The real importance of this discovery lies in the fact that we have

here a number of cleverly-used popular animal tales, more than two

thousand years old, whose home was in all probability Syria or Egypt,

embedded in a collection which has deeply influenced the apocryphal

Book of Tobit, and to a certain degree even the writers of the New

Testament, as shown by Professors Rendel Harris and Conybeare in

the Introduction to their edition of the Story of Ahikar (second

edition). The claim for an Indian origin of these fables will

have to be abandoned, unless someone could show older writings

from India, and the possible road by which these fables could have

reached the Western shore of Asia Minor and been taken up by the

peoples of Syria and Egypt at such an early date. It is not at all

unlikely that some of the fables, just as they travelled westwards,

also travelled eastwards and found a home in India as they found a

home in Rumania and Russia. If one remembers now that the fabulous

"Life" of Aesop ascribed to Planudes is almost identical with part of

that of Ahikar, as I have shown, as far back as 1883 in my History

of the Rumanian Popular Literature (Bucharest 1883, p. 104 ff.),

it will not be difficult to account for the West-Asiatic origin of

the fables themselves.

From a Rumanian MS. of the eighteenth century, I have since published

the fuller narrative of that version in an English translation

(the Journal of the Royal As. Soc., 1900, pp. 301-319). The two

tales contained therein have also been reprinted here at the end

of the collection, especially as they vary somewhat from the other

ancient and mediæval recensions of the Story of Ahikar. This story

has become one of the Rumanian popular chap-books in the shortened

version of Anton Pann. The practical application of the fable, the

"moralisation," is a second stage, limited, as it seems, to the purely

literary composition. The people put their own interpretations upon

the fables and often dispensed with any such interpretations.

We are brought back again to the same centre, Syria and Byzance,

for the dissemination of these fables. Such tales were then within

the reach of the teaching of the various sects, such as Manichaeans,

Bogomils, Cathars, etc., and travelled with them from East to West,

where they met the other current of the Aesopian fables transmitted to

the West through Latin and Arabic sources. According to this theory

the religious sectarians made deft use also of animal tales, for the

purpose of inculcating a moral, of drawing a lesson, of holding up the

Church and State to the ridicule and contempt of the masses, and thus

creating the animal satire, the best type of which is the cycle of

Reynard the Fox. I am not oblivious of the fact that an allegorical

use has been made of animal tales in the Arabic literature, such as

the "Judgment of the Animals," under the title of Hai ben Yokdhan,

written in Arabic by Ibn Tophail, translated into English by Simon

Ockley in 1711, in which the lion holds a court, and animal after

animal appears to accuse man; or the collection of Sahula (thirteenth

cent.) in his ancient apologue Mashal ha-kadmoni. But there is no

real connection between this cycle and that of Reynard the Fox.

Any reference to the epic of Reynard the Fox must be incidental. It can

only be alluded to here, and not followed up in detail. A real Western

origin for these tales, taking them separately or as "branches,"

as they appear in the old French versions, has not been found,

nor any explanation for their sudden appearance in the eleventh or

twelfth century.

There are two or three points in connection with this cycle which have

to be kept steadily in view. In the first place its almost complete

independence of the purely Aesopian fable with its polished form,

with its thinly-disguised human attributes, and with its stilted

and stiff "moral." Though modified somehow in Babrius, Avianus, even

Marie de France and Berachya, this latter cycle belongs more to the

literary class. The "clerks" could not take umbrage at them. Not so the

tales in the Reynard cycle. They are thoroughly popular. The animals

retain their natural attributes, they act as they are expected to do,

and they are utilised in the same manner as "political broadsides"

were in later times. The human beings represented in these "satirical

sheets" are disguised as animals, and not the animals disguised as

human beings. There lies the profound difference between these two

sets of beast tales.

And because of their animal propensity, the human beings are ridiculed

and lampooned in the form of animals and held up to the scorn and

laughter of the reader. The bad man, as in the old story of Ahikar, is

likened to the beast, and chastised accordingly. The popular origin

and character of this kind of satire is self-evident. Courtiers

and clerks would not attempt such persiflage of their superiors,

and certainly not in so sustained a manner.

Of the men thus ridiculed none are so virulently assailed as the

Clergy. People do not mind occasionally a slight skit on priests and

other privileged classes, and there are abundant fabliaux which leave

very little to be desired from the point of view of ridicule. But to

have singled out the Clergy for such unmeasured vituperation shows a

deliberate attempt to lower and destroy the influence and authority

of the Church in general and of its ministers in particular. Only

partisans of heterodox teaching could find pleasure and profit in

applying the beast tales to break down the walls of the Church. Only

men in contact with the masses could throw that leaven of critical

examination into the hearts of the people and open their eyes by

means of animal tales to the weaknesses and vices of their official

clergy. Such outspoken criticism seldom comes from within. It is

often imported wholesale from without, or at least comes from an

opposing quarter. In their polemical propaganda these heterodox

teachers brought and used also some of those fox tales for which,

significantly enough, parallels are to be found mostly in Slavonic

tales from Russia and the Balkans.

If such be the partial origin of these Reynard tales, one can easily

understand why they appeared in the eleventh or twelfth century,

and notably in the countries then the very centres of such heterodox

teaching: South of France, Flanders and elsewhere. A very remarkable

fact seems to corroborate this hypothesis. One of the presumed authors

of a "branch" of the French Reynard cycle, Pierre Cloot, was burnt in

Paris in 1208 for heresy. Here we have a man who paid with his life

for his heretic faith, actually working on these tales. It may be a

mere coincidence, still some connection between the Reynard poem and

"heretics" cannot be denied.

With the victory of the Church, Reynard nearly disappeared, yet that

satirical leaven has continued to work in those political animal

broadsides, which stretch from the "Who killed Cock Robin?" in England

to "Who killed the Cat?" in Russia among the Russian broadsides.

There remains now still one section of these Rumanian tales to be

considered, that in which the origin of the animal is closely connected

with what is commonly known as the fairy tale. It is just in this fact

that the pre-eminence of these tales can be found. It is like a window

through which the East is looking westwards. It is noteworthy that the

"fairy tales" found here connected with the origin of the birds and

beasts do not stand so isolated as the legends. To more than one of

them parallels may be adduced from other than Eastern collections. In

spite of similarity, they differ, however, in many points so profoundly

that they lead to a very serious question. It cannot be passed over,

though it cannot be treated here at such length as the problem raised

would demand. To put it briefly, the difference between these fairy

tales and those of the West, is that in these versions of the former

a "moral" or perhaps a plausible reason is given to the fairy tale

which is often missing in the general form of the fairy tales.

The question has been asked repeatedly, "What is the meaning of such

and such a tale," e.g. the "Cinderella" tales or "Bluebeard"? To

Miss Cox's indefatigable labour we owe a monumental investigation of

the first-mentioned tale, and yet for all that the main question has

remained unanswered. This is but one example out of many.

Every collection of fairy tales teems with them. Of course, the

æsthetic pleasure of seeing innocence triumphant and virtue rewarded

might be a sufficient motive, and no doubt often is. The people

like to see, in the imaginary tale, a vindication of the justice

which they often miss in real life. The adventurous hero will also

appeal to the chivalrous instincts of the people, and especially to

the young. Such tales as the epic romances of old require no further

explanation. Still there are a good many fairy tales the reason and

meaning of which are anything but clear. If it can now be shown that

there is a cosmogonic background, or one which gives the clue to

it, inasmuch as it tells the "origin" of certain creatures, such a

tale is at once its own explanation and justification: if e.g. the

final development of "Cinderella" is not that she becomes the wife

of a prince, but that she becomes the "dove" or the "sparrow," then

"Cinderella" assumes a definite meaning. Under other influences,

when such heterodox teachings cannot be tolerated by the powers that

be, obviously the creation tales, with this specific character, had

to lose their "tail," as the stork does in the story, and hence the

fairy tale became partly meaningless. Thus, if the "Bluebeard" could

no longer be "a cannibal," as in the tale No. 83, such a person not

being tolerated in a modern state, except as a wizard, lycanthropos,

or werwolf, he had to be changed into what he is now. The modern

"Bluebeard" is a mere pale reflex of the original monster. He does

not even make the flesh creep sufficiently. This watering down may

have taken place also in other tales which appear to us without any

sense. They have lost that decisive part which gave point to the story.

I am fully aware of the objection which could be raised against this

view of the original character of some of our fairy tales. It might

be urged with some show of plausibility that the process might have

been an inverse one, that the popular story-teller used a fairy tale

to tack on his moral, that the question of the origin of the bird or

insect was an "after-thought," and did not belong originally to the

tale. Theoretically, such an objection could be urged, and it might

even gain in force if applied to the fairy tales of the West. Andersen,

not to speak of minor poets, would supply a proof of it. But we must

bear in mind that we are dealing with the unsophisticated people,

who would not use the folk-lore material in the manner of the

literary artist. They have no preconceived idea to which a tale

or legend is made artificially to fit. Moreover, these tales and

legends are believed in implicitly. They bear the stamp of their

primitiveness. They do not represent a later degree of development,

such as the parallels from the West often show. The existence side by

side with them of other creation tales of animals is an additional

support of the view that the fairy tales have not been "edited" or

adapted to cosmogonic purposes to explain the origin of beast and bird.

Fairy tales are, as a rule, taken out of the range of the survival

theory. The similarity of fairy tales, so striking among a large

number of nations, precludes the possibility of seeing in them local

survivals, and yet it appears unscientific to separate one section

of oral literature from the other. The line of demarcation between

creation legend and creation fairy tale is so thin that it is often

indistinguishable. Both spring from the same root, and the theory that

endeavours to explain the origin of the one must also be applicable

to the other.

In the theory of survivals, however, no attempt is made to deal at

the same time with the question of origins. It has not yet been made

clear, by any of the more prominent representatives of the theory

of survivals, how the similarity in customs and ceremonies is to

be explained, in tales and fables, between the most diverse nations

living separated from one another. If these survivals represent local

tradition, which has persisted throughout the ages, how, then, does it

come to pass that they should resemble so closely other ceremonies and

customs observed by different nations also as local traditions? Is it

to be inferred that at some distant time, far back in the prehistoric

ages, some such ceremonies were used, that, in spite of evolution

and separation, they have survived everywhere almost unchanged, in

spite of the profound modifications of the nations in their ethnical,

political and religious status? Either they are local inventions,

in which case they could not resemble any other, or they all go back

to one common stock, and have survived in such a miraculous manner

contrary to every law of human nature. The only explanation feasible

and satisfactory is, I believe, the theory of transmission from nation

to nation; those resembling one another closely in modern Europe are

not of so early an age as has hitherto been assumed, but have come at

a certain time from one definite centre, and were propagated among the

nations, and disseminated by means of a great religious movement at

a time when the political and national consolidation of the peoples

of Europe had already assumed a definite shape.

To this conclusion we are forced by the examination of these Rumanian

animal tales in their manifold aspect, "creation" tales, fables, fairy

tales. They are all more or less of comparatively recent origin. They

owe their actual shape to the dualistic teaching of the Manichaeans

and Bogomils. They have come by these intermediaries of the religious

sects from Syria and the Balkans. These tales stopped first among the

nations in the Near East, and then by the same agency were carried to

the extreme West. Only in such wise can we explain the appearance of

these tales--whatever their archaic character may be--among nations

of comparatively recent origin like those now under consideration,

Rumanians, Bulgars, Russians and even Saxons and Hungarians. This

is the only possible explanation of the very remarkable dualistic

character, and of the peculiar teachings embodied in these tales. For,

whatever these nations have in common, there cannot be any question

of survivals, for the reasons advanced above. All the nations are

comparatively modern. It is impossible to assume that what might be

a Latin survival among the Rumanians could be so closely connected

with what might be a Turanian survival among the Bulgars or a

Pelasgian survival among the Albanians. There might be found among

these tales traces of more ancient beliefs, myths and customs, just

as it is possible to find similar traces among the folk-lore of the

nations of the West. But what I contend is that these are not local

survivals--that, whatever their primitive character may be, they

need not originally belong to the nations among whom they are found

now. They were brought by the same movement that brought the tales

and legends, customs and ceremonies. The new and the old were carried

along by the same stream of tradition and religious influence. An

adjustment and readjustment of materials, the placing of layer upon

layer, localisation and assimilation then took place. But these are

rocks swept along by the stream and deposited far away from the place

of origin, or, to take another simile, that of the insect and the

amber. The amber has been carried from the North Sea many centuries

ago, nay, thousands of years ago, along the trade routes from North

to South, and has found its way also to ancient Egypt. Embedded in the

amber we have here and there a North European insect which was caught

at the time when the amber was still a liquid, and, imprisoned in it,

became fossilised, and was carried a long distance. If found, then,

among the beads in the tombs of the ancient Pharaohs, no one could

say that that insect was of Egyptian origin, or that fly a remnant

of the local fauna. It had come thither together with the amber that

carried it, and may have remained there if the amber had decayed.

In the same manner ancient customs, ancient beliefs and ancient

tradition have been caught in the liquid tales, apologues and legends,

like the fly in the amber, and carried along with them from East

to West. In this manner they may perhaps be termed survivals, but

survivals of a different kind than has been assumed hitherto. They have

survived only as long as they were tolerated in the lore of the people.

Hand in hand with dissemination go the assimilation and localisation of

these diverse elements. It is impossible to do more within the compass

of this introduction than merely touch the fringe of a far-reaching

problem which arises from the examination of these peculiar beast and

bird tales. One of the most instructive examples of this religious

syncretism, of the manner in which it has influenced the people, and

the form in which it has been preserved, localised, and assimilated,

among them, is shown to advantage in the stories of the origin of

the Glow-worm and in the stories of the Bee. Some of the cosmogonic

legends of the Rumanians are also found among the Balkan people. They

are a fragmentary reflex of a great conception of the world. If I

may use the mystical and symbolical language of the legends, they are

also sparks from a great light that had fallen down from heaven. The

creation of man, the fall of the angels, are here curiously blended

together. They represent part of the teaching that went under many

names but, in essence, was one. That is, of course, the belief in

the dualism of the creative powers, the good God and the wicked one,

styled Satan.

From these tales and legends, which are derived from well-known

apocryphal writings, we can see how deeply the latter have entered the

life of nations which have not yet fallen under the unifying sway of

strict dogmatism, and how unable the people are to grasp the higher

spiritual interpretations of the dogmas and practices of the Church.

From a purely dogmatic point of view, all these tales are rank heresy;

but who among the simple folk knows the distinction between orthodox

and heretical teaching? The people are more easily disposed towards

a simple philosophy which explains satisfactorily the phenomena of

life. They listen with pleasure to tales of imagination. One of the

fundamental theories of Gnosticism or, rather later, of dualism,

is this peculiar conception of the creation. The world is divided

between the power of light and the power of darkness. The latter is

anxious to participate in the possession of light, and for that reason

steals some, which it breaks up into sparks and covers over with

thick matter so that it may not escape. These sparks are the human

soul deeply embedded in human clay, anxious always to be reunited

with the ancient glory.

In this Gnostic teaching we have the very source of the legend of these

angelic sparks now relegated to glow-worms, originally placed in other

"earthly worms"--the human race. We hear, moreover, the faint echo of

the fall of the angels and of the angels of a lower rank inhabiting

(and ruling) the planets and the stars. We even have the legend, found

in the Book of Enoch, of the angels who fell in love with a woman and

remain upon earth as evil spirits, whilst she is translated to heaven

and becomes a star. The interest lies not only in the fact that these

ancient religious conceptions have been so faithfully preserved among

the people, but also in the manner of their preservation. They have

been adapted to the understanding of the folk, and, from dogmatic

teachings, they have become beautiful popular legends. But the inner

meaning has been entirely lost. The old sparks have been embedded in

very thick clay indeed, as can be seen in the treatment meted out to

God, Christ, the Virgin, the Apostles and Saints. They are greeted

with an apparent lack of reverence and respect that must disturb the

equanimity of people of a Puritanic mind. The gods could not have been

put on a footing of greater familiarity; it almost borders on the

burlesque. Primitive nations show the same apparent want of respect

to their gods, idols or fetishes, and we are inclined to put them on

a lower scale of faith and reverence than the peoples of Europe.

A better knowledge of the life and religion of the peoples in the East

and of the Eastern part of Europe would soon change such a view. In

fact, I believe, that if we could descend to the lower depths of

the masses of Western Europe, and especially of those in Catholic

countries, and get a peep into their innermost soul, we should not find

it very different from that of the Slav and the Rumanian. The Saints

are not treated differently in Spain and in Italy on the one hand, or

in Rumania and in Bulgaria, or even Russia, on the other. They have all

the same essential conditions in common, viz. all have a Pantheon of

Saints of various degrees and of both sexes. In Protestant countries

the people have been impoverished. All the saints have been driven

away; a cold abstract spirituality has taken their place, and yet depth

of fervour and strength of belief cannot be denied to these Eastern

peoples. There is, moreover, a sufficient fund of humour and innate

rectitude to keep them at a certain level of morality and albeit free

from the hypocrisy of the so-called higher civilization. So that, if

the Rumanians take liberties with God and the Church and the Saints,

and pay homage to the Devil by mocking and laughing at the jokes

which God performs for his confusion, it is all done more in the

spirit of good-natured banter, not in that of polemical or fanatical

intolerance. Why should the poor Devil not also occasionally have a

good time? He is always sure to be outwitted in the long run.

I am fully aware of the objection that may be raised against

attributing so much influence to the activity and propaganda of the

heretical sects. It may be argued, that their influence was not in

any way commensurate with the results ascribed to them, that they

did not carry the masses with them to such an extent as to leave

indelible traces on their religious life and popular imagery. Some

may go so far as to look upon their activity as similar to that

of some of the mendicant friars during the Middle Ages. Yet the

mendicant friars were able to exercise a tremendous influence upon

the people and, helped by other political powers, they were able to

create a movement which led up to the Crusades. It seized upon the

masses of Europe with an irresistible force. In a minor, yet no less

effective manner, the same agencies were able to arm the Kings of

France against the Albigenses in Provence. Church history, however,

shows very clearly that the power of the Manichaeans was so great

that it has taken the Church many centuries to bring the fight to a

satisfactory close.--The Cathars (pure) have given the name Ketzer to

the German heretics, and every language in Europe shows traces of this

heretic nomenclature.--The struggle was a terrible and a long one,

and if it had not been for the secular arm which placed itself at

the service of the Church for political reasons, who knows whether

the Romish Church would have come out victorious in the struggle?

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