisarius then returned to Constantinople with the captive king in
his train, leaving his wisest and most valiant general, the eunuch
Solomon, to supply his place. The Berbers soon raised the standard
of revolt, and the most formidable chief he had to contend against
was Iabdas,[58] who occupied the Aures Mountains. Thither Solomon
followed and signally defeated him, compelling him to flee into
Mauritania. The conquerors ravaged the country all round the Aures,
but they carefully restored the strong places, such as Thamugas,
Baghaia, and Theveste. Risings amongst the native races however
still continued; and, after a short and brilliant career, Solomon
was utterly defeated, and lost his life under the walls of Theveste
(the modern Tebessa).
From this moment the power of the Latin race began rapidly to
decay. The remnants of the Roman and Byzantine colonies either
concentrated themselves in the neighbourhood of a few strongly
fortified positions, or retreated to the almost inaccessible mountains
now known as Kabylia and the Aures.
At this conjuncture a new conquering power appeared on the
scene. Mohammedanism began to extend its conquests beyond Arabia,
and when those wonderful expeditions under Abdulla ibn Saad, Moawia
ibn el-Hodeidj and Okba ibn Nafa overran the whole of North Africa,
they met with but little resistance from the Berbers, who had
suffered so cruelly from one set of foreign invaders after another;
they regarded the Arabs rather as liberators than conquerors,
and willingly embraced the religion of El-Islam and recognised the
authority of the Khalifa. These new masters, however, proved even
more tyrannical than the old ones, and soon the flames of revolt
spread all over the country.
The government of the Berbers was at this time exercised by Koceila,
son of Lemezm, who had originally been a Christian, but who had become
a Mohammedan during the first Arab invasion, and had returned to his
ancient faith under the government of Abou el-Mohadjer. He rallied
all the disaffected Berbers to his standard, but he was completely
defeated by Abou el-Mohadjer, taken prisoner at Tlemçen and only
escaped death by again making a profession of Islamism.
Okba ibn Nafa, who had returned to Africa to replace Abou el-Mohadjer,
undertook the conquest of the Moghreb. He penetrated as far as the
Atlantic, and received the submission of Count Julian, who governed
Tingitana for the Goths of Spain. He retained Koceila in close
captivity in his camp and treated him with the utmost indignity. He
repossessed himself of the strong places, such as Baghai and Lambessa,
and deposed all the Berber princes from their governments. On one
occasion however, having sent the greater part of his army to Kerouan,
and kept but a small detachment with himself, the tribe of Koceila,
with whom their chief had always been in secret communication,
profiting by his temporary weakness, fell upon him at Tahouda near
Biskra, and killed both him and all his followers.[59]
Koceila fixed his residence at Kerouan, and governed the Berbers and
Arabs with great justice and moderation during five years; but in
the 67th year of the Hejira (A.D. 686-7) he was defeated by Zoheir
ibn Keis el-Belowi, who had been sent by the Khalifa Abd-el-Melek to
avenge the death of Okba, and was slain with a vast number of his
followers. The remainder of the Berbers fled for security to their
strong places and to the mountains.[60]
The Aures was at this time governed by a princess whose name was
Dihya, daughter of Tabita, but who is more generally known by
the appellation of _El-Kahina_, the sorceress; according to Ibn
Khaldoun,[61] she professed the religion of the Jews, and her ordinary
place of residence was at El-Baghai. By this time Zoheir had been
killed and Hassan bin Näaman was sent against her. He was signally
defeated and pursued by the victorious Kahina as far as the borders
of Tripoli. During five years she continued to reign, with as much
justice and clemency as her predecessor; but she was subsequently
overcome, and she together with her principal nobles fell gloriously
in battle, overwhelmed by the superior power of her Arab conquerors.
The very means which she took to arrest the progress of her enemies
predisposed the minds of her people against her, and contributed
to her downfall. She destroyed all the towns and farms in which the
Arabs could obtain shelter, and burnt those magnificent forests, which
made the whole country between Tripoli and Tangier one continuous
garden. This would naturally have been put down as an exaggeration
or mere tradition, but for the chain of Roman ruins still existing
to prove how richly cultivated and how densely peopled the country
once was, much of which is now all but desert.
The story of El-Kahina is just such a one as the Arabs love to build
their romances on. A local tradition is recorded by Commandant de
Bosredon.[62] This part of the country was formerly under the rule of
a great chief called Aures, whose wife’s name was Khenchla. This
powerful family had several castles, the ruins of which are still
existing at _Daharet-Foua_, _Bahiret-Sebkha_ and _Khenchla_, his
usual place of residence. The daughter of Aures, known generally
by her pseudonym of El-Kahina, was a person of great beauty and
high intelligence. She had received a brilliant education under the
direction of her father, and one corresponding to the distinguished
rank she occupied. When of age to be married, her father left her
free to select her own husband. Amongst the numerous aspirants for her
hand, El-Kahina chose Berzegan, whose name is perpetuated in the great
ruins situated to the south of the Ma el-Abiad. The marriage act was
drawn out, but Aures died before the ceremony could be accomplished.
The successor of Aures was one of those whose addresses El-Kahina
had rejected, and who on this account meditated a project of
vengeance. Being a man of an evil nature, he abused his power to
commit the most infamous actions. Amongst other customs, he introduced
one formerly claimed by feudal lords in Europe, and as El-Kahina
refused to submit to this indignity, she delayed for some time her
marriage. At last, heartsore at seeing the whole nation victims of
this unworthy prince, she determined to effect the liberation of her
country. She invited some of the bravest youths of her family and
acquaintance to a banquet, at the termination of which she made known
to them her projects, which met with universal approbation. She then
made the necessary preparations for her marriage, and according to the
recently established custom, she proceeded with her companions to the
residence of the sovereign. She penetrated alone into his apartments,
and having in vain endeavoured to divert him from his evil way,
she plunged a poignard in his heart, and was hailed as his successor.
Thus we have seen one invasion after another sweep over the country,
and always with the same effect—the conquerors, after a short
lapse of time, became in their turn the conquered, and were driven
for safety to the mountains.
Ibn Khaldoun remarked of the Berbers, that they held the first place
amongst nations for bravery and promptness to defend their guests,
for fidelity to their engagements, patience in adversity, hospitality
and many other great qualities.[63]
This reputation, no doubt, induced the persecuted Latins, and even the
Vandals, to seek the shelter of these peaceful retreats, where they
soon became assimilated to the aboriginal Berber race. The result is,
that these northern nations have left on the Chawia the imprint of
their physical and moral character in a way that fourteen centuries
have not been able to obliterate.
The features, language, and customs of these people bear unmistakable
testimony to their classic origin. All the old writers who visited
the outskirts of the country, describe in glowing terms the beauty of
its women. Morgan, in his interesting history of Algeria, dated 1728,
remarks: ‘What numbers have I seen, particularly females, who,
for well-featured countenances, fair curling locks, and wholesome
ruddy looks, might not vie with, or even be envied by, the proudest
European dames.’ Shaw, who wrote a few years later, observes that
they have quite a different mien and aspect from their neighbours,
‘for their complexions are so far from being swarthy that they
are fair and ruddy, and their hair, which amongst other Kabyles is
of a dark colour, is with them of a deep yellow.’
Bruce, as we have seen, bears testimony to the same fact, and it was
unanimously our opinion that in no country within our knowledge is
the average of female beauty so high as in the Aures Mountains. It
is true that, owing to hard labour from earliest childhood, and
constant exposure to the sun, they become old before their time,
and even in infancy their skin becomes of a dark brown colour;
but the classic regularity of features, which nothing can mar,
occasionally combined with light hair and blue eyes, marks in an
unmistakable manner their European origin. Their language is full of
Latin words, and in their daily life they retain customs undoubtedly
derived from their Christian ancestry.
They observe the 25th of December as a feast, under the name of
_Moolid_ (the birth), and keep three days’ festival at spring
time and harvest; a garden they call _orto_ (hortus), an elm _olm_
(ulmus), and the ordinary New Year’s salutation is _Bouiné_
(bonus annus). They use the solar instead of the Mohammedan lunar
year, and the names of their months are the same as our own.
Yenar Maio Istenbar
Fourar Yunia Aktobar
Mars Yuliez Ounbar
Yebrer Ghusht Jenbar
For years after Algeria had become a French colony the tribes of
the Aures refused to enter into any relations with the conquerors;
their country was a safe refuge for all the malcontents of other
districts, and amongst others, the ex-Bey of Constantine and the
Khalifa of the Emir Abd-el-Kader retreated to these fastnesses, and
kept up a constant agitation, which threatened the security of the
great military road between Constantine and the desert. This became
quite insupportable, and as soon as the insurrectionary movements in
Algiers, which terminated in the defeat of Bou Mäaza at Ain Kebira,
had been somewhat appeased, General Bedeau, who had been appointed
Military Commander on the departure of the Duc d’Aumale, resolved
to penetrate these difficult mountains, and force the tribes to
acknowledge French authority.
The expedition left Batna on May 1, 1845, and proceeded eastward. The
Chawia opposed it in great numbers, but they were quite unable to
resist European arms and discipline. In three days the troops had
reached Medina, a central position in the country, where a depôt
of provisions was established. They then penetrated the country
of the Oulad Abdi, defeated them in a smart combat at Aidoussa,
and forced them to come to terms. The other tribes, dismayed at
the rapidity and success of this attack, abandoned all resistance,
agreed to accept chiefs appointed by the French, and consented to pay
the war contribution imposed upon them. The column then traversed
the Aures Mountains in every direction, and expelled the foreign
recalcitrants who had fled there for safety, and since that time
the tranquillity of the country has never been disturbed.
One can hardly ride a mile in the Aures Mountains without meeting
Roman remains of considerable importance, such as the foundations
of forts, agricultural establishments, tombs, &c., built in the most
substantial manner of huge blocks of well-cut stone, all testifying
to the high state of civilisation which existed wherever this great
people founded colonies.
But it is not so much within the _massif_ of the Aures itself as on
its northern slopes, and on the plains at their base, that those
splendid cities existed, the ruins of which now excite the wonder
and admiration of modern travellers.
Commencing from Lambessa, a complete chain of these cities
extended as far as Tebessa, their order from west to east being
as follows: Lambæsis, Verecunda, Thamugas, Mascula, Baghaia, and
Theveste. Thence, turning towards the south, the chain of military
establishments, and towns of a less important character, continue to
encircle the mountains, reaching as far as the desert and remounting
to the original starting point.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 55: Ibn Khaldoun, trad. de Slane, i. p. 167.]
[Footnote 56: Ibn Khaldoun, trad. de Slane, i. p. 168.]
[Footnote 57: Ibid. p. 208.]
[Footnote 58: The Oulad _Abdi_ are said to be descended from him.]
[Footnote 59: Ibn Khaldoun, trad. de Slane, i. p. 211.]
[Footnote 60: Ibid. p. 212.]
[Footnote 61: Ibid. p. 213.]
[Footnote 62: Bosredon, _Ann. Arch. Const._ vol. vi. p. 56.]
[Footnote 63: Ibn Khaldoun, trad. de Slane, i. p. 200.]
CHAPTER VIII.
START FOR THE AURES — LAMBESSA — EL-ARBÄA — MENÄA.
We started for our excursion in the Aures Mountains on April 27. Our
object was not to go by a direct route from Batna to Tebessa, but to
obtain a general knowledge of the country, and to combine all that
was best worth seeing from an archæological and a scenic point of
view. We were, of course, in perfect ignorance of the country, but
our good friend General Dastugue had so carefully traced our route
in conjunction with some of the principal chiefs that we never had
occasion to deviate from it, and so great was the hospitality we
received, both from French officials and the Kaids of the districts,
that we were never permitted to provide ourselves with a repast during
all the period of our wanderings. Wherever we stopped for breakfast,
and to pass the night, a sumptuous _dhiffa_ awaited us. Not only were
we supplied with every conceivable Arab delicacy, but the neighbouring
station of Batna had been ransacked to supply us with unnecessary
luxuries. Champagne, Bordeaux, _pâtés de foie gras_ and even chairs
and tables, were waiting us at every halting-place; considering
all these things, and that our hosts were as perfect specimens of
Berber nobility as it is possible to imagine, and looked, indeed,
as if they had been thawed out of marble statues of Roman emperors
in the British Museum, it is little wonder that our reminiscences
of that journey are amongst the most pleasant of our lives.
From Batna we followed the high road to Lambessa, the ruins of which
are too well known to require any detailed description. Nevertheless,
as this place is amongst those illustrated by Bruce, I cannot pass
it by without notice. First I quote his remarks on the place:—
As this is the Mons Audus of Ptolemy, here too must be fixed his
Lambesa,[64] or Lambæsitanorum Colonia, which, by a hundred Latin
inscriptions remaining on the spot, it is attested to have been. It is
now called Tezzoute; the ruins of the city are very extensive. There
are seven of the gates still standing, and great pieces of the
walls solidly built with square masonry without lime. The buildings
remaining are of very different ages, from Adrian to Aurelian, nay,
even to Maximin. One building only, supported by columns of the
Corinthian order, was in good taste. What its use was I know not. The
drawing of this is in the King’s collection. It was certainly
designed for some military purpose, by the size of its gates—I
should suspect, a stable for elephants, or a repository for catapulta,
or other large military machines, though there are no traces left upon
the walls indicating either.[65] Upon the keystone of the arch of the
principal gate there is a basso-relievo of the standard of a legion,
and upon it an inscription ‘Legio tertia Augusta,’ which legion
we know from history was quartered here. Dr. Shaw[66] says that there
is here a neat round Corinthian temple called Cubb el Arrousa, the
cupola or dome of the bride, or spouse. Such a building does exist,
but it is by no means of a good taste, nor of the Corinthian order;
but of a long disproportioned Doric of the time of Aurelian, and
does not merit the attention of any architect. Dr. Shaw never was
as far south as Jibbel Aurez, so could only say this from report.
The temple dedicated to Æsculapius turned out a very indifferent
Doric. There was none of the others remaining except what he calls an
oblong chamber, which is in bad taste likewise. The entire Tezzoute
is on all sides surrounded by mountains covered with cedar, unless
on the east, where there is only bare rock; two small but very clear
streams run through it, but as there is a small aqueduct from the
neighbouring mountain to the west, and as there are no traces of
masonry along the banks of the stream . . . .[67] I suspect that
they are part of the stream which formerly ran through the aqueduct,
which now being broken down they have formed these channels.
Lambese, Lambæsis, or Lambæsitanorum Colonia, is mentioned in the
Itinerary of Antonine,[68] in the Tables of Peutinger, by Ptolemy,[69]
St. Augustine[70] and St. Cyprian.[71]
It was one of the most important cities in the interior of Numidia,
belonging to the Massylii, and was in Roman times the head-quarters of
the Third Legion, Augusta, which was stationed here for nearly three
centuries, and was the only one located in Africa. It was the great
military centre from which columns were despatched to maintain order
or to suppress insurrection. It covered, or protected, the whole
of Northern Numidia, and permitted Roman colonisation to attain a
degree of importance unequalled in any other province of North Africa.
At present very few ruins remain to bear witness to its former
magnificence, and these are by no means in the best style of
art. Indeed, it is impossible to avoid the conclusion that, valuable
as the place undoubtedly was as a military position, the importance
of its public buildings has been greatly exaggerated.
The principal ruin here, and the only one figured by Bruce, is
that called the Prætorium. He made a finished drawing, which he
states to be in the collection of the King; the only one in the
Kinnaird collection is a rough pencil outline, with sketches of
architectural details and memoranda of measurements. This is the
less to be regretted, as photographs of it are in the hands of every
traveller who visits Lambessa.
It is a large rectangular edifice, 92 feet long, 66 broad and 49
high. The principal façade to the south had a splendid peristyle,
having massive Ionic columns in front, which corresponded with
Corinthian pilasters engaged in the walls. This extended only to half
the height of the wall, leaving a second storey externally, but there
is no trace of this in the inside, which is undivided in height. The
other sides also are decorated with detached columns, corresponding
to the pilasters of the lower storey, the cornice turning round and
forming the entablature. On the north side there are three detached
columns on each side of the principal entrance, between which and the
smaller doors is a niche to contain statuary. All the keystones are
sculptured, but not very artistically. That over the principal gate
bears a basso-relievo of a standard, with the inscription ‘Legio
tertia Augusta.’ The interior forms a vast hall; on each side there
is one large and two smaller doors, and above the central and larger
ones another arched opening, used probably as a window. The walls
are strengthened interiorly with pilasters, on which are engaged
columns; still it appears doubtful whether the building ever was
covered otherwise than by a velarium.
The interior has now been converted into a museum, wherein are
collected various objects of antiquity which have been discovered
in the vicinity; the best of these, however, have been sent to the
museum of the Louvre at Paris.
Close to the Prætorium is a small triumphal arch tolerably entire,
but of an exceedingly depraved style of art; there are two niches
on each side, but without any archivoltes.
The Temple of Æsculapius, mentioned by Bruce, is at some little
distance west of the Prætorium: only one of its columns now remains
in place. An inscription stated that this temple was constructed
by order of Marcus Aurelius, and was dedicated to Æsculapius and
to Health.
At Lambessa we turned to the right, and entered the mountains south
of the village. After a short ride through a forest of evergreen oak
we reached the plateau on the top of Djebel Asker, nearly 6,000 feet
above the level of the sea; even at this advanced season there were
patches of snow, and during the winter the Pass must frequently be
impracticable. At the further side of this is a remarkable gorge,
like a huge barrier, in which an opening gives access to the richly
wooded valley of Ti-Farasain. At the bottom flows a large stream,
and under the shade of some fine old trees by its banks we halted to
take our midday meal. It was indeed a lovely spot, but we found so
many such that our stock of adjectives soon became exhausted. The
time occupied in riding to this place from Batna was four hours,
exclusive of our delay at Lambessa.
Beyond this the oak forests continue for some distance, with
occasional clearings, in which are seen the foundations of Roman
buildings, with here and there a few tumulary inscriptions. At
Ez-Zikak the cedars commence, at an elevation of 5,300 feet, and
cover an immense tract of mountain. They have remained hitherto
almost untouched, and might supply an unlimited quantity of timber
for use at Batna. The forest greatly requires thinning, the mature
trees being too crowded; but one sees with regret here, as indeed
almost everywhere in Algeria, the total absence of young trees;
they appear now-a-days to be destroyed by the sheep and goats as
soon as the seed germinates. It is a difficult question to decide,
whether to protect the young trees by prohibiting the natives from
introducing sheep and goats into the forests, or to protect the people
who, in a country where there is so little space for agriculture,
can hardly live without their flocks, and who have been a pastoral
race from the earliest ages.
After quitting the region of forests the road passes over a
rather sterile plateau; on the left is a remarkable chain of naked
limestone rocks called Djebel Berd, the Cold Mountain; on the right
the distant hills are thickly wooded, but the intermediate country
is treeless. Pasturage however is good and there are patches of
cultivation; at the end of April the corn was not more than two or
three inches high. After passing this the road descends rapidly,
and, winding amongst small hills and valleys, soon reaches the bed
of the river on which El-Arbäa is situated.
It was almost dark when we arrived, but we had just light enough to
descend the difficult path which gives access to the village. The
military train mules, however, were less accustomed to mountain
travelling than our native beasts, and lingered far behind. We
were welcomed by the notables of the village, and conducted to
a plateau a little above the bank of the stream, large enough to
contain two or three tents. One or two Arab tents had been pitched
for our accommodation, and carpeted in the most tempting manner; but
alas! we soon found out the one great scourge of this lovely country,
though its best protection against the intrusion of inquisitive
tourists—the armies of fleas by which each village is defended. To
sleep there was impossible; it was getting late, and still we saw
nothing of our baggage, and we feared that the unfortunate _tringlots_
who had charge of it would never find their way unaided. The Sheikh
however was equal to the occasion; he despatched forty or fifty of
his people with flambeaux of _diss_ grass to search for the missing
attendants, who but for this assistance, would never have reached
us that night. A light repast was all we cared for, but a more
substantial one, with the usual sheep roasted whole, was provided
for our attendants. I recommend anyone who retains enough of his
pristine innocence still to like sweets to try a dinner of walnuts
dipped in honey and washed down by huge bowls of fresh milk.
It is difficult, without the aid of the pencil, to give any idea
of this extraordinary village, and one hardly knows whether most to
admire its strange and picturesque aspect, or the skill with which
the position has been chosen and improved for purposes of defence.
A deep and narrow ravine runs north-east and south-west, through
which flows a small river. On the right bank the hill rises almost
perpendicularly to a height of about 700 feet. It is principally
blue marl, and as is frequently the case with this formation, the
sky line is deeply cut and serrated in the most fantastic manner,
contrasting strangely with the level crests of the adjacent hills. The
strata have been upheaved into an almost vertical position, so that in
some places the face of the hill resembles parallel lines of walls,
as at the Portes-de-fer; in others it is scored and perforated,
exhibiting the most beautiful effects of light and shadow.
From the terrace on which our tents were pitched a mound rises towards
the middle of the cliff. This has been formed by the detritus of the
rocks above, and on this the village is built. The houses rise one
above another in a series of steps, the roof of one being on a level
with the floor of that above it, and actually forms a terrace to it,
or part of the public road. All the houses in the Aures are built of
small stones and mud, the walls being strengthened by longitudinal
layers of timber inserted in the masonry every few courses. The roofs
are of Thuya wood rafters, supported at intervals by posts and post
plates, and covered with a thick cement of mud and chopped straw,
which becomes nearly as hard as stone.
The flocks live on terms of the greatest harmony with the owners,
and seem to occupy the better portion of their houses. It is very
pleasant to see them returning in the evening from their pasture over
the rustic bridge which crosses the river, and winding up amongst
the steep lanes which separate the houses, led by the young girls
of the family, nearly always of singular beauty and never veiled.
In the morning before starting we went through many of the houses,
where we were objects of far greater curiosity to the villagers than
they were to us. They may have seen officers of the Bureau Arabe
or stray French travellers, but I doubt whether any European ladies
had been there before.
On the 28th we started for Menäa shortly after sunrise. The distance
is about 16 miles and occupied us five hours of actual travel. We
crossed Djebel Tirmis to the south-east, by an elevated pass 5,760
feet above the sea, connecting the valleys of El-Erbäa and Bou
Zeina. On each side are the remains of a Roman tower, built to defend
this important position. The valley of Bou Zeina is richly cultivated
at the bottom wherever the ground is capable of irrigation by the
stream, but the upper parts of the hills are bare and stony. After
passing the village of Murkäa on the left bank the character of the
valley began to change; the limestone strata, which had been running
parallel to our route like paved Roman roads, give place to white
marble of dazzling brightness, cropping up among the red rocks which
lie between; soon the ground becomes almost entirely white, which
gives its name to the next village, El-Beidha, on the left of the
road. A very short distance beyond is Takoost, pronounced _Tagoost_,
a more important village, where we stopped for a short time, and were
entertained to an excellent breakfast by the Khalifa. The ladies of
the household did not appear openly, but they were very glad indeed
to receive us in their private apartments, and had no objection to
allow their comely faces to be seen even by male visitors.
This part of the country is of singular interest from a geological
point of view. The high bare mountains to the north-west are
stratified like the most beautifully striated agate; behind the
village the rock resembles a pavement of huge cubical blocks of stone
laid at an angle of forty-five degrees. Many have been detached from
their setting, and have rolled down to the village. The deception
was so perfect that at first sight we mistook it for Roman masonry
of an unusually massive character.
The cultivation round all these villages is very similar, small square
patches of corn-land forming perfectly level terraces, irrigated
by canals derived from the river which flows along the bottom of
the valley. They rise one above another as high as the water can be
made to reach them, and are dotted over with, or sometimes bordered
by fruit trees, which grow in great abundance and variety. We noticed
apples, pears, peaches, apricots, figs, walnuts, and generally all the
fruits of temperate countries, and such tropical ones as can stand the
cold of winter, like the pomegranate. After passing Tagoost the road
crosses the Bou Zeina, here called the Oued el-Ahmar, or Red River,
from the prevailing colour of the hills on its left bank, and winds
up the chain of mountains separating it from the Oued Abdi. The road
is very wild and picturesque, and is bordered on the right by a steep
precipice, sometimes a thousand feet in vertical descent. The rock
is a conglomerate, or pudding-stone, of large water-worn pebbles,
cemented together by a calcareous paste.
Shortly after crossing the summit of this hill the village of Menäa
appeared in sight, and in a very short time we found ourselves
under the hospitable roof of Si Mohammed bin Abbas, the Kaid of
the Aures. It is by no means as an empty term of compliment that I
style him hospitable; he is a very grand specimen of Arab nobility,
his ancestors being from Morocco, and not of Chawi descent. Every
day he is said to feed 200 people, and he even keeps a French cook,
the better to entertain the few Europeans who pass through his
country. He has many houses in various parts of the Aures. That at
Menäa is his principal one, and is almost a small village, containing
apartments for himself and family, rooms for his dependants, a Zaouia,
within which the family are interred, and spacious and comfortable
rooms for the reception of guests. He had gone to Batna to meet
the Governor-General, but his son, a noble-looking young fellow of
about twenty, did the honours of his house with the most perfect
grace. Our table was luxuriously supplied, even with choice wines,
and in the evening an exhibition of dancing girls was got up for our
entertainment. The Arabs seemed to enjoy it mightily and praised the
principal performer as the most celebrated dancer in the country,
but I don’t think we appreciated it as we ought, and found the
monotony of the cadence, and the constant repetition of the same step,
very wearisome.
Menäa is picturesquely situated on the slope of a low hill at
the confluence of the Bou Zeina and the Oued Abdi. The streets are
extremely filthy, but every year this manure is carefully collected,
and employed in cultivation. There are no Roman remains of any
interest, but fragments of sculpture and tombstones are found in
abundance, generally built into the angles of the houses, while
frusta of columns have been hollowed out into coffee mortars, and
stone coffins utilised as drinking troughs.
The land about Menäa is highly cultivated in small fields, perfectly
level, to admit of irrigation. They are arranged in terraces, which,
according to tradition, have existed since the Roman epoch. Certainly,
if they were constructed then, they have been kept in admirable
repair by this industrious people. Land fetches a high price, and as
much as 15,000 francs per hectare, or 240_l._ an acre, has been paid
for ground capable of easy irrigation. Date trees begin to appear
here and add a very pleasing feature to the landscape; the fruit,
however, rarely ripens, and is never good.
Near this village, and indeed at every other in the Aures, are the
remains of watch-towers used in former times as posts of observation;
now that the French occupation has ensured the tranquillity of the
country these have been allowed to fall into picturesque decay.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 64: Ptol. _Geog._ lib. iv. p. 111.]
[Footnote 65: The building now called the Prætorium.]
[Footnote 66: Shaw, p. 118.]
[Footnote 67: Illegible in MS.]
[Footnote 68: _Itin. Ant._ pp. 32, 33, 34, 40.]
[Footnote 69: Ptol. iv. § 39.]
[Footnote 70: Aug. _Ad Donat._ vi. 13.]
[Footnote 71: Cyp. _Epist._ 55.]
CHAPTER IX.
ASCENT OF THE OUED ABDI — MINES OF TAGHIT — ARRIVAL AT OUED TAGA.
_April_ 29.—To-day we commenced our ascent of the Oued Abdi on the
right bank of the stream.[72] The scenery was very grand; above the
road towered the bleak and arid mountains over which we had passed
the day before; on the left bank, behind the first chain of hills, is
the elevated range of Djebel Lazarak, of which the two most prominent
peaks are named Ti-Keshwain. At about a mile and a quarter from Menäa
are the remains of an old Berber town called Es-Sook, or _the market_,
built after the Roman period, and said at one time to have had great
commercial dealings with Tunis, whence its name. A short distance
beyond, the valley becomes constricted to a very narrow pass, guarded
by an old tower occupying a commanding position, with quite the aspect
of a castle on the Rhine. This is the boundary of the Oulad Abdi in
this direction; immediately beyond it the valley widens out again,
and the ground becomes more fertile and better cultivated. It would
be impossible for the most civilised nation to turn their land to
better account than this rude and secluded people. They rarely leave
their own villages, and hardly ever the district in which they were
born. I met a sheikh at one village who had occupied his present
office for twenty-five years, and in all that time he had only been
five times to Batna and never anywhere else. All along the route and
generally throughout the Aures we observed small piles of stone, often
only two or three in number, placed from distance to distance on the
hill sides or on the level ground; these mark the places which the
owner wishes to reserve as pasturage for his own use, and his rights
so designated are scrupulously respected. The road passes several
villages on either bank of the river, all picturesquely situated high
up on the bank, built of stone like El-Arbäa and generally with a
quaint and very conspicuous minaret. The bed of the river is broad,
although, owing to so much water being consumed in irrigation, it
generally contains but little during the summer season; in winter
it is a wide and impetuous torrent.
We stopped for breakfast at Nowader Ahmama, about 7½ miles from
Menäa. The Kaid’s son had sent on the French cook to make
preparations, and he had himself accompanied us, so we had only to
take the good things provided for us and be thankful.
Instead of continuing to ascend the river we made a détour,
so as to visit the mercury mines of Taghit, for which an English
company was then in treaty. We struck off the course of the river
in a south-easterly direction, through scenery closely resembling
what is seen at the Portes-de-fer, on the route between Algiers and
Constantine. The rocks, through which the Oued Taghit forces its way,
are of sandstone alternating with argillaceous schist; the strata are
contorted in a remarkable manner and sometimes upheaved to a vertical
position. In many places the softer strata have been worn away by
the action of water, leaving the harder rocks standing upright in
the voids thus caused; this gives to the hills a most extraordinary
appearance, which cannot better be described than by comparing them
to the side-scenes of a theatre. After passing through about two
miles of this wild scenery, the valley opens out, cultivation again
commences, and soon the small village of Taghit is reached.
The mines are situated quite close to the village and have long been
known to the natives, who used to work them for the sake of the lead,
throwing the more valuable cinnabar on one side as useless. This ore
is said to be exceedingly rich, more so than that of Mexico or of
El-Maden in Spain. I saw specimens, which contained 30 per cent. of
pure mercury, and the average is said to be 6 per cent., which would
make the value of the ore about 50_l._ a ton. The galena also is rich,
but whether it could be worked to advantage in such a remote district
is doubtful, at least until the means of communication are improved.
At Taghit is the tomb of Sidi bel-Khair, the great Saint of the Oulad
Abdi; the height of the village is 4,350 feet above the sea. Here,
again, we got an excellent repast, prepared by our friend’s cook,
with abundance of Bordeaux and Champagne, and we were joined by
the superintendent of the mine, an engineer from the school of
St. Etienne, who most obligingly showed us all over his works.
_April_ 30.—From the mines the Oued Abdi had to be regained,
and the shortest though not the easiest way was over a pass in a
steep mountain called Tizi-Zijan, about 5,780 feet above the sea,
from which an admirable idea is obtained of the successive chains of
mountains forming the Aures range. The descent to Theniet el-Abid on
the left bank of the river was so steep, that we could hardly keep
our saddles on the mules’ backs; they were perpetually slipping
over their heads, and we found that the simplest and most expeditious
plan was to walk.
Here we rested during the mid-day heat, and as usual found that our
friend the cook had started some hours before us, and had prepared one
of those marvellous breakfasts for which he had become so celebrated;
he was most solicitous for our comfort, and never served a meal
without begging us to ask for anything more that we might require,
as his master never would pardon him if we had any want ungratified
in his territory.
We passed several other villages after leaving this place, one
of which was Bou Gharara, which had lately been destroyed by an
inundation, but which was then being rebuilt in a very superior style
a little further from the river, and passing this came to El-Bali,
where we encamped for the night. Our day’s journey was only 12½
miles, and occupied four hours.
El-Bali is on the left bank of the river, directly opposite to
Djebel Mahmel, the ancient Mampsurus, the second highest peak in
Algeria, only 23 feet lower than Djebel Chellia. The village itself
is nearly 5,000 feet above the sea. We strolled about before dinner,
purchasing native ornaments and admiring the beauty of the women
and children. One dear little child, daughter of the Sheikh, quite
attached herself to our party, and accompanied us to the tents; she
took with the utmost solemnity, and in the most dignified manner,
all the sweets and little presents we gave her; but nothing would
induce her to taste anything; she would hardly even speak to us,
but she devoured us with her eyes, and cried when she had to go away.
The women of the Aures, as I have said, never veil or conceal their
faces; their dress is very similar to that of the Arab of the south;
the colours chosen generally two shades of blue or other subdued
tints. They disfigure themselves very much by wearing enormous
circular rings on the upper edge of their ears, which seem as if they
would tear that organ off the head; indeed, some such effect is not
unfrequently produced, and to guard against it they support their
ears by strings tied to the upper part of the head-dress. They also
wear numerous and massive bracelets and anklets of elegant design,
similar to those used by the Kabyles, and their garments seem to be
held together by large brooches, or pins with immense heads, of the
pattern which we style ‘the Maid of Norway’ pin. I am sorry to
say that these unsophisticated mountain maidens knew perfectly well
how to sell us, as massive silver, ornaments which we subsequently
discovered to be made of lead, with a very thin coating of the more
precious metal.
The young lads of the village are as sturdy little fellows as one
could meet anywhere, with clean and muscular limbs, of bold and
independent carriage, and with none of that shrinking timidity,
which makes the children of an Arab village retreat behind the
shelter of their dogs at the approach of a _Roumi_.
The inevitable _dhiffa_ was, of course, awaiting us here; we had
always to get through two daily; there was a strong family resemblance
between them all, the staple dishes being the same, a sheep roasted
whole, and piles of _couscousou_, washed down by beakers of milk;
but the little additions, _petits plats_, and European delicacies such
as wine, &c., depended on the amount of civilisation of our host for
the time being. The roasted sheep is a dish worthy of introduction
into the most civilised society; the animal is skinned and cleaned
within a few moments of his death; a stake six feet long is passed
through his body, entering at the mouth, and a large fire having been
prepared beforehand and allowed to subside into a state of hot embers
without flame, the animal is laid across it, supported on two posts,
constantly turned round, and basted with butter till sufficiently
cooked; it is then served up by the stake being stuck upright in
the earth, or supported transversely on big stones; and then it
is consumed with the aid only of Nature’s knives and forks. It
requires some little education to know exactly where to search for
the best morsels, but our hosts were always courteous enough to tear
these off and present them to us.
_Couscousou_ well prepared is by no means a dish to be despised;
the raw material is simply the semolina of hard wheat, the grains
of which are large, carefully sifted from the flour, and prepared in
a peculiar manner by the ladies of the household, who roll it about
and turn it over with their hands in large wooden dishes. When this
has to be cooked it is placed in a small earthen dish pierced with
holes, on the top of another in which a soup of meat and vegetables
is prepared. The steam causes the grain to swell and soften, without
rendering it sodden. When the _couscousou_ is sufficiently cooked
it is placed in a large flat dish, the soup highly seasoned with
red pepper, and thus called _mergäa_, is poured over it, the meat
or fowls and vegetables, if any are procurable, are placed on the
top, perhaps with a morsel of butter; and thus prepared, in the
tent of an Arab of rank and means, it is as palatable a dish as a
hungry traveller need ever desire to have set before him. Sometimes,
instead of the meat and soup, sugar or honey, raisins and milk are
substituted. The only thing I can suggest as better than either of
them is both in succession.
When the guests have finished their repast, the dishes are passed on
to the higher retainers, and so on to the various ranks and classes
till nothing remains.
On the morning of May 1, we left El-Bali for the Oued Taga; we had
to cross the river at the village, above which the valley opens out
to a wide stretch of corn-land. The difference between the state
of the crops in different parts of the Aures is very remarkable;
it is no unusual thing to see the harvest taking place at the
lowest part of the Oued Abdi, the corn green at Menäa, less and
less advanced as one ascends, and ploughing going on at some of
the highest places. When we were at Menäa the corn was in the ear,
and here it had barely germinated.
Gigantic thuyas (_Callitris quadrivalvis_) and junipers (_Juniperus
macrocarpa_) are met with here. We saw some whose trunks were more
than 3 feet in diameter.
The last village we met with was Oulad Azooz, on the right bank,
near some rather extensive foundations of Roman buildings.
All along our course we had frequently passed through some villages
and in front of others; and although we could not remain long enough
to alight from our mules, the Sheikhs never failed to come out
arrayed in their official scarlet bernouses to welcome us, and bid
us God-speed. I cannot call to mind a sulky look, or an unamiable
action during all the time we travelled in these mountains.
Shortly after passing the last village, we saw the principal source
of the Oued Abdi in a defile which turns the east flank of Djebel
Mahmel. The bottom of the pass has an altitude of 5,837 feet above
the sea. Its name is Theniet er-Ressas, or _pass of lead_, from
its extreme cold in winter, which is supposed to kill as surely as
lead. It is quite impassable during several months in the year, but
when we visited it there were only a few patches of snow visible on
Mahmel, which rises above it.
After crossing this and several other valleys, which radiate from the
extremity of Mahmel, we came to the luxuriant and well-watered plain
of Laradam, 5,188 feet above the sea. It contains about 3,500 acres of
land capable of irrigation, and is surrounded on all sides by sterile
hills covered with huge blocks of stone. The road winds up one of
these, and from a pass at its summit, called Theniet Ain-esh-Shair
(_pass of the spring of barley_), we had our first view of Djebel
Chellia, now as bare of snow as Mahmel. The valley of Taga is seen
on the left stretching far away towards Timegad. On the top of the
mountain we noticed two gigantic frusta of Roman columns, 4½ feet
in diameter and nearly as much in height. They were probably cut on
the spot and intended to be transported elsewhere.
In the valley below is a handsome stone house belonging to the Kaid
of the Aures, who had been vicariously our host since we arrived at
Menäa. It is fitted up with every comfort—much more, I believe,
out of consideration for his friends than for his own use. We not
only found him at Taga, but General Dastugue and his staff also,
and Si Bou-Dhiaf, the Kaid of Timegad, into whose territories we
were about to enter. We spent a delightful day here in company
with those good friends, narrating our experiences in the Aures,
and planning excursions to the desert with the General next autumn,
which alas! could never be realised.
Taga is 3,800 feet above the sea, and has always a pleasant climate,
even in summer; it is only an easy morning’s ride from Batna,
and it is quite practicable in fine weather to do the journey
by carriage in four hours. We observed here a fine stone coffin,
used as a drinking trough, and numerous foundations attesting the
extent of Roman occupation in this direction. At Chouchat er-Ramel,
to the south-west and close to the Bordj, are a considerable number
of megalithic tombs similar to those of Foum Kosentina, which will
presently be described.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 72: It is supposed that the Oulad Abdi are descendants of
Iabdas, the opponent of Solomon, and that on this account they were
originally named _Children of Iabdas_.]
CHAPTER X.
TIMEGAD.
On the morning of May 2 there was a general break-up. General Dastugue
and Si Mohammed bin Abbas started on a tour of inspection in one
direction and we, under the guidance of Si Bou-Dhiaf, proceeded
towards Timegad.
Our new host is, perhaps, the best known of all the chiefs of
the Aures, owing to the proximity of his principal residence to
Batna. He worthily bears his ancestral name of Bou-Dhiaf, _father
of guests_. His hospitality is unbounded, and he has a very cunning
taste in Bordeaux—a little Mohammedan peccadillo, which we certainly
were not called on to condemn. He is of a very ancient family, and,
probably not without reason, boasts of his Roman descent. It is one
of his ancestors to whom Peyssonnel[73] alludes under the name of
Sistera (Si-Sedira).
His official title is Kaid of the Oulad Daood, or of Touaba. The ride
from Oued Taga to Timegad is quite a short one of about three hours,
through a fertile country covered with Roman remains; the direct
distance from Batna is not more than thirteen miles. We found our
camp pitched in the very centre of the ruined city, which enabled us
to devote every hour of our stay there to its examination. Our host
remained continually with us, and we found him a most intelligent
and genial companion.
Before proceeding with my own observations respecting this most
interesting place, I will quote what Bruce says on the subject:—
Left Tezzoute December 11, and encamped at a Dowar about eight miles
S.E. of it.
The 12th, in the morning, arrived at Timegad, about seven miles from
the Dowar and fifteen from Tezzoute, situated on the south end of
the valley, which is a little further bounded by Jebbel Magjibah, the
mountain of the Weled Abdi, who have here alone twenty-three villages.
It has been a small town, but full of elegant buildings.
Designed the triumphal arch, and lay that night near the town in a
Dowar of Lushash.
The 13th, designed the large Corinthian temple. The arch lies
N.E. from it. The ruins of the amphitheatre N.W. Between the arch
and amphitheatre are the remains of a temple, only a piece of side
wall standing. Copied two inscriptions here.
A short time since two statues of finest Parian marble were found
here, just under the pedestal on which the last inscription was. They
appeared to have been Antoninus Pius and Faustina, the first in a
habit of peace, but entirely mutilated. The bust of the Empress was
entire, and of an exquisite beauty, which I did therefore design,
and after interred in the hole which I had made to discover the long
inscription of Martialanus.[74] Eight more pedestals were standing in
their places, and probably the statues buried near them. By digging
out one of these I found the pavement of the temple twenty-eight
inches under the surface. It consisted of pavement of white and blue
marble, cut in square tiles (slabs) of about ten inches every way,
and half (an inch) thick. By several large pieces of calcined marble
found here buried, I suppose one of the instruments employed in this
temple’s destruction was fire. The heads, arms, and legs of these
statues were broken off and burnt for lime. They were quite entire
when first found.
The ancient city of Thamugas was situated at the intersection of six
Roman roads. Two went through Lambæsis in the direction of Sitifis,
a third to Diana Veteranorum (the modern Zana), two more to Theveste
(Tebessa) by Mascula (Ain Khenchla), and a sixth northwards to Cirta
(Constantine).
It appears to have been of greater importance than Lambæsis; its
population was as great, if not greater, to judge by the size of
its public buildings, especially the theatre and the area covered
by its remains, while its architecture is undoubtedly older and
purer. There is nothing at Lambessa to equal the triumphal arch here.
The explanation of this probably is that Lambæsis was the great
military station of the country, and that Thamugas was rather the
centre of commercial and agricultural activity.
It is mentioned by Ptolemy under the name of Thanutada; in the
Itinerary of Antoninus as Tamugadi, and it occurs in various
inscriptions as Thamugas. It is elsewhere described as Colonia
Marciana Trajana Thamugas, and Colonia Ulpia Thamugas, and on an
inscription still in perfect preservation near the forum there is
an allusion to the thirtieth legion, Ulpia, and a celebration of
the victories of Trajan over the Parthians.
From this M. Léon Renier concludes, that the Emperor wishing to
recompense the veterans of the thirtieth legion, Ulpia Victrix, for
their participation in the war against the Parthians, established
them at Timegad, not only as being a vast and fertile country, but
a position of great military importance, from which they might be
able to suppress the turbulence of the neighbouring mountaineers.
It is mentioned in the Acts of Saint Mammarius,[75] and in the
Theodosian Code.[76] It subsequently became the great focus of
religious agitation during the fourth century. Its bishop, Optatus,
was considered as the head of the Donatists; he attached himself
to the fortunes of Count Gildon in his revolt against the Emperor
Honorius. By means of his soldiery, the Bishop was enabled to
exercise great cruelty against the Catholics of his neighbourhood,
until in 398 he was involved in his patron’s ruin, and died in
prison. St. Augustine, who often alludes to Gildon, says that during
ten years Africa trembled under his yoke. Amongst its bishops were
Novatus, who assisted at the Council of Carthage in 255; Sextus,
who lived in 320; Faustinianus, who was present at the Conference of
Carthage in 411, and Secundus, who was exiled by Huneric in 484.[77]
When Solomon arrived for the first time in the Aures in 535 he
found the city ruined, so that we may assume its destruction to have
taken place between these dates. He restored the citadel at least,
in the same style as the other fortresses throughout the country;
the proof of this is evident, but the other public buildings bear no
trace of a restoration posterior to their original construction. At
the time of the Arab invasion it was a Christian city, as in 646,
under the government of Gregory, a Christian church was built,
the ruins of which still exist.
The ruins occupy a large and undulating plain cut into two portions
by a watercourse, which has evidently been considerably deepened
by winter torrents since the destruction of the city. Some of its
course has been embanked, and perhaps covered over to admit of
easy communication between the two portions of the city; perhaps
also irrigational works existed to divert its waters to the gardens
round about.
This stream runs nearly north and south, eventually turning towards
the east. On the west side are numerous ruins of buildings, but the
only one of importance is the Basilica above mentioned. It is a square
building with a circular apse at the east end. It is divided into
a nave and two aisles by columns of rose-coloured marble, three on
each side, the centre of which only is free; the others are engaged
in the walls right and left of the apse and entrance. Over the lintel
of the door was inscribed in white marble
IN TEMPORIBUS CONSTANTINI IMPERATORIS FL. GREGORIO PATRICIO IOANNES DUX
DE TIGISI OFFERET[78] DOMUM DEI ✠ ARMENUS.[79]
The principal buildings are situated on the right or east bank of
the ravine. They consist of a Byzantine fortress, theatre, forum,
triumphal arch, a large temple, and innumerable other buildings too
much ruined to admit of absolute identification.
The first of these was originally of Roman construction. The regular
and careful masonry of that people can be recognised in some few
places. A posterior restoration by the Byzantines can also be easily
identified, as they invariably employed the cut stones of the former
buildings, without much regard to perfect adaptation, using also
tombstones, and any other material that came most easily to hand. The
third restoration is of a very inferior character, the stones being
small, irregular, and very loosely put together. The general plan of
the enclosure and a great part of the walls are still entire. It is
a large quadrangle, about 120 yards by 98, flanked on each side by
salient towers three in number. That on the eastern side is not in
the middle, and is much more salient than those at the angles. In
the part of this tower facing the interior may be seen the remains
of a circular brick dome, the crown of which has disappeared, and in
its place there is a rude attempt to complete it by means of loosely
piled stones. Some remnants of columns are seen in the interior court
belonging to a small building, perhaps a church. With the exception
of this fortress the city does not appear to have been fortified;
no traces of circumvallation can be observed.
The theatre was cut in the abrupt northern flank of a hill, the
opposite side of which gradually slopes towards the south. This
monument was of considerable dimensions, and as the materials employed
were not of a costly nature, we are led to suppose that it was
intended for the accommodation of a large population. Nevertheless
the building was executed in a substantial manner, the walls
being generally of solid rubble masonry faced with cut stones of
considerable dimensions. In the interior, where the masonry may
have been covered with cement or other material, the angles were
made sharp by brickwork. Although the columns found on the spot are
all in stone of an inferior description, they are numerous; on the
stage may be counted the remains of fourteen.
The building which, with great probability, has been styled the forum,
consists of a long colonnade running parallel to an extensive and
beautiful valley, bounded by picturesque hills, the general direction
of which is from E. to W. Walking under the shade of this colonnade,
the inhabitants must have enjoyed one of the most charming views which
it is possible to imagine. The back part was formed of a continuous
wall, against which were constructed ranges of small buildings,
which were probably shops, separated here and there by openings
giving access to the body of the forum. Towards the S. extremity of
the colonnade, which was of great length, another range of columns
runs at right angles to it, and probably formed a second side to the
forum; further south are to be seen, still erect, several columns
belonging to a building advancing into the valley. Other buildings,
particularly on the northern side and touching the colonnade, are
highly interesting.
Great numbers of inscriptions lie scattered about in this
neighbourhood, commemorative of historical events: such as the
Parthian War; of Roman Emperors and of distinguished soldiers and
citizens, with which the forum seems to have been filled; many of
these are broken and mutilated, but some are in a perfect state
of preservation.
Amongst others there are two fine pedestals of white marble of
octagonal shape, bearing identical inscriptions; one is broken,
but the other is quite entire and measures five feet in height, each
face being from twelve to twenty inches wide. This inscription is the
one mentioned by Bruce as that of Marcellianus; it runs as follows:—
VICTORIAE
PARTHICAE
AVG. SACR.
EX . TESTAMENTO
M. ANNI . M. F. QVR.
MARTIALIS . MIL.
+-------+
|LEG III| AVG. DVPLC
+-------+
ALAE. PANN. DEC. AL
+-------+
EIVSDEM. [Symbol] |LEG III|. AVG
+-------+
ET. XXX. VLPIAE VIC{TR}IC
MISSI . HONESTA
MISSIONE . AB . IMP .
TRAIANO . OPTIMO
AVG. GER. DAC. PAR{TH}
SING. H̶S̶. V̅I̅I̅I̅. XX. PR. {MIN}
ANNII . M. LIB. PROTVS
HILARVS . EROS
ADIECTIS . A. SE. H̶S̶. I̅I̅I̅.
PONEND. CVRꜸER
IDEM Q. DEDICꜸER
D. D.[80]
The words LEG III have been chiselled out and again engraved on a
lower level than the rest of the inscription.
This forum is the building described by Bruce as ‘the remains of a
temple, only a piece of side wall now standing.’ The passage in his
diary regarding the interment of the statue deserves the attention
of future explorers. I only regret that his manuscripts were not
in my possession prior to our visit. I have a distinct recollection
of seeing the mutilated remains of a statue on the spot, which may
have been that of Antoninus, and it is very probable that the bust
of Faustina may still be where Bruce buried it.
While this work was going through the press, I have had the pleasure
to receive part of the report of Professor Masqueray on his recent
explorations at Timegad.[81] He has had the good fortune to discover
in an Arab house at Enchir Terfas, on the left bank of the Oued Soutz,
about 1,500 metres distant from this part of the ruins, several
interesting fragments of inscriptions, which throw great light upon
several already published by M. Renier, and one in a single block,
which though incomplete, is highly valuable.
ANTONINI SARMATI
ODI FRATRIS DIVI ANTONINI NEPOTIS DIVI HADRIANI PRONEPOTIS DIVI TRAIAN
L SEPTIMI SEVERI PII PERTINACIS AVG ARABICI ADIABENICI PARTHICI MAXIM
ET IMP CAES IMP CAES SEPTIMI SEVERI PII PERTINACIS AVG ARABICI ADI
F I L DIVI M ANTONINI PII GERMANICI SARMATICI NEPOT DIVI ANTONINI PRO
EDI N RVAE ADNEPOT TRIBVNIC POTEST BIS PROCONS A
IMP CAES L SEPTIMI SEVERI PII PERTINACIS ARABICI ADIABENICI PAR
IMP CAES M AVRELI ANTONINI AVG
PATRCOL ET SÆVINIO PROCVLO TRIBLATI CLAVIO CVRATOR RPDDPP
This is a dedication to Septimius Severus, Caracalla, and Geta,
of A.D. 199, the date of the second nomination of Caracalla to the
Tribunal power. When the memory of Geta was abolished, his name was
erased and other titles of Caracalla inserted. There is no doubt
that these stones were taken to their present position from the forum.
M. Masqueray has also disinterred two very remarkable inscriptions,
containing lists of the magistrates of Thamugas, placed according
to their ranks, and amongst others the names of the curator and the
three perpetual flamens who presided over the restoration of the
Capitol, which took place in the reign of Valentinianus and Valens,
between 364 and 367.
Towards the north-west of the town, nearly in the axis of the
colonnade of the forum from which at all events it formed a striking
view, exists the triumphal arch forming the subject of one of
Bruce’s illustrations (Plate VI.), and which is one of the most
important monuments of the kind in Algeria. It consists of three
openings, the central one thirteen feet eight inches wide and the
side ones seven feet two inches; above the latter are square niches
for statues. The monument is of the Corinthian order; each front
is decorated by four fluted columns nineteen feet six inches high,
occupying the angles and the spaces between the arches. To each
column corresponds a pilaster, both raised on a common pedestal.
[Illustration: _Plate VI._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
ARCH OF THE GODS AT THAMUGAS (TIMEGAD)
FAC-SIMILE OF INDIAN INK DRAWING BY BRUCE.
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
The entablature connects all the columns and pilasters together, and
was itself surmounted by an attic, with an entablature, a portion
of the architrave of which now alone remains. Over the two lateral
arches and the square niches and supported by the two columns are two
curved pediments, the cornices of which, as also the main cornice
profile round, are set back over the columns, an arrangement not
unfrequent in the colonies of the Empire. The attic, intended no
doubt to receive the dedicatory inscription and perhaps also to
support sculpture, appears to have extended over the whole top of
the building. None of the original inscription remains in place,
but fragments have been found below and near the forum, on which
the following words have been read:—
IMP. CAESAR
NERVAE ᵥ F ᵥ NERVA ᵥ TRAIA~N~ . . . .
. . . . GERMANI . . . VS ᵥ PO~N~ . . . . .
. . . . TRIB ᵥ PO . . . . . . S ᵥ III ᵥ P . . . . CO
. . . . C . . . ANAM ᵥ TR . . . . ANAM ᵥ TI . . .
+-------+
. . . . DI PER |LEG III| AV . . .
+-------+
. . . . . . . ~V~NATIM . . . . GALLVS ᵥ LEG
AVG. PRO . . . . . . .
D.
M. Léon Renier restores this as follows:—
Imp_erator_ Caesar _divi_
Nervae f_ilius_ Nerva Trajan_us_
_Augustus_ Germani_c_us Pon_tifex maximus_
_Imperator III._ tr_i_b_unicia_ Po_testate IIII. consul_ III.
P_ater patriae_ co_loniam_
_Marci_anam Tr_aj_anam T_ha_-
_muga_di per leg_ionem_ tertiam Au_gustam_
_fecit_ . . . unatim . . . Gallus leg_atus_
Aug_usti_ pro _praetore_
D_edicavit_.[82]
The two façades are identical in feature and each is in itself
perfectly symmetrical, except that the capitals of the two middle
columns on the southern façade, instead of having the angle of
the abacus supported by volutes, have eagles in their place. The
square niches have had each their separate entablature, and columns
supported by sculptured brackets; all the arches have archivoltes.
The mass of the monument is of sandstone, but the columns, capitals
and bases of the pilasters, brackets and entablature are entirely
of white marble, as was also the crowning of the attic; the sides
of the attics were certainly covered by slabs, most probably of the
same material. The _débris_ from the entablature and the upper
part of the building has fallen round the base of the monument,
burying it as far as the imposts of the lower arches.
M. Masqueray has found amongst the ruins of the Byzantine Citadel
an inscription which proves that this building was called the arch
of the Gods, ARCVM PANTHEVM, and that it was customary to ornament
it with statues, some of which may probably still exist amongst the
stones and soil with which the base is encumbered.
IMP. CAES. M. AVRELIO. AN
TONINO PIO FELICE. AVG
M. POMPEVIS. PVNTINVS. SVE
PL. PP. OB. HONOREM. FLAMONI
SVPER. LEGITIMA. ET. STA
TVAM. MARTIS. AD. AR
CVM. PANTHEVM. SVM.
The next important building is the Capitol or Temple of Jupiter, of
which very little now remains, but that little coupled with Bruce’s
beautiful sketch of it shows that it must have been a very splendid
edifice (Plate VII.)
A large peristyle existed before it, to which access was gained by
a flight of six or eight steps. None of the columns are now erect;
but splendid fragments, nearly six feet in diameter, lie scattered
about. Five are represented as still standing in Bruce’s time,
supporting a small portion of the entablature; they were of the
Corinthian order, and fluted.
The foundations and part of the superstructure of the principal
façade or entrance to the cella are still in place; this was most
powerfully constructed and measures nearly six feet in thickness,
the stones varying from three to five feet in length from two to
three feet in breadth and twenty inches in height. An attic base,
in blue limestone, lying on the spot measures six feet in breadth
at its plinth. The most massive parts were built of rubble, encased
in cut stone masonry composed of blocks of great size.
An inscription was here found on four stones, surrounded by a
moulding, of which the following is a copy, completed by M. Léon
Renier.
Pro magnificentia saeculi d_ominorum_ n_ostrorum_ Valentiniani et
Valentis, semper Augustorum _et perpe_tuor_um_, porticus capitolii,
seriae vetustatis absumptus et usque ad ima fundamenta _conlapsus_,
novo opere perfectus, exornatusque dedicavit Publilius Caeionius
Caecin_a Albi_nus, vir clarissimus, consularis, curantibus Aelio
Juliano iterum rei publicae _curatore_, Fl_avio_ Aquilino _flamine
perpetuo_, Antonio Petroniano f_lamine_ p_er_p_etuo_ Antonio
Januiariano f_lamine perpetuo_.[83]
The palm-trees to the right of the picture have beyond all doubt
been added by Balugani, to increase the effect of the pictures. No
palm-trees exist within many miles of this place, and it is impossible
to believe that the simple beauty of the architecture here depicted,
and these distorted and misplaced trees could have been executed by
the same hand.
[Illustration: _Plate VII._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
CAPITOL, THAMUGAS (TIMEGAD)
FAC-SIMILE OF INDIAN INK DRAWING BY BRUCE (AND BALUGANI?)
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 73: Peyssonnel, ap. D. de la Malle, i. p. 347.]
[Footnote 74: See Léon Renier, Inscr. No. 1505.]
[Footnote 75: _Ap. Mabillonium Analect._ t. iv.]
[Footnote 76: Lib. vi. tit. 22, l. 2.]
[Footnote 77: Morcelli, _Af. Chr._ i. p. 305.]
[Footnote 78: _Sic_ in original.]
[Footnote 79: L. Renier, Inscr. 1518.]
[Footnote 80: L. Renier, Insc. No. 1480.]
[Footnote 81: _Rev. Afr._, vol. xx. p. 164.]
[Footnote 82: L. Renier, Insc. No. 1479.]
[Footnote 83: Léon Renier, Insc. No. 1520.]
CHAPTER XI.
LEAVE TIMEGAD — FOUM KOSENTINA — MEGALITHIC REMAINS — OUM
EL-ASHERA — EL-WADHAHA — ASCENT OF CHELLIA — AIN MEIMOUN
— LIONS.
On May 3 we left Timegad, not without considerable regret that
we could not afford to spend a longer time there. We would fain
have made some excavations, as there is no more promising field
for antiquarian research in Algeria, but the season was advancing,
and we were compelled to move onwards. We crossed the Oued Taga and
the unusually rich and well-watered plain of Firis, the west side
of which is bounded by the Oued Foum Kosentina, _River of the Gorge
of Constantine_. This is formed by two streams, the Seba Rekoud and
the Oued el-Ahmer, which have worn for themselves deep channels, the
precipitous banks of which are in some places five or six hundred
feet high. A remarkable tongue of land is enclosed between them,
which, probably on account of a certain general resemblance to the
plateau on which the city of Constantine is situated, has been named
_Ktäa Kosentina_, and the river _Oued Foum Kosentina_.
The numerous Roman remains all over the plain of Firis prove that
no part of the Aures was more thoroughly colonised by this great
people. Lower down the plain, the river formed by the junction
of the Oued Taga and the Foum Kosentina, takes the name of Oued
Rabooäa, on which are the Bordj and flour-mill of our friend Si
Bou Dhiaf. The latter is of French construction, and brings him
in a very considerable revenue. The native mills are of the rudest
construction, and are rapidly falling into disuse wherever a European
one has been erected.
The whole of this district is of the deepest interest to the
student of pre-historic archæology. The hills on the west and
south of Firis, Djebel Kharouba and Djebel Bou Dreicen are high,
barren of undergrowth but well covered with small trees, especially
the _Betoum_, or _Pistachia Atlantica_. The rock crops out in every
direction, and is a sandstone with a very laminated stratification,
capable of being easily detached in large slabs of no great thickness.
These hills are covered with countless numbers of the most interesting
megalithic remains. Their variety is considerable, but the most
ordinary type is that of a low circular structure, nearly level
with the earth at the upper part of its base, and varying in height
according to the slope of the hill on the opposite side, from three
to eight feet, and containing from four to eight courses of rough
dry masonry.
The walls are generally about six feet in thickness, the tombs from
sixteen to thirty-three feet in diameter, containing a central chamber
of irregular form covered by a large slab of stone. A very small
number of these have been opened, but such as have been examined
were found to contain human bones, and the body appears to have
been doubled up by the disarticulation of the femur, so that the
feet touched the skull. A few vessels of rude pottery have been found.
In some places the monuments are close together, in others they
are separated by a number of tombs of the ordinary dolmenic type,
as if the latter were intended for people of less consideration than
those for whom the circular ones were constructed.
Below the south slope of Djebel Kharouba on the Oued el-Ahmer, or _Red
River_, so called from the peculiar tint of the earth on its banks,
is the village of Oum el-Ashera, or _Mother of Ten_, where we passed
the night. The distance from Timegad is only nine-and-a-half miles,
and occupied three hours.
It is a small and unimportant place, of the usual construction,
situated at the mouth of a narrow gorge through which the stream
breaks into the plain, but to the east of it is a pleasant turfy
plateau, which seems as if it had been made by nature expressly as
a camping-ground for those who may come to explore the neighbourhood.
On May 4 our journey also was a short but rather adventurous
one. We purposed proceeding only as far as El-Wadhaha, a distance of
seven-and-a-half miles, the most convenient place whence to ascend
Djebel Chellia. The route was unusually mountainous, a constant
succession of thickly wooded hills and valleys. When we left the
weather was fine though somewhat showery, but we had not been many
minutes on the road before the rain began to descend in torrents. The
streams increased so rapidly that retreat was hopeless, and we were
never sure that we should be able to continue our road. Si Bou Dhiaf
who still accompanied us urged us onwards, but our beasts could not
increase their pace. We floundered bravely through mud and water
till we reached our halting-place, where fortunately the tents had
been sent in advance, and pitched before the storm began. A fire was
immediately lighted, not of little pieces of wood but with whole
trees, so fierce and blazing, that it dried us even as we stood
around it in the rain. All the evening it continued to pour and it
was nightfall before our baggage arrived, and we could obtain a change
of clothing. The Government mules are not well adapted for difficult
mountain travelling. Being shod they are much more inclined to slip
on bad stony roads than the native animals, and they have not the
same marvellous instinct for picking their steps. There never was an
animal so unjustly calumniated as a mule. I know none more sagacious,
except perhaps the donkey. A horse may be forced to face anything, he
has no self-reliance and trusts entirely to the superior intelligence
of his rider; but no power on earth will force an Arab donkey or
mule to take a single step in advance against its own conviction,
and his instincts as to the safety of a road are always superior
to his rider’s opinions. We went over some very difficult roads,
but none of our animals left to his own sagacity ever came to grief.
El-Wadhaha is merely a place where the Chawia are in the habit of
encamping. There is no village near and the only reason for selecting
it is, that there is abundance of wood and water procurable, and it
is a convenient place for commencing the ascent of Chellia, which
we did early on the following morning. Fortunately the storm of the
previous day had passed by, and the day was bright and cool.
Djebel Chellia is the highest peak in Algeria, but, rising as
it does from very high ground, it is not nearly so imposing as
Djurdjura. There was not a trace of pathway visible, but it was
very easy and pleasant riding over its grassy slopes, bare of trees
but carpeted with the most exquisite wild flowers, amongst which
were yellow tulips, blue pansies, and forget-me-nots, and a lovely
little white flower resembling a daisy. We saw many which we had
never observed elsewhere, and we deeply regretted every hour of the
journey that Dr. Hooker, who had originally intended to join the
party, had been prevented from accompanying us.
Nearer the summit we passed through woods and clumps of cedars, in
which there were more dead than living trees, some still erect, others
torn up by their roots, bearing testimony to the violence of the
storms which prevail here in winter. There was no great quantity of
snow remaining; in sheltered places we saw banks four feet in depth,
and the highest point was covered with it. This is accounted for by
the previous rainy season having commenced late: very little snow
fell before February, and it is only that of November and December
which gets sufficiently frozen to last well into summer. We found
the ascent by no means difficult, and hardly ever dismounted from
our mules till within a few hundred yards of the top; but, had it
been hedged about by all manner of dangers and difficulties, the
beauty of the ride up and the glorious panorama from the top would
have repaid us for them all.
It might almost be thought that Virgil, if he ever visited Africa
at all, had this particular peak in view, when alluding to—
Atlas, whose head with piny forests crowned,
Is beaten by the wind, with foggy vapours bound,
Snows hide his shoulders; from beneath his chin
The founts of rolling streams their run begin![84]
The highest point of the small range, which goes by the name of
Djebel Chellia, is 7,611 feet above the sea—only twenty-three
feet higher than Djebel Mahmel, and sixty-nine more than the highest
peak of Djurdjura. On the summit is a rude hut and stone enclosure,
the marabout of Sidi Mohammed Kultoom, who used to make this his
residence whenever it was possible to remain there; the Chawia still
make pilgrimages to it and offer sacrifices of sheep at the shrine of
the holy man. We left a record of our visit in a bottle on the summit,
carefully secured to a stone; but I fear it stands a great risk of
being removed, not for the value of the autograph, but rather for
that of the precious vessel in which it was enclosed. Empty bottles
are not so common in the Aures as they are elsewhere. An addition to
our party was waiting for us at the top; this was the limit of Bou
Dhiaf’s command, and he had here to hand us over to Si Mustafa,
the Kaid of Bou Hammama, who with his Khalifa both in their official
scarlet bernouses, had come to welcome us and conduct us to where
we were to spend the night.
The view from the summit is most extensive. In the foreground is the
_massif_ of the Aures itself, containing numerous ranges, generally
richly wooded, some scarped and precipitous, others striated like
agate by the upheaval of the oolitic strata of which they are
composed, while on one or two the tops have been worn away between
the strata, leaving the latter like huge lines of defence guarding the
summits. Beyond this from north to east the hills between Constantine
and Ain Beida bound the horizon, and the Sebkhas or salt lakes are
distinctly seen in the middle distance. Behind the hills to the south,
glimpses are obtained of the Sahara, while the north-west is bounded
by the mountains behind Batna.
The slopes of the mountain exposed to the north and west, the
prevailing direction whence come the wind, rain and snow of winter,
are richly clothed with forest almost to their base. The southern
slopes, exposed to the hot wind of the desert, are much more arid.
We descended the opposite side of the mountain through the valley of
Tizou-ghaghin, in which a stream rises near the top and encircles the
western slope, till it is met by the Oued el-Khezoum, descending from
another portion of the summit. It would be difficult to find a more
charming ride, at first through a forest of cedar with here and there
an old gnarled yew, but both these trees are slowly disappearing. The
highest parts of the range are perfectly bare, though an occasional
whitened stump shows that even they were once wooded; lower down
dead trees are still erect, and the ground is covered with others
that have fallen, or have been torn up by the roots. These become
more and more mixed with living trees as the traveller descends,
till the dense forests on the lower slope are reached.
But even here destruction is doing its work, principally owing to
numerous communities of hairy processional caterpillars, which spin
a web-like nest on the higher branches destroying all vegetable life
as their ravages descend.
After leaving the region of cedars the lower parts of the mountain
present new features of grandeur and interest. Ilex, pistachia and
juniper begin to appear, and soon the road passes through a dense
forest of Aleppo pines, which for picturesque beauty can hardly
be surpassed in any part of the country. Eventually we entered the
well-watered plain of Melagou, and turning eastward found ourselves
at the small village of Bou Hammama.
We had sent our camp on by an easier route, so everything was ready
for our reception, the usual _dhifa_ was cooked and only waiting
to be eaten. Si Mustafa is quite a different type from Bou Dhiaf,
and we remarked that the meeting between them on the top of Chellia
was not very cordial. He is not a man of ancient family, nor in
fact is he in any way connected with the Aures. His ancestors were
Turks and he has risen through military service elsewhere to a high
position, which ended in his being appointed by the French, Kaid of
Bou Hammama. The district appears a fine one, but the village itself
is the poorest we have yet seen, and is only occupied during a certain
portion of the year. At other times the inhabitants live in tents,
following their flocks wherever pasture is most abundant. To-day we
rode about twenty-two miles, which occupied us six hours and a half.
On May 6 we started for Ain Meimoun, a distance of nineteen
miles. After crossing the plain of Melagou the road enters
an undulating plain, and for some distance is comparatively
uninteresting. At last it passes into the long and fertile valley of
Noughis, one continuous stretch of corn and meadow land. Its general
direction is from west to east. It is bounded on the north by low
hills and on the south by a lofty range, clothed to its summit with
forests of oak below and cedars above. These mountains, facing as they
do the north, from which point all the rain of winter comes, retain
their mantle of snow till late in spring. Thus the numerous springs
and streams are well supplied, and continue to flow even in summer.
There is no doubt that during the Roman occupation this valley
was as carefully terraced and watered as the Oued Abdi is now;
traces of retaining walls are still visible, though none of the
massive foundations so common elsewhere are to be seen. After a
long ride through a country which seems to weary the traveller by
its monotonous richness, the culminating point is reached and the
streams, which have hitherto flowed towards the west, now run in
a contrary direction. In the middle of the narrow pass forming the
watershed, called Cherf-Noughis, is a mound on which are the remains
of what was no doubt a military post, intended to command it. The
view from this spot is very beautiful. To the west is the long plain
from which we had just passed, bounded by the ever-narrowing hills
on either side, till the vista is shut in by the distant peak of
Chellia. To the east in the valley of Tasgeen is a total change of
scenery. Every trace of monotony has disappeared; the green pasture
land mixing with the darker tints of the forest give both softness
and grandeur to the landscape, while in the distance, instead of the
mountain scenery of the Aures, the view is bounded by the _Sebkhas_,
or salt lakes of the Nememcha and the plain beyond. The road still
continues along the north side of the plain, winding amongst the
most exquisite forest scenery till it reaches Ain Meimoun.
Here we were met by Si Ismael, the Kaid of Khenchla, quite
a different type from any we had seen before. He is a young and
handsome Lieutenant of Spahis, belonging to one of the best families
in the province of Oran. He speaks French with perfect fluency,
and both frequents and seems to enjoy European society.
This place takes its name from a beautiful and copious spring situated
just on the edge of the forest, and at the top of a rich clearing,
which it serves to irrigate. There is no village here, but both a
civil and a military establishment for preparing cedar timber. The
former sends the wood for sale to Batna, Constantine and elsewhere;
the latter supplies the public works in process of construction at Ain
Khenchla, to which place there is a road practicable for carts. No
more pleasant spot could be found for a halt. The traveller might
fancy himself in one of the finest parts of Switzerland, but with a
new and delightful sensation added, the scent of the freshly sawn
cedar with which the air is embalmed. If he is a sportsman he may
chance to get a shot at a lion. This is perhaps the only part of
the Aures where they still exist. We met a brother of the far-famed
Chassaing working at the timber-yard. He told us that he had himself
killed seven, and that his brother had bagged between fifty and sixty
before his death, and that, though they are exceedingly rare now,
two had been heard during the previous night.
These grand old cedar forests are the glory of Algeria. Influences
which it is difficult to control are causing their gradual
disappearance, and there was a time when the reckless extravagance
with which the timber was consumed threatened to consummate the
evil even in our own time. But greater order has now been introduced
into the administration. Wise laws have been framed to prevent the
destruction of forests, and we hope that we may never have to lament
the disappearance of this noble tree in the words of Shakespeare
when he describes the fall of Warwick—
Thus yields the cedar to the axe’s edge,
Whose arm gave shelter to the princely eagle,
Under whose shade the ramping lion slept,
Whose top-branch overpeered Jove’s spreading tree
And kept low shrubs from winter’s powerful wind.
‘Henry VI.’ Part III. act v. scene 2.
This was the last night we spent actually in the Aures Mountains. We
now entered the plains which skirt their northern base.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 84: _Æn._ Lib. iv. 246-251 (Dryden).]
CHAPTER XII.
AIN KHENCHLA — ACROSS THE PLAINS OF THE NEMEMCHA TO TEBESSA.
From Ain Meimoun to Ain Khenchla is 17½ miles, which occupied us
five hours. We carefully avoided the carriage road, and took the
more enjoyable one through the forests with which the hills are
covered. Here and there we came to an open space generally full of
Roman remains, but we saw none of especial interest.
About half way is an elevated plateau, called El-Kaläa, or
_El-Geläa_ as it is more frequently pronounced, _the fortress_, from
which there is a most commanding view of the extensive plain below,
and the distant hills, as far as Constantine. In the foreground is
one of the Sebkhas, bordered by a crystalline belt of salt and sand,
contrasting strongly with the brilliant vegetation around.
Between four and five miles from Khenchla is the Oued el-Hamma, a
beautiful stream, passing at the foot of Djebel Serdsum. A spring of
almost boiling water issues from a mass of Roman masonry and flows
into the main stream, producing at the junction a most agreeable
temperature for hot baths: lower down are the ruins of piscinæ,
and a few yards off traces of many Roman buildings of the usual
solid construction, showing that this was a favourite watering-place
of the inhabitants of Mascula. On nearing the modern village, the
spring from which it derives its name is passed in a garden of fine
old fig-trees. Near it an ancient reservoir was discovered, 82 feet
long by 33 broad and 6 deep, which has been restored by the Engineer
Department and now forms a handsome public fountain.
The identity of Ain Khenchla with the ancient Mascula admits of no
doubt, its distance from known points would prove the fact, even had
not an inscription been found recording that, about A.D. 370, Publius
Cæcina Albinus rebuilt the town which before had been destroyed.
This interesting inscription has thus been restored:
Pro splendore felicium sæculorum dominorum nostrorum Valentiniani et
Valentis semper Augustorum . . . atæ . . . ve . . . . omni Masculæ
. . . . a fundamentis construxit (atque dedicavit) Publilius Caeionius
Caecina Albinus vir clarissimus consularis sexfasculis provinciæ
Numidiæ Constantinæ.[85]
Mascula is more famous in ecclesiastical than in profane
history. Several of its inhabitants are celebrated in Roman
Martyrology, especially Archinimus who was condemned to death by
Genseric. Its Bishop Clarus attended the Council of Carthage in
A.D. 255. Another, Donatus, yielded to the persecutions of Florus
pro-consul of the district, and revealed the place where the holy
books had been concealed. He was the first of the recreant bishops
who was interrogated by Secundus Tigisitanus on the subject, before
the Council of Cirta in 305. Another bishop, Januarius, was exiled
by Huneric in 494, and a second of the same name assisted at the
Council of Carthage in 525.
The value of Mascula as a strategic position, situated as it is in a
wide and fertile plain just beyond the northern slopes of the Aures
Mountains, has always been recognised. It is probably here that
Solomon placed his camp during his second expedition, and there is
reason to believe that it is the _Malich_, the scene of one of the
battles of Sidi Okba.
After the first Arab invasion it was still inhabited. El-Adouani thus
alludes to it: ‘At the foot of the Mountains of Amamra there are
three cities, Baghai, Khenchla, and Guessas, inhabited by Christians,
each one surrounded by vast gardens irrigated by the waters descending
from Djebel Mahmel.’[86]
Khenchla has now been created a European centre of colonisation, chief
place of a circle, with a Commandant Supérieur, Bureau Arabe and a
small garrison. Colonists have been attracted to the spot not only
by its fine climate, resembling very much that of Provence, but by
concessions of from 60 to 100 acres of land given by the State. The
great fertility of the soil, its proximity to vast forests and the
mineral riches of its mountains, ought to secure the prosperity of
this fine though distant settlement. To these advantages may be added
its position midway between Batna and Tebessa, and in close proximity
to the openings of the various valleys traversing the Aures. It was
made the centre for supplying the armies of General Herbillon in
1847, and of General St. Arnaud in 1850, in their expedition against
the Nememchas.
We had been overtaken by heavy rain soon after passing Oued el-Hamma,
and on our arrival at Khenchla, whither our baggage had preceded
us, we were dismayed to see the tents standing in a lake of mud
and water. To sleep there was impossible. Fortunately we were once
more in civilisation, and found an excellent auberge, in which we
passed the night most comfortably. The station was in a great state of
excitement, owing to a visit which was hourly expected from the Bishop
of Constantine. The bad state of the roads had evidently detained
him, and I believe it was dark before His Grandeur arrived. On the
following morning the Commandant showed us all over the station and
the various public buildings which he has constructed by means of
the troops under his command.
He has had the good sense to build all the inscriptions and fragments
of sculpture, which he has found, into the walls of the military
_cercle_; the only way of preserving them on the spot, and preventing
their being carried off by sacrilegious relic-hunters. He assisted
us to procure fresh mules for our baggage and horses for our own
use, and generally to arrange for our journey to Tebessa. Here we
dismissed the Government mules we had brought from Batna and their
attendant _tringlots_. We were quite sorry to part from the latter;
they were the best natured and most helpful fellows possible, always
ready to serve us in a thousand ways; never grumbling at any hardships
or difficulties that they had to encounter.
Bruce’s route must have passed very close to this place; the only
record, however, for our guidance is a memorandum:—
The 13th [December, 1765], encamped at four miles from Baggai,
continued our course towards the S.E. of Aures.
The present road from Ain Khenchla to Ain Beida, on which there
is a regular line of omnibuses, passes close to the ruins of Kasr
Baghai, the ancient Bagaia; a city which had already attained
considerable importance during the Imperial era, as is proved by
numerous inscriptions. During the time of St. Augustine it was one
of the African cities in which Christianity had attained the most
progress. Several councils were held here; but religious dissensions
soon began to produce their destructive effect; the Donatists burnt
the Basilica and committed the sacred books to the flames.[87] Solomon
was charged by Justinian to re-establish order in Africa. One of his
captains, Gantharis, sent to operate in Mount Aures, established
his camp at Bagaia; Procopius says that it was then in ruins. It
is probable that the Byzantines then built or restored the immense
fortification, the trace of which is still entire. It consists
of an irregular quadrilateral figure, the sides varying in length
from 770 to 1,227 feet, with round towers at three of the angles,
and a square one at the fourth. The wall is further strengthened at
irregular distances by square salient towers. On the N.W. side is
a second enclosure or citadel; near the W. angle are the remains of
a Mohammedan mosque, decorated with ancient columns still standing.
Instead of following the diligence route, we determined to continue
our course straight to Tebessa, over the immense plains forming the
summer pasture grounds of the great Berber tribe of Nememcha. The
whole country is covered with Roman remains, showing that in former
times the land was much more susceptible of cultivation than it
is at present. This is attributable in a great measure to the
total disappearance of the forests which once covered it. We were
especially struck at the frequent occurrence of buildings used for the
manufacture of olive oil, in districts where not a tree is to be seen
for miles around. Vines were no doubt extensively cultivated, but we
only saw one in all our journey, and that was an extremely old plant,
which according to Arab tradition has existed since the Roman era.
At about seven miles from Khenchla is a beautiful clear spring,
issuing from a Roman wall, and surrounded by ruins of important
buildings; it is called Tazou-garet. At Ain Bedjen, fourteen miles
further on, is another spring, and here we halted for the night
(May 8). We congratulated ourselves on having exchanged our mules
for horses; the former are invaluable in the mountains, but their
pace is extremely fatiguing over a long plain, the tedium of which
can only be alleviated by an occasional gallop.
On the 9th we breakfasted at Ain Kemellel, seven miles from our last
halting-place; this is another clear stream flowing amongst Roman
ruins; it is absolutely devoid of shade, but an Arab tent had been
pitched for our accommodation, in which we rested an hour or two
during the hottest part of the day.
It was late in the evening before we reached Oglet-ed-dib, about
twenty miles from Ain Bedjen and ten west of Djebel Tasbent. The
Smala of the Kaid of the district happened to be here; he himself
was absent, but he was represented by his brother. This was the
only occasion during our journey on which we met with an ungracious
reception, but that even was only for a moment; the Kaid’s brother
subsequently gave us the usual _dhiffa_, and himself accompanied us
to Tebessa. Tasbent is a bold, flat-topped mountain, an excellent
point to steer by in these interminable plains. Near its northern
slope is a Roman mausoleum in a good state of preservation. It
consists of two stories; the upper one was shut in by a wall in the
direction of the north-west, from which bad weather usually comes,
and open towards the east, with two free columns forming a niche for
the reception of a statue. It was probably the tomb of a Romanised
Numidian; it bears the following inscription:—
DIS
MANIBVS
AVMASGARIS . MAGARSAE FILIO
TASCVRI FLAVI FAVSII FILIA
CONI . . . . ET III COCCLIVS SIVIRVS
PIISSIMO PATRI VIX. ANNIS LXXX
H.S.E.
As usual with such tombs, it goes by the name of _Es-Souma_, the
minaret. About a mile further on are the remains of a Roman post,
supposed to be the ancient Tymphes. It is called by the Arabs Kasr
el-Kasir, and a fragment of an inscription was found here bearing
the legend
RESPVBL . T . . . .
Shortly after passing this the road enters very beautiful mountain
scenery; the hills are clothed with oak and Aleppo pine, with here
and there a wild almond tree. At the foot of the eastern slope is a
spring, Ain el-Amba, which has been led into a drinking-fountain,
and from this place, indeed from the crest of the hill above it,
there is a good trace of a road commenced by the French but not
finished, as far as Tebessa.
The distance from Ain Khenchla to Tebessa is 57 miles, which we
did in three days. It is a most unsatisfactory journey to make,
and I should recommend anyone following in our footsteps to go by
diligence _viâ_ Ain Beida in preference.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 85: Marchand, _Ann. Soc. Arch. Const._ vol. x. p. 167;
Ragot, _l.c._ vol. xvi. p. 207.]
[Footnote 86: See a translation of Kitab el-Adouani, by M. Ch. Feraud,
in _Ann. Soc. Arch. Const._ vol. xii. p. 1.]
[Footnote 87: Morcelli, _Afr. Chris._ i. p. 91.]
CHAPTER XIII.
TEBESSA — RETURN TO CONSTANTINE.
The last of the Roman cities on the northern slopes of the Aures was
Theveste, the modern Tebessa. Bruce has erroneously identified it as
_Tipasa_, which is certainly the modern _Tifesh_, much further to the
north. He visited it on two occasions, in going to and returning from
Constantine. His remarks are very concise; they are as follows:—
November 21, 1765. Arrived at Tipasa, which is situated in a plain
about eight miles broad from E. to W., surrounded on every side
by bare mountains, except on the N., by which lies the road to
Constantina. The plain is cultivated, and is the property of the
Hanneisha.
Here is a most extensive scene of ruins. There is a large temple and
a four-faced triumphal arch of the Corinthian order in the very best
taste, the drawings of which are now in the collection of the King.
The Hanencha is a once powerful confederation, which governed an
immense extent of country along the frontier of Tunis from La Calle
to the desert. The name is derived from that of the first Arab
chief Hanach ben Abdulla es-Sanani, a native of Sanäa in Arabia
Felix. Their principal stronghold, Geläat-es-Senan, also bears the
name of his birthplace. Since the French conquest this tribe has
lost its former greatness, but a Kaid of the Hanencha still exists
at Souk Ahras, and governs a fraction of the old tribal territory.
The subsequent entry is—
December 16, at Tebessa, the ruins extend about five miles east of
the town; nothing now existing but a castle of modern date, built of
old materials, and the remains of an area of a temple near the river.
This is evidently intended to be supplementary to his former note;
he means that nothing remained _to the east of the town_, save the
ruins of a Byzantine fortress, and what he believed to have been the
area of a temple, but which has since been excavated, and proves to
be a great basilica.
His illustrations consist of three sheets—
1. An Indian-ink perspective view of the Temple of Jupiter, roughly
but boldly executed (Plate VIII.)
2. One double sheet containing a pencil sketch of the triumphal arch
of Caracalla, with details and measurements (Plate IX.)
3. An Indian-ink perspective view of one face only of the same
building.
Theveste must have been a very important town of Numidia, but it
is only mentioned by later writers, and not alluded to by Strabo,
Pliny or Sallust. It was probably founded immediately after the
Jewish War, A.D. 71. And M. Léon Renier thinks that an inscription
found in the forum, and containing the letters[88]
. . . . NO AVG
. . . . P.P COS. V
AVG . . . . . .
must have been in honour of Vespasian, and his son Titus. If it did
exist at this period, it was probably a purely military post.
It very speedily rose into importance on account of its situation at
the junction of the roads to Carthage, Cirta, Hippone, Lambessa and
Tacape (mod. _Gabes_). It was probably also an _entrepôt_ for the
commerce of Central Africa, as well as for the produce of the country.
Christianity was introduced into Carthage about A.D. 150, and Theveste
was probably one of the first places to follow the example of the
African metropolis. Four bishops are recorded as having ruled over the
church here, of whom the first assisted at the Council of Carthage,
presided over by St. Cyprian. Their names are-
A.D.
Lucius 255
Romulus 349
Urbicus 411
Felix 484
St. Maximilian and St. Crispin suffered martyrdom at Theveste,
the former under the pro-consulate of Dion, the latter under
Diocletian. St. Optatus records that a Donatist council assembled
here in A.D. 350.[89]
The commencement of the second century was its period of greatest
splendour, and it is from this time that we must date the construction
of its finest monuments. It must have fallen into ruin during the
Vandal occupation, and disappeared from history until restored by
the Byzantine armies. Solomon was the second founder of Theveste,
which he fortified, as he did many other cities in various parts of
Africa. He enclosed it within ramparts and towers, the trace of which
exists to the present day, while the citadel is as imposing as when
built thirteen centuries ago. Here it was that Solomon himself was
slain, after having for four years bravely withstood the constant
insurrections which followed the departure of Belisarius from Africa.
A Byzantine inscription, built into one of the openings of the
triumphal arch, has thus been completed by M. Renier:—
✠Nuto divino feliciss_imis_ temporib_us_
piissimor_um_ dominor_um_
nostror_um_ Justiniani et Theodorae
Aug_ustorum_ post abscisos ex Africa
Vandalos extinctamque par Solomonem
gloriosiss_imo_ magistro militum ex
consult_e_ Praefect_o_ Libyae ac patricio
universam Maurusiam gentem
provi_dentia_ ej_us_dem aeminentissimi
viri Theveste _civitas_ a _f_undamen_tis_
aedificata est.[90]
This is the only inscription found in Africa making any direct
allusion to the expulsion of the Vandals. Then came the Arab invasion,
which destroyed the last trace of Greek supremacy, and converted
Mauritania and Numidia to the religion of El-Islam. During the
Mohammedan domination Tebessa partook of the vicissitudes of the
dynasties, which at various times held the district, and finally
submitted to a French column under General Randon in 1842, although
it was not until 1851 that it was permanently occupied.
Tebessa is built in one of the most advantageous positions which
it is possible to conceive, about eleven miles from the Tunisian
frontier. It is situated to the north of the mountains of Bou Rouman,
which enclose the basin of the Oued Chabrou, an affluent of the Oued
Meskiana. It has an abundant water supply and is surrounded by most
beautiful gardens. In front is an immense plain watered by numerous
streams flowing into the Oued Chabrou, which winds along the bottom
of the valley.
The modern town is contained within the walls of the Byzantine
citadel, which however occupies but a small portion of the ancient
city. Its high walls flanked with towers are still in a tolerably
good state of preservation, and are evidently built of still older
materials.[91]
The French have repaired the walls of Solomon’s citadel, now the
outer line of fortification, and have added a modern Kasba containing
barracks and other subsidiary military buildings, which latter serves
as the present citadel.
It is almost square in form, the perimeter being about 1,170
yards in extent; the walls are built of large cut stones, and it
is strengthened by fourteen square towers, four of which are at
the angles, and the rest irregularly distributed between them. The
height of the walls varies from sixteen to thirty-three feet, that
of the towers from thirty to forty, and the thickness of the masonry
from six to eight feet. It has three gates, the _Bab el-Kedim_, or
old gate, formed by the arch of Caracalla; the _Bab el-Djedid_, or
new gate, sometimes called that of Solomon; and the _Bab el-Kasba_,
or gate of the citadel, which forms the entrance to the new quarter
occupied by the troops.
The Temple of Jupiter (Plate VIII.), situated within the present
_enceinte_, is of the Corinthian order, forty-five feet nine
inches long, including the pronaos, by twenty-six feet three inches
broad. The material of the main building is compact limestone. Each
side is strengthened by four pilasters, and in front is the portico
supported by six monolithic columns of marble, four of which are
in front. It is raised on a basement or podium twelve feet high,
in which are three vaults now filled up, and access to the temple
is attained by a handsome flight of cut stone steps.
The entablature is not of a regular form, the architrave and frieze
forming one height; over the columns and pilasters are panels
ornamented by _bucranes_ or ox skulls. The intermediate spaces are
occupied by panels highly sculptured. This is immediately crowned
by the cornice, above which is a highly ornamented attic, now about
equal in height to the entablature. No doubt, it had a cornice,
which has disappeared. In the panels between the _bucranes_ are
eagles holding thunderbolts, on either side of which are serpents
and branches with trilobate leaves. On the attic, the vertical
panels over the columns and pilasters have trophies of armour,
and the oblong ones alternately garlands and double horns of plenty.
The attic on the front has no sculpture, and this was doubtless
intended to receive marble slabs with a dedicatory inscription. The
soffits between the columns are everywhere richly decorated, and
between the two central columns is the head of Jupiter Tonans. It
was originally surrounded by an enclosure wall, the gate of which
now actually serves as the front door of the mosque opposite.
This building has been put to many uses since the French occupation;
at first it was a soap manufactory; then the _Bureau du Génie_;
subsequently a prison, and a canteen: and finally it was converted
into the parish church, a dome being added, a bell perched on the
top, and the interior supplied with ecclesiastical fittings in the
worst style of the _génie militaire_. Happily the dome fell in,
and the building is now unused for any purpose; it is greatly to be
desired that the hideous modern additions may be removed, and the
temple restored to its original beauty.
[Illustration: _Plate VIII._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
TEMPLE OF JUPITER AT THEBESTE (TEBESSA)
FAC-SIMILE OF INDIAN INK DRAWING BY BRUCE.
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
The triumphal arch of Caracalla is a really magnificent monument
of the description called _quadrifrons_, each face representing an
ordinary single arch of triumph. The only other known specimens of
the kind are the arch of Janus Quadrifrons, at Rome, much inferior to
this both in size and beauty, and the great arch at Tripoli, which
forms the subject of the finest of Bruce’s illustrations. There
is also an Imperial medal in existence containing a similar arch,
dedicated to Domitian. This monument is built of large blocks of
cut stone. A pair of Corinthian monolithic disengaged columns flank
each arch, behind which are pilasters. Each column stands upon its
own pedestal, and not, as is usually the case in African monuments,
upon one common to each pair of columns.
The soffits supported by these, and also the central ceiling, were
richly decorated. The entablature is composed of a highly ornate
architrave, with rounded leaves at the angles, above which is a
cornice. There is also a lofty frieze, as though for the reception
of an inscription, and this also is surmounted by a cornice.
Above the north façade is a small building, intended as a niche to
contain a bust or statue; the semicircular base is still in place. It
is fronted by two isolated columns, with corresponding pilasters on
the right and left of the niche. The whole is covered with a flat
roof, with a plain architrave and cornice on the outside. Another was
probably built on the south side; indeed, but for the inscription on
the inside, one would be tempted to believe that there must have been
one above each façade. The head of a bust, evidently belonging to
this niche, and supposed to be that of Septimius Severus, was found
in the neighbourhood, and is now preserved in the Engineers’ office
at Constantine.
From the inscriptions on the interior we learn the history of the
building. There was a rich family of Tebessa represented by three
brothers, Cornelius Fortunatus, Cornelius Quintus, and Cornelius
Egrilianus. The last of these commanded the 14th legion, Gemina,
and died leaving all his property to his two brothers on certain
conditions.
The first was that they should erect a triumphal arch surmounted
by two tetrastyles, enclosing statues of the two Augusti. In the
forum also were to be placed statues of the divine Severus and
of the goddess Minerva. 250,000 sesterces were to be expended on
these works. A further sum of 250,000 sesterces was to be devoted
to affording gratuitous baths to the inhabitants in the public
_thermæ_; and lastly 170 lbs. of silver and 14 lbs. of gold were
to be deposited in the Capitol for a purpose which is not clear from
the inscription. The following is a restoration of this interesting
record proposed by M. Léon Renier:—
_Ex test_amento C_aii_ Cornelii
Egriliani praef_ecti_ leg_ionis_ XIIII
Geminae quo testament_o_ ex sestertium
ducentis et quinquaginta mil_libus_
n_ummum_, arcum cum statuis
_augustorum i_n tetrastylis duobus
cum statuis _divi Severi e_t
Minervae, quae in foro fieri
prae_cepit pra_eter alia sestertium
ducenta et quinquaginta mil_lia_
n_ummum_, quae rei p_ublicae_
ita ut . . . _gy_mnasia populo
publice in thermis prae_herentur_
. . . _a_d Kapitol_ium_ arg_enti_
lib_ras_ centum et septuaginta,
id est lances quatuor . . .
_et au_ri lib_ras_ quatuordecim
id est pihal_as_ (_sic_) tres, scyphos
duo . . . secundum voluntatem
ejus in con . . . Cornelii
Fortunatus et Quint fratres et
_heredes ejus_ . . . dignaverunt
et opus perfecerunt.[92]
On the opposite side, namely the right hand on leaving the town,
is a tabular statement, very much defaced, but of which the heading
is quite distinct:
Dies Gymnas_iorum_ ex
test_amento_ Cornelii Egriliani.
On each façade, above the arch, was a tablet containing a dedicatory
inscription. The western one was in honour of Julia Domna, wife
of the Emperor Septimius Severus, and mother of the two Emperors
Caracalla and Geta.
This inscription is as follows:—
IVLIAE . DOMNAE . AVG. MATRI
CASTRORVM . ET . AVG. ET . SEN
ET . PATRIAE.[93]
The key of the arch below is decorated with an eagle holding
thunderbolts, supporting a medallion out of which rises a female
bust, wearing a high mural crown, typical, perhaps, of Julia Domna
herself or of Rome.
[Illustration: _Plate IX._
J. LEITCH &. Co. Sc.
QUADRIFRONTAL ARCH OF CARACALLA AT THEVESTE (TEBESSA)
FAC SIMILE OF INDIAN INK SKETCH BY BRUCE.
HENRY S. KING Co. LONDON.]
Septimius Severus died in A.D. 211, and the two Augusti mentioned
in the testament were evidently Caracalla and Geta. Caracalla
murdered his brother in 212, consequently the date of the testament
is fixed between those two years, though the execution of the work
may have been a little later. The east façade bears a dedication
to Septimius Severus himself. It has a medallion similar to the
W. front, of a warrior in armour, resting on a head of the Medusa,
representing probably Septimius Severus himself, and the terror
which his countenance was supposed to inspire. It runs as follows:—
DIVO . PIO . SEVERO . PATRI
IMP. CAES. M. AVRELI . SEVERI . ANTONINI .
PII. FELICIS . AVG. ARAB. ADIAB. PARTH. MAX. BRIT.
MAX. GERM. MAX. PONT. MAX. TRIB. POT. XVII. IMP. II.
COS. IIII. PROCOS. P.P.[94]
The southern inscription is illegible; it is believed to have been
in honour of Caracalla; and the northern one is wanting and, if
ever executed at all, was probably in honour of Geta to complete
the series. The two other medallions are obliterated.
The partial destruction of this arch may date from the fifth
century, when the city was deserted by its inhabitants and sacked
by the Numidians; but its preservation at all was undoubtedly due
to Solomon having so traced the walls of the citadel as to adopt it
as the principal entrance gate.
One of the most interesting ruins in Algeria is that of the great
basilica of Theveste; this was so much buried in its own _débris_
during Bruce’s visit, that he was unaware of its existence, and
alludes to it as the area of a temple. It is situated about 600 yards
N.E. of the modern town, and consists of a vast edifice, 213 feet
long by 72 broad, enclosed within a wall 588 feet long by 127 broad,
strengthened at intervals by square towers, only two of which remain.
The principal entrance to the enclosure is to the S.W. The arch is
quite entire, but the numerous subsidiary buildings in the court
are razed to the ground, except where they seem to form actually
part of the main structure.
The masonry throughout is of immense blocks of stone, carefully
cut and adjusted almost without the use of mortar; nevertheless it
bears unmistakable evidence of having been constructed at various
epochs. The original building, however, was evidently the Roman
basilica, pretty exactly as Vitruvius describes it with a nave and
two aisles, the further end being furnished with a semicircular apse.
The reader need hardly be reminded that the ancient Basilica was
a court of justice; the prætor or principal judge was seated
in the apse, with assessors on either side. A railing separated
this from the nave, and according to Vitruvius, the lateral aisles
were surmounted by galleries looking into the nave. This peculiar
form was so perfectly adapted for Christian worship that it was at
once adopted by the Western Church. The bishop took the place of
the præetor _in cathedrâ_, and his subordinates in the hierarchy
those of the assessors. The altar, like the pedestal and statue of
the god among the ancients, was situated before him, separating him
from the congregation collected in the nave and aisles; the gallery
above the latter became the clerestory, and the open court in front
the narthex, in which the unbaptised remained during the performance
of religious ceremonies.
The access to this building is by a flight of thirteen steps of
unequal width, the greater number of which are destroyed, leading
into the peristyle by three doors, a large one in the middle and a
smaller one on each side. This court must have been most imposing. It
was surrounded by an arcade, each side supported by four columns,
between which were pedestals, probably destined for statues; the
central portion was open to the sky, and in it was an elevated basin
or fountain, the whole resembling very much in design the court of
a Moorish house of the present day.
From the right or east wall of this were doors leading into two
small chambers, one of which was the baptistery, the font being still
tolerably perfect in the centre of the floor. The other chamber is
of irregular shape, having been added to at a subsequent period.
Beyond this comes the main body of the building, entered by three
doors. It is separated by ranges of double columns into nave and two
aisles. These columns are of grey granite, white marble, and blue
limestone; they are broken for the most part into numerous fragments;
the shafts of some are entire, as are most of the capitals, and the
bases of all remain in their original position. These show that there
was a double range; a large shaft with a square base, and a smaller
one with a round base touching it, towards the aisles; the one no
doubt supported the roof of the nave, the other that over the aisles.
It is easy to recognise the period of the Pagan Emperors; a later
epoch, with a certain amount of Christian art, and ultimately a
period of absolute decadence, probably the last time that Christians
worked in this country. The first is marked by Corinthian columns,
the capitals of which are in the most correct form, and the shafts
of polished marble and granite, and of a beauty which would only
have been marred by fluting. The second is represented by fragments
of fluted and spiral columns, the capitals of which were richly
decorated with foliage; and lastly, there are rough productions in
stone, out of all keeping with the rest of the building, the capitals
of which bear grotesque representations of fishes, perhaps used as
the symbol of Christ.
At the extreme north end is an apse, raised above the level of the
nave, with three steps on which to mount to it. On either side is a
square chamber, corresponding to the termination of the aisles. From
the first to the fourth pillars on each side, and again across from
the fourth on one side to the fourth on the other, are grooves to
receive a railing, showing that this part was divided off with
the apse to form, perhaps, at first the prætor’s court, and
subsequently the sacrarium; in the centre of this space is an oblong
vault, or cavity. The whole of the floor is covered with tesselated
pavements of very elegant designs and admirable execution. These are
almost perfect in condition, and have been judiciously covered over
with a layer of earth to protect them from injury.
Descending from the east side aisle by a flight of about thirteen
steps is a chapel of the form of a trefoil inscribed within a square.
From the north and south apses are communications with small lateral
chambers right and left, and from the south one there is access
through a small ante-room to a sepulchral chamber beyond; the front
of each apse was arched, the arches supported on each side by columns
of green marble.
In the centre of the square contained between them was what appears
to be the foundation of an altar; the walls were covered, for a part
at least of their height, with a mosaic of the richest marbles,
porphyry, and serpentine, so disposed as to form either pictorial
designs or geometric patterns, while the ceiling was a mosaic of
glass, quantities of tesseræ, both coloured and gilt, having been
found amongst the _débris_.
This building was probably an addition, subsequent to the erection of
the main body of the basilica. It is also certain that it must have
replaced a still older structure, as traces of tesselated pavement
were found four feet below the actual floor.
A large sarcophagus of marble, with Christian figures rudely
sculptured, was found at the bottom of the stairs.
In the sepulchral chamber above mentioned was found a tesselated
pavement, containing four inscriptions recording the interment
of individuals beneath them. One is that of Palladius, Bishop of
Idicra, near Cirta (Constantine), who died here on his return from the
Council of Carthage, under Huneric, in A.D. 484. This inscription was
headed by a cross, having in the lower right hand angle the letter
_Omega_. It is curious to observe that the corresponding one on the
left hand does not contain the _Alpha_, as is usually the case. It
has been said that this was owing to the fact of the bishop having
died out of his own diocese. The tomb was opened, thus destroying
the inscription, but the bishop’s skeleton was found perfectly
preserved after fourteen centuries. It rested on a bed of laurel
leaves, and its brown hair was undecayed. These venerable remains
are preserved in the church of Tebessa, or rather in the curé’s
house, which serves as such.
Another tomb was opened, that of Marcella, and in it were found
perfectly preserved bones, and light hair. The inscription was also
necessarily destroyed, but the others (three in number) were allowed
to remain intact.
There were various buildings, probably cells or shops, outside
and against the main structure, and the whole was surrounded
by a strong wall, flanked at intervals with towers, like a vast
fortified convent. This it doubtless was during the later years of
its existence, but unfortunately its history is entirely unknown,
and its original destination, or at least the destination of the
older portion of it, must remain a matter of conjecture.
From a careful study of the architecture of this building however,
the grand simplicity of its design and the richness of its materials,
it is difficult to believe that the earlier portions of it could have
been built after the introduction of Christianity into Theveste,
when art was already in its decadence. The presumption is strong,
that it could not have been commenced later than the end of the first,
or beginning of the second century; this would make it older than
almost any of the Roman monuments of Algeria, as it certainly was
superior to most of them in elegance and simplicity, though less
florid in decoration.
There are many other Roman ruins of interest in the circle of Tebessa,
and on Djebel Mestiri, west of the town, and extending as far as
Djebel Youkous, are a number of megalithic tombs of a circular
form. They are about 100 in number, situated in a single line, the
right of which rests on the ruins of a Byzantine tower. The largest
is about eleven feet three inches high, and from twelve to thirty
feet in diameter. They differ from those of Foum Kosentina by being
built in successive and gradually decreasing courses, without any
single covering stone; they rather resemble the Medrassen and the
tombs in its vicinity.
We left Tebessa for Constantine on May 12, by diligence, following
pretty much the same route as that taken by Bruce—whose notes are
as follows:—
_November_ 24, 1765.—Passed Ain Shabrou this day. Lay the night of
the 24th (fourteen miles) in the mountains without inhabitants, the
Hanneisha having fled the country as being in rebellion, and afraid
of the Bey of Constantine. They were then in the Sahara, south of
Gaffsa. Killed a wild boar of extraordinary size at Ain Shabrou,
which served us for meat.
The 25th, arrived at the encampment of the Welled Esa, at Bucowash,
where we met the Kaid of Tibberq (?), about twenty-four miles.
There crossed the river Miskiana, on the 26th, and continuing through
one of the most beautiful and best cultivated countries in the world,
I entered the Eastern province of Algiers now called Constantina,
anciently the Mauritania Cæsariensis, whose capital Constantina
was the ancient capital of Syphax.
The 27th and 28th, to the east of Sidi Bougeise, a high mountain about
twenty miles. The 28th, at Ziganiah, about eighteen miles. The 29th,
at Boomarzook, about ten miles from Constantina, where we arrived
November 30 (see _ante_, p. 50).
The _Ain Shabrou_ or _Chabrou_ mentioned here is a large spring on the
left of the present road, about six and a quarter miles from Tebessa,
near which are the ruins of the Roman city Ad Mercuriam. A little to
the west of it is Ain Youkous, more correctly _Okes_, وكيس or _Bou
Okes_, from the Latin word _Aquæ_. This stream rises in a beautiful
cave in the mountains; it is of great depth, and has often served as
an impregnable retreat to the Arabs in time of war. The Welled Esa,
or _Oulad Aissa_, is a collective name given to the tribes in the
circle of Ain Beida, including the Haracta. In the time of the Turks
these formed a great command called the Kaidat of the Aouassi, or
descendants of Aissa. Ain Beida did not of course exist in Bruce’s
time; it is entirely a French town, the chief place of the Haractas.
This route is especially interesting, as showing that the frontiers
of Algeria in Bruce’s time were actually west of Tebessa and of
the Miskiana, both of which belonged to Tunis.
_Ziganiah_ is the Roman Sigus, twenty-four miles from Constantine.
This was an ancient and celebrated city, memorable as the residence
during various epochs of several Numidian kings. The destruction of
this place appears to have been very violent, and little remains save
the foundations of a few buildings and a considerable necropolis, not
only of Roman, but of the so-called pre-historic tombs, dolmens,
cromlechs, and menhirs. At Bou-Merzoug also there is an immense number
of these megalithic remains, which were first explored by Mr. Christy
and M. Féraud in 1863.[95]
We returned to Constantine on May 13, and here my explorations in
the footsteps of Bruce may be said to have ended for the season. All
that remained to be done was to return to Algiers; but, instead of
doing so by railway and steamer, or by diligence, I determined to
adopt a more interesting and less known route, on which I will ask
the reader to accompany me.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 88: L. Renier, Insc. No. 3,078.]
[Footnote 89: Morcelli, _Afr. Chris._ i. 308.]
[Footnote 90: L. Renier, Insc. No. 3,089.]
[Footnote 91: Consult the interesting papers on the exploration
of Tebessa, by MM. Moll and Girol in _Ann. Arch. Constantine_,
1862-1870.]
[Footnote 92: L. Renier, Insc. No. 3,085.]
[Footnote 93: Ibid. No. 3,088.]
[Footnote 94: L. Renier, Insc. No. 3,087.]
[Footnote 95: Féraud, _Ann. Arch. Const._ viii. p. 108.]
CHAPTER XIV.
CONSTANTINE TO ALGIERS THROUGH KABYLIA.
We left Constantine on May 15, and as the route between that place
and Bordj bou Areredj is totally uninteresting, and is described in
all the guide books, we took our places in the diligence, spent the
16th at Setif, and arrived at Bordj bou Areredj on May 17.
From this place two routes are practicable to Fort National. The
easiest and most direct is by Beni Mansour and the Col de Tirourda;
but by far the most picturesque is that by Geläa, Akbou and the
Col de Chellata.
Through the courtesy of the Commandant Supérieur we were enabled to
hire mules at the very moderate rate of five francs a day; he also
supplied us with two tents, furnished us with spahis, and announced
our intended arrival all along the road. Tents are quite indispensable
if the traveller cares for his own comfort in the slightest degree,
as although the Kabyle houses in the territory of the Beni Abbas
are clean and well built, those in the circle of Fort National are
beyond description filthy and full of vermin.
From Bordj bou Areredj we proceeded to Bordj Medjana, a ride of about
two hours through a rich and highly cultivated country. This was
the Castellum Medianum of the Romans, and the hereditary residence
of the Bach-Agha el-Mokrani, whose family played an important part
during three centuries in the affairs of Algeria. Their history
is full of great deeds, and their name stands first in the list of
feudal chiefs, who ruled the country before the French conquest.
After the disastrous insurrection of 1871,[96] of which El-Mokrani
was the principal leader, the Bordj was destroyed, and the whole of
his vast property confiscated to the State.
A village, to contain seventy homesteads, is in process of
construction. Each concession contains 100 acres of excellent land,
in addition to a village and garden lot.
The Bordj, built by the Bach-Agha, under the direction of French
engineers, consisted of a bastioned enclosure within which was his
residence. This will be repaired, and will constitute a place of
refuge for the colonists in case of necessity, and will contain the
church, school, and other communal buildings. A beautiful spring
issues from some Roman remains below the fort, and forms almost the
only water supply of the village.
We pitched our tents close to this spring, and early on May 19
resumed our journey. The road still continued in a north-westerly
direction, over rich plains, and eventually amongst picturesque
mountain scenery; the valleys are everywhere highly cultivated,
and the hills furnish excellent pasturage for sheep. After a ride
of two hours and three-quarters we reached Theniet el-Khamis,
a small village of stone huts, formerly the property of Mokrani,
situated in a pass forming the limit between the Medjana and
Kabylia. Immediately afterwards the scenery becomes more wild;
Kabyle villages are seen crowning the crests of the hills; the land
is more carefully cultivated, and every thread of water carefully
employed for irrigational purposes. After a ride of four hours and
a half we reached the fort or blockhouse of Boni.
Here we found M. Marchal, the interpreter of Akbou, awaiting us. He
had been sent on by M. de Beaumont, the Commandant Supérieur, to
arrange for our journey through his command, and we had every reason
to congratulate ourselves on the good fortune which procured for us
so pleasant and intelligent a companion.
The Bordj of Boni contains a suite of rooms and stabling, for the
accommodation of such public functionaries as may have occasion to
visit the district. It was built after the last insurrection, and
forms a most convenient halting-place for the traveller, who, though
he cannot claim admittance, is sure to be hospitably received. There
is an excellent spring below the mound, and the views of the Djurdjura
range from the summit are very grand.
The Sheikh of Boni had also come to conduct us to Geläa, where he
resides. He is quite of the Bou-Dhiaf type—a genial and pleasant
host, who feasted us royally.
From this to Geläa is a ride of not more than an hour and a half,
through what is, perhaps, the most magnificent mountain scenery in
Algeria. The road winds up and down steep hills in a most tortuous
manner, sometimes passing over the intervening ridges, and at others
encircling their sides. On the right hand is a deep abyss, beyond
which is a mass of hills and valleys, clothed to their summits with
verdure, resembling a tempestuous sea suddenly arrested and turned
into rock. On the left the view is more extensive; the foreground is
as wild, while range after range of mountains succeed each other in
ever-changing variety of form and colour, till the extreme distance
is shut in by the majestic snow-capped ridge of Djurdjura. No other
peak can ever depose this from its place as the monarch of Algerian
mountains. Chellia and Mahmel, in the Aurès, may be higher, but they
rise from more elevated ground, and thus lose much of their grandeur,
while for beauty of outline and richness of tints the Djurdjura
range, seen from the south, with the Oued es-Sahel at its foot,
is superior to them both.
Kaläa—or Geläa, as it is here pronounced, meaning a fortress
in Arabic—is one of the most picturesquely situated villages in
Kabylia. It is built on the extreme end of a mountain, more than 3,000
feet above the sea, surrounded on three sides by precipitous ravines,
through one of which flows a tributary of the Oued Sellam. The cliffs
descend in a succession of perpendicular scarps, separated from
each other by narrow terraces, so as to be quite inaccessible. The
fourth side, where the hill rises behind the village, can only be
reached by a narrow winding path, which a few resolute men might
defend against an army.
In former times this was a city of refuge for such as wished to
escape the justice or vengeance of the Turks, who never succeeded
in reducing its inhabitants to their sway.
Its proximity to the _Biban_, or Portes de Fer, itself a strong
position, enabled the Beni Abbas to command that pass, and
consequently the route between Algiers and Constantine, and they
were in a position to exact a tribute from the Turks as the price
of keeping open this communication.
The village of Geläa is divided into two portions, each ruled over
by a Sheikh independent of the other. The lower portion belongs to
the Oulad Aissa, and the upper to the Oulad Hamadoosh. It is the
principal place of the Beni Abbas, a once powerful confederation,
extending north and south from beyond the Oued es-Sahel to Boni,
and east and west from the river of Geläa to the Oued Maghir. The
villages in this district are well built, of stone, roofed with tiles,
and very often they have small enclosures, or gardens, attached,
while the interiors are finished off with great neatness, and even
some rude idea of decorative art.
The inhabitants of Geläa have little or no arable land, but they are
famous for the manufacture of bernouses. They make a considerable
quantity of olive oil, and are renowned merchants, purchasing the
carpets and haiks of the south, and selling them at the markets of
Constantine and other great towns. Between the two villages are a
number of small springs, quite dry in summer, so that for several
months in the year the water supply of each village has to be brought
from the valley below.
In the upper village is an ancient mosque, with some good wood-carving
over the door; in the cemetery attached is buried the celebrated
Bach-Agha el-Mokrani. His body was brought here after the battle
of Oued Souflat, where he was killed. It is much to be regretted
that his tomb should be quite unmarked. The Commandant Supérieur of
Aumale, Colonel Trumelet, has had the happy idea of marking the spot
where he fell by a stone bearing this inscription:—‘Ici tomba,
mortellement frappé par les balles du 4ème de Zouaves, le 5 Mai
1871, le Bach-Agha de la Medjana, El-Hadj Mohammed ben el-Hadj Ahmed
el-Mokrani, chef de l’insurrection.’
The connection of the Mokrani family with Geläa dates from the
sixteenth century, when one of their ancestors, Ben Abd-er-Rahman,
established a little principality here after the expulsion of the
Spaniards from Bougie. The last of these princes was murdered by
his subjects in A.D. 1600.
Mokrani owned several houses in Geläa, and his brother was at one
time Kaid of the Beni Abbas.
There is a large guest-chamber in the upper village belonging to our
friend who had entertained us at Boni, but we were only permitted
to see it. We were conducted to the house of the other Sheikh—of
the Oulad Aissa—and installed there as honoured guests. If the
first Sheikh resembled our jovial host at Timegad, this one might
be compared to the more refined and imperial-looking Kaid of the
Oulad Abdi. He received us with the most perfect grace, and with a
cordiality which made us instantly feel at home. The Kabyles are
renowned for hospitality, but very few are celebrated for their
cuisine. A traveller must have been difficult indeed to please had he
not been satisfied with the excellent fare provided by our host. It
is not the custom here for the women to appear before strangers, but
the ladies of our party visited them in their apartments, and were
surprised to find a little girl who had been taught by the Sisters at
Bone, and who spoke French with perfect facility. The delight of the
poor child at finding ladies to whom she could speak in French would
have been ludicrous had it not been so touching. She would hardly
allow them out of her sight; she insisted on sharing their bed-room,
and kept them awake all night with her chattering, and, to crown all,
she stained their hands and nails with henna—an operation which in
their ignorance they permitted, and which had the startling effect
of producing an indelible stain of a bright orange colour, which
adorned them for several months after their return to civilised life.
M. Daly became quite enthusiastic about the decoration of the doors
in our host’s house, which he copied with most minute accuracy. The
designs were quaint but not inelegant, and the colours harmonious,
being only red and black.
One of the most interesting sights of Geläa is the extraordinary
method employed for storing grain—in enormous baskets of alpha
grass, fourteen or fifteen feet high, and ten feet in diameter at the
thickest parts, resembling gigantic bottles with the necks knocked
off. These are raised about a foot off the ground, and four or five
of them are placed side by side in a room. In these vessels, called
_Zaräa_, a reserve supply of corn has been known to keep perfectly
good for fifty years. The family of Mokrani were in the habit of
keeping their corn in this way on account of the exceptionally
good climate of the village, but the stories which have obtained
currency of the immense treasures concealed by them here are pure
inventions. In troublous times, before the French conquest, such
may have been the case, but for many years before the insurrection
the treasures of Mokrani had vanished into debts. Somewhat similar
grain-baskets, but of a much smaller size, were observed by M. Pricot
de Ste. Marie in the island of Djerba; and amongst the Ouerghemma, in
the Regency of Tunis, they were in the form of pears, four-and-a-half
feet high, and they preserved the grain perfectly, though exposed
to the full inclemency of the weather.[97]
There is a direct route from this village to Akbou, but we preferred
to make a _détour_ in order to see Ighil Ali, the most considerable
village in the Beni Abbas.
We started on the morning of May 21, and after passing through the
village we descended a path so steep and difficult as hardly to be
practicable for mules. On reaching the bottom of the hill, however,
it improves, and soon the high road between Bordj bou Areredj and
the Oued es-Sahel is reached. The scenery is still remarkably grand,
but less green than before reaching Geläa. The ground is poor,
schistose, and only adapted for the cultivation of fig and olive
trees, which constitute the principal riches of the country. About
halfway is the village of Zeina, the only one we actually passed,
though we saw many crowning the heights around.
After about four hours’ riding we reached Ighil Ali; in fact,
there are three villages placed so close together as to form but
one—Ighil Ali, Tizairt, and Azrou.
The last crowns the hill to the west, while the two others at its
foot are separated by an inclined plane, in which is situated the
Medressa. It was one of the favourite ideas of Napoleon III. to
educate the Arab and Kabyle races in the French language and
ideas. Numerous educational establishments were organised with this
view, at Algiers, Constantine, Fort National and elsewhere, nearly
all of which collapsed with the Empire. Amongst others, a college
was established here at which Kabyle youths were taught both Arabic
and French. The buildings are still kept in repair, but unused; we
occupied them during the day. We remained here instead of putting up
at the less comfortable house of the Sheikh; _dhifas_ however were
sent in great profusion, and a very cordial reception given to us.
These villages are much better built and more picturesque than most
others in Kabylia; many of them have two stories, some even three. The
walls are decorated with arches and quaint holes for ventilation, and
not a few have arched colonnades. The general appearance of the whole,
sloping upwards in a pyramidal form, is not at all unlike many Italian
villages. They used to be celebrated for the manufacture of arms,
but as that is now a forbidden industry, they have extended their
manufacture of bernouses, silver ornaments, etc.; and one of them,
Tizairt, is celebrated for its wood-carving. The objects most usually
manufactured are maces, not unlike those of Gog and Magog, spoons
and trinkets connected by chains cut out of a single piece of wood.
We visited our host, the Sheikh of Tizairt, who has a large and
commodious pile of buildings; also the ex-Sheikh, who has built
himself a very large house in the French style, and furnished it with
chairs and tables, and as many bottles of good things to drink as a
_buvette_ at a railway station. He was very anxious that we should
recommend him to the authorities, in order that he might be reinstated
in his position; but we stopped him at once with the observation that
we were guests of Government, as it were, and it would ill become us
to interfere with matters which did not concern us. Similar requests
were frequently made, but always answered in the same sense.
On the 22nd we set out for Akbou. After leaving Tizairt the road
descends rapidly, passing numerous picturesquely-situated Kabyle
villages, and enters the Oued es-Sahel, a little below the ruins of
Bordj Tazmalt, a fort destroyed during the last insurrection. Here
it is proposed to build a village, to which will be attached 6,700
acres of land; each _concessionaire_ will have a village lot, a
garden and a patch of olive trees, and two lots of cultivable land,
aggregating 80 acres; 1,247 acres are divided into seven farms,
and 1,030 are reserved as communal land.
We here entered the great valley called Oued es-Sahel, or _river
of the coast_—known to the ancients by the name of Nasava, or
Nasabath—which commences near Aumale, and terminates in the Gulf
of Bougie. Like most of the rivers of Algeria, it changes its name
according to the territory it traverses; thus it is successively
called Oued Akbou, Oued Soumam, Oued Beni Mesaoud, Oued el-Kebir,
and Oued es-Sahel. Its average width is about forty yards, but in
some places it is as much as two hundred.
After traversing the rich plain of the Beni Melekeuch, covered with
corn and olive trees, we pass on our right hand the celebrated Mound
of Akbou, and soon reach the village itself.
Akbou is the ancient Ausum, and is the country of the well-known
Si Mohammed bin Ali Cherif, who rendered great service to France,
and was decorated with the Legion of Honour and created Bach-Agha
of Chellata. Having unfortunately allowed himself to be drawn into
the insurrection of 1871, he was tried and convicted at Constantine,
but subsequently received a free pardon from Marshal de MacMahon,
President of the Republic, who better than any man living knew the
value of his former services.
A new village has been founded here, to which a vain attempt has
been made to attach the name of Metz; it is admirably situated on
an elevated mound to the north of the high road, with a charming
view looking both up and down the valley. About thirty houses of a
superior description were finished at the time of our visit, and
the land allotted to the colonists appears to be of an unusually
good quality. The great drawback is the want of water, which has to
be brought in an open channel a distance of seven or eight miles;
this is liable to be deranged by storms, and could easily be cut
off by an enemy.
Close to it is the old Bordj of Ben Ali Cherif, purchased by the
State before the insurrection, and now used as a residence for the
officers of the Bureau Arabe. There are two _auberges_ here, one in
the village and the other on the high road below it.
On the opposite side of the river is a ridge of steep hills close
to its right bank, called Geldaman, the western point of which has
been separated from the rest by the river, and now forms an isolated
_mamelon_ in the middle of the plain called the _Piton d’Akbou_,
which is seen from a great distance on both sides. On a small platform
at the west side of this hill, and about 100 feet above its base,
is a remarkable Roman mausoleum, still in an excellent state of
preservation. It consists of a pyramid surmounting a cubical base,
three sides of which are decorated with false windows, whilst the
fourth had a door, no longer in its place, but also probably of
stone. The pivot was of immense size, the hole to receive it being
nearly six inches in diameter. The whole structure is raised on
four steps, reduced to three on the east side by the slope of the
hill. The interior, which is thirteen feet square, has a wagon vault
roof, constructed, like all the rest of the building, of finely-cut
stone. Three of the sides interiorly are decorated by double arches,
once no doubt supported on columns. On the fourth side, the door
being a little larger than the false windows, there is one larger
arch, and a smaller one on each side. The windows outwardly occupy
the position of the interior columns. Of the superior pyramid five
courses still remain in place. Above the door was an inscription in
white marble, fragments of which still exist in the corners of the
panel made to receive it. The execution of the monument is admirable,
but the style is debased.
We did not remain at the village of Akbou, but pushed on a few miles
further to Azib esh-Sheikh, the charming residence of my friend
and near neighbour at Algiers, Ben Ali Cherif. The house is large
and comfortable; of the interior, of course, I can say nothing,
but outside there is a row of guest-chambers, clean and spacious;
and in the ravine below, on the banks of a considerable stream, is a
beautiful garden of flowers and fruit trees, in which is a pavilion
shaded from every ray of sun, and furnished in the most luxurious
manner. He is the only Arab I ever met in the interior of the colony
who took any interest in horticulture, or seemed to care for the
cultivation of fruit. He has a European gardener in his service,
and there are few gardens, even at Algiers, so beautifully kept,
and none so plentifully irrigated. In addition to this, he has been
most successful in introducing a better system of cultivation on
his estate, and has constructed a European olive oil mill, which is
most remunerative.
We spent part of May 22 and 23 at this delightful retreat, and having
engaged fresh mules, and obtained spahis acquainted with the country
from the Commandant de Beaumont, and recommendations to the Kabyle
chiefs on the road, we commenced the ascent of the Djurdjura range,
through a rich and highly cultivated country, abounding in fig,
olive and ash trees. The two first are the riches of the country,
the last (_Fraxinus Australis_) is also of great utility, as its
leaves afford excellent food for sheep and goats in summer and autumn
when the grass fails.
At two hours’ distance is the village of Chellata, the chief
place in the country of Illoula, and the ancestral home of Ben Ali
Cherif. There is a large Zaouia here for the education of Kabyle
youth—one of the most renowned in North Africa—kept up at
his expense; and in the inclosure in front of it are interred the
members of his family. To visit such a holy place as this in Tunis
or Morocco would be impossible; in Algeria the Mohammedans no longer
dare to exclude Christians from their mosques, but it requires very
little penetration to see that their presence is most distasteful to
them. This we particularly observed at Chellata. Beyond this the place
is of no interest, and, like all other villages in the Kabylia of
Djurdjura, it is extremely filthy, a marked contrast to the scrupulous
cleanliness of those on the other side of the Oued es-Sahel.
We pitched our tents on a grassy slope, well clear of the village
and its evil odours, and were on our mules before daybreak on the
following morning, hoping to see the sunrise from the summit. It
took us an hour to reach the _Col de Chellata_, one of the passes
leading from the Oued es-Sahel, across the Djurdjura range, between
the peaks of Tili-jouen on the left, and Tizi-bart (5,670 feet) on
the right. From the top of the former, which we ascended, there is
an unequalled view, in some respects finer than that from Chellia,
inasmuch as the foreground possesses greater boldness and variety
of outline.
Commencing from the west, there is a splendid view of the whole
crest of the Djurdjura range, with its two most conspicuous peaks,
Azrou-n-Tehour (5,980 feet) and Tamgout Lalla Khadidja (7,542). These
are crowned by _Welis_ or Saints’ tombs, favourite places
of pilgrimage with the Kabyles; indeed, the latter is esteemed
hardly less venerable than the Holy Cities of Mecca and Medina,
and a pilgrimage to it certainly more meritorious than one to
Kerouan. Beyond these, to the north, are the country of the Beni
Illilten, Fort National, and the sea in the extreme distance. More
than fifty villages can be counted in this direction. On the opposite
side of the pass are Babor, Ta-Babor, crowned with their forests of
cedar and pinsapo, and the mountains of the Beni Abbas complete the
panorama, while the ever-present mamelon of Akbou, surrounded by a
great stretch of level ground, thickly covered with olive groves,
occupies the foreground to the south. The effects of light and shade
at sunrise can never be forgotten. I have travelled through Algeria
in every direction, and in most of the Regency of Tunis as well,
but I know of nothing so grand as the view from the Col de Chellata
and the short ride between Boni and Geläa.
After passing through this defile the road descends rapidly towards
the Tifilkouth or river of the Beni Illilten by a steep and difficult
road, but one of exquisite beauty. The whole country is cultivated
with as much care as a garden. The road is completely overshadowed
by magnificent ash trees, while the banks on either hand are covered
with ferns, broom, wild roses, and flowers of every colour. A clear
cool stream flows at the bottom, overshadowed with magnificent
wild cherry trees. We stopped here for breakfast, and it required
all my authority as leader of the expedition to force my followers
to mount their mules and leave this fairy dell. The road ascends
the opposite bank, passes the village of Tifilkouth, and winds
through the most delightfully shady lanes and orchards, mounting and
descending almost perpendicular precipices, crossing rapid streams,
but always passing from one scene of loveliness to another, till
after a ride of two hours from the stream where we breakfasted,
or five hours from Chellata, we reached the village of Soumar. The
only spot sufficiently level to accommodate our tents was the village
cemetery, and here we pitched them, and passed a very pleasant night,
undisturbed by the shades of those who rested beneath us.
The head man, or _Amin el Oumina_, as usual, entertained us with
true Berber hospitality, and would fain have had us to lodge in his
own house; but, much as we liked our Kabyle friends, and ready as
we always were to see their inner life and manners, we could not
brave the hosts of fleas with which they are surrounded.
Soumar is situated in the country of the Beni Teourigh, close under
Tirourda, at the head of the long stretch of valleys abutting on
that mountain. Leaving this, a ride of fifteen minutes brought us
to the high road which is being constructed from Fort National to
the Oued es-Sahel by the Col de Tirourda, and close to a house which
has been erected by the Engineer Department for its employés. The
distance hence to the fort is nineteen miles.
The scenery now changed somewhat—it never ceases to be exceedingly
grand—and the view of the Djurdjura range improves as it is seen
in full front, instead of foreshortened from one end.
But alas! we are once more within the influence of what we have so
successfully avoided during the last two months—high roads and
guide-books. The admirably engineered, but bare and shadeless road,
with its regular curves and gentle gradients, becomes intolerable
after the wild and shady lanes and natural scenery in which we have
travelled so long; and it is not without a feeling of relief that we
reach Fort National, thence to proceed by the prosaic but convenient
diligence to Algiers. We made one last protest against civilisation;
instead of passing the night in the _auberge_ at the fort, we pitched
our tents on the historic battle-field of Icherridhen, and only
arrived at the village next morning in time to catch the diligence.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 96: See Murray’s _Handbook to Algeria_, p. 28.]
[Footnote 97: _Bull. Soc. Géog._ (Paris), viii. 117.]
PART II.