CHAPTER X.

The dinner at Allison's the night of his return from the long journey

was not a success. It was to be an entirely informal affair,--no guests

present but a high official of the road in which the host was so heavily

interested, and Mr. Forrest, whom Miss Allison had invited on her own

account. The brother magnate came, and Mr. Forrest did not. True, his

acceptance had been conditioned on his being able to finish certain

papers, which, so he told both Florence and her father, would be

required at the office early the next day. Mr. Elmendorf came hurrying

in and went up to his room about half-past six, and fifteen minutes

later came a messenger with a note which was taken at once to Miss

Allison's room. She was dressed for dinner and ready to come down, but

she took it and read it hurriedly, uttered an exclamation of

disappointment, and sharply closed her door. Not until Mr. Allison sent

for her with the information that dinner was on the table did she

appear. Elmendorf eyed her covertly, and Aunt Lawrence sharply. There

were unmistakable traces of tears. "Did he say why he couldn't come?"

asked Mrs. Lawrence, presently.

"Yes--no--at least--he had told me before that he thought it might be

impossible," answered Florence, in embarrassment and annoyance. Her

father was laying down the law on Interstate Commerce to his guest at

the moment, and it was a subject on which he never tired. Even while

listening intently, watching for his chance to "chip in," as Cary said,

Elmendorf caught Miss Allison's every word. What he had not yet been

enlightened upon was the explanation of Forrest's return with the party.

All he knew was that early on the previous day the general, with two of

his aides and Mr. Forrest, boarded the train in Southern Kansas. Allison

invited them all into the private car and proposed making them his

guests on the homeward run. The chief declined for himself and staff,

saying that they had other matters to detain them, but it transpired

that Mr. Forrest was to go right on. He had his berth engaged in an

adjoining sleeper, but spent several hours with the railway party, and

on their arrival in Chicago the Allisons had insisted on his taking a

seat in their carriage. Allison himself was dropped at his club,

Florence in turn left Mr. Forrest at his lodgings, and then was driven

home. This was actually all Elmendorf had been able to learn.

But here was basis enough for all manner of theory and conjecture, none

of them to Forrest's advantage, and Elmendorf felt that the more he

could make of them the better for his own cause and the worse for

Forrest. There had been an intangible something in Allison's manner to

warn the tutor that just so soon as the guests were out of the way he

might look out for squalls. Allison had greeted him with utter absence

of cordiality, and Elmendorf felt that his employer was even more

displeased with him than when he went away. Under such circumstances a

wise man would have avoided saying or doing anything to augment the

feeling against him, but Elmendorf, except in his own conceit, was far

from wise, and his propensity for putting his foot in it was phenomenal.

Allison loved his post-prandial cigar,--it agreed with him,--and so did

his guest. The ladies withdrew quite early, Cary slipped away, and

Elmendorf should have slipped after him, but here were two great men of

the railway world, the natural oppressors of the masses, the very type

of the creatures he delighted in describing upon the platform as

"bloated bond-holders;" their conversation could hardly fail to be of

interest to him, and he remained. Warming up to their work, they were

discussing the situation at Pullman and its probable effect upon the

employees of the roads centring in Chicago. That their views should be

radically opposed to those of their absorbed listener was of course to

be expected, and Elmendorf was fidgeting furiously upon his chair,

every now and then striving to interject a sentence and claim the floor,

but Allison knew his man, and knew that once started, Elmendorf could

not well be suppressed. Every attempt on the part of the tutor to

interpose, therefore, was met by uplifted and warning hand and prompt

"Permit me" or "Permit Mr. Sloan to finish, if you please," which was

galling in the last degree. Elmendorf had planned to have a conciliatory

word or two with Miss Allison, with whom he knew himself to have been in

grave disfavor ever since the occasion of his presuming to tender advice

and remonstrance on the score of Mr. Forrest, but she had escaped to her

own room again immediately after quitting the table. Her manner towards

him showed that she had neither forgiven nor forgotten the impertinence,

and that was additional reason why he should have done nothing more, in

that household at least, to add to the array of his offences. But

presently the opportunity came, and he could not resist. The Interstate

Commerce Law was again under discussion. Allison had always fiercely

opposed it, declaring it to be an utterly unconstitutional and

unwarrantable interference with the rights of corporations and

individuals. Mr. Sloan was rather more conservative. He was contending

that, despite its restrictions upon certain railway companies, the

appointment of the Commission had resulted in much that was beneficial

to most parties concerned.

Allison burst forth impetuously: "Why, Sloan, look at the thing! It is

direct and absolute usurpation on the part of the general government of

the functions of the State. Here's a road running from Chicago to Cairo,

for instance. Its traffic is entirely within the State; its offices,

road-bed, and rolling-stock--everything concerning it, in fact--within

the limits of the State; and yet, just because it delivers freight and

passengers over on the Kentucky shore, here comes the general government

formulating laws for its control, which should be the province of the

State and of the State only. If we've got to be trammelled by

legislation, let it be at the hands of our own legislators---- Eh,

what?" he asked, breaking suddenly off to acknowledge the presence of

the butler standing solemnly beside him with a card on the salver.

Allison took the card mechanically, glanced at the name, and, even as he

was saying, "Oh, show him in here. Send this up to Miss Florence,"

Elmendorf had seized his opportunity and "chipped in."

"Yes, but, my dear sir," he began, in his eager, nerve-racking, whining

tone, "is there not inconsistency here? Can you deny that when the

legislature, not only of this, but of neighboring States, essayed to

enact laws on these very subjects, your attorneys were promptly on the

ground to argue against it and to declare that only Congress had the

power under the Constitution to regulate commerce between the States?

Can you deny that at the meeting of managers and business-men here one

of the most prominent of your number declared that you objected to any

and all legislation? Can you deny that when Congress did take the matter

up your attorneys were just as promptly in Washington, proclaiming that

any attempt to legislate in your affairs was a violation of the rights

of the sovereign States? Can you deny, in fine, that when the whole

subject was under discussion here a second time, one of your most

eminent _confrères_ put himself on record as saying that, while he was

opposed to any legislation, of two evils he preferred to choose the less,

and if any legislators were to meddle with the affairs of the roads, better

let it be the State Solons, who were far more--well--approachable and ready

to listen to--let us say--reason? Can you deny that----" But here Elmendorf

found himself without listeners. The odd point in it all was that very much

that he said was true; and Allison was reddening with wrath, and Sloan

chuckling with suppressed merriment, when the entrance of a tall,

brown-eyed, brown-moustached man in evening dress gave both opportunity

to escape the deluge.

"Forrest at last!" exclaimed the host, turning and seizing his hand. "So

sorry you were detained, lad; but sit you down, sit you down, and let me

ring for some dinner for you. No? Had a bite? All right. Take a chair

and some wine. Sloan and I were whacking away at the old bone."

"Yes, Allison, and here's a Federal officer who won't agree with you for

a moment."

With a dissatisfied shake of his head, Elmendorf had arisen as though to

pull his chair nearer the end of the table and resume his attack, but

Allison had purposely turned his back squarely upon him and was drawing

Forrest to the very place the tutor had hoped to occupy. Sloan arose and

cordially shook hands with the new-comer, who then for the first time,

apparently, caught sight of Elmendorf. The latter had started as though

to come forward, but something in Forrest's eyes restrained him. The

lieutenant simply bowed, and said, very coldly, "Good-evening," but did

not even mention the tutor by name.

"Now, Mr. Forrest," began Mr. Sloan, with much heartiness of manner, "I

want you to say to Allison here just what you said to me. He's a trifle

hot-headed to-night. He thinks the government has been paternalizing at

our expense, and that only harm will come from it."

Forrest looked from one to the other a moment, a quiet smile upon his

lips. All the previous afternoon as they trundled along in the cosy

private car had these gentlemen been disputing over the same thing, and

late in the evening, as Mr. Sloan and Forrest were enjoying a cigar

together, they, too, had had a chat upon the subject, and Sloan had

turned and looked upon the officer in some surprise. In common with

most of his class, the man of wealth and worldly wisdom had regarded the

_genus_ regular officer as a something impressive, possibly, on parade,

useful probably on the frontier, but out of place anywhere else. That he

should have read or studied anything beyond drill and dime novels was

not to be expected. The magnates had even had their modest game of draw

poker at a late hour and laughingly referred some mooted question to

Forrest as a probable expert, and were astonished to hear that he had

never played, not so much because he disapproved of it as because he had

never had time. Allison had already found out that Forrest was a student

and a thinker, but up to that evening he was the only man of the party

who believed that the average officer had any other use for time than to

kill it. Whatever it was that Mr. Forrest might have said to Mr. Sloan,

it was evident he did not care to repeat it now.

"I would rather not reopen the matter," said he. "Possibly I had no

right to forecast the action of the government, even speculatively, in a

contingency that may not arise."

Elmendorf planted his chair and lighted a cigarette, throwing himself

down with an air as much as to say, "Well, I've got to be bored and must

be resigned to it, since they won't listen to a man of intelligence;"

and Allison, with blacker gloom in his eyes, looked squarely at him as

he began to speak:

"Sloan, you're not even sipping your wine; Forrest, you never seem to

indulge. Suppose we three adjourn to my den, where the books are right

at hand. Mr. Elmendorf has his duties and will excuse us."

If he had struck him, the master of the house could not more have stung

his employee. Even Forrest, who by this time had many reasons of his own

for bringing Elmendorf to book, tingled with something like sympathy at

a slight so marked. There were so many other and better ways of letting

Elmendorf know that in the coming conference his presence could be

dispensed with, that Sloan spoke of it the moment they reached the

library; but Allison was imperious and positive. "You don't begin to

know the man," said he. "Anything less than unmistakable prohibition he

would consider as invitation, and he'd turn our talk into a lecture on

the relations of capital to labor. You saw how he got in the instant I

stopped a moment, Sloan."

"Faith and I did," said Sloan, laughing, "and he hit you fellows in the

ribs. Why, where'd he find it all out?"

"I'm blessed if I know, unless it was from the newspaper men. They get

hold of almost everything,--wrong side foremost, as a rule, but they get

it. Now I heard something of your talk last night. Brooks was speaking

of it. He looks upon the Interstate Bill just as I do. What do you mean

by saying it might prove our salvation?" he asked, abruptly, turning to

Forrest.

"I was simply supposing a case," said Forrest, calmly. "Say that the

Granger element in one State, the Populists in another, the Socialists

in a third, were to obtain control of the legislature and elect their

own governor. You say they are utterly antagonistic to the railways;

that in the event of a general strike, mob violence, etc., they would

refuse you help or protection; that as common carriers you would be

powerless to carry out your contracts, and that not only passenger and

freight traffic would be blocked, but the government mails. Now, prior

to February, '87, the general government, as I understand it, had left

the management of the railways to the States. It had neither formulated

laws for their control nor adopted measures for their protection. In the

great railway riots of '77, when the police and militia were whipped and

cowed by the mobs, such States as Pennsylvania and Illinois begged for

government aid and got it. Our troops were called in from the Rocky

Mountains to Chicago, and from Louisiana to Pittsburg. In the riots at

Buffalo, three years ago, New York's fine National Guard, and in those

at Homestead the Pennsylvania division, were sufficient to put an end to

the mischief, and neither State had to ask for help; but here lies

within your limits far greater possibility for riot and bloodshed than

can be found elsewhere in the Union, and suppose that to pander to the

masses here, as he has done in pardoning the Anarchists, your governor

should deny you protection and permit assault, riot, and violence

whenever you attempted to move engines or trains. It is my belief that

you can now look where you could not before the passage of that

Interstate Commerce Bill in '870 for the protection denied you at home.

When the Congress of the United States enacted that 'every common

carrier should, according to their respective powers, afford all

reasonable, proper, and equal facilities for the interchange of traffic

between their respective lines,'--I am quoting now,--'and for receiving,

forwarding, and delivery of passengers and property to and from their

several lines,' the supreme power of the land asserted its right to

assume control over all roads except those doing business exclusively

within the limits of some one State; and when the general government

says to a common carrier that it must do this or must not do that, it

means that the general government will back it in carrying out its

orders; and whether it be mails, passengers, live stock, perishable

goods, time freight or construction trains, the railway companies can

now look to the United States for protection, whether any individual

State likes it or not. You have abused that law as a menace to your

rights as a business-man, Mr. Allison. You may live to bless it as all

that stood between you and anarchy."

Forrest had spoken in a quiet, conversational tone, noting that Allison

had closely eyed the heavy folds of the portière, and once, stepping

quickly thither, had drawn it aside and glanced about him; but the tutor

had vanished, if that was what he was looking for. When Forrest stopped,

Sloan turned to his friend with a merry twinkle in his eyes. "How's that

for Federalist doctrine as opposed to States' rights, Allison? I expect

to hear you saying, 'Almost thou persuadest me to be a Federalist,'

before Forrest is done with you."

"Well, I certainly never looked for such an interpretation of the law.

It has only been a bother, a nuisance, a senseless trammel upon us thus

far, interfering with all our business, breaking up our long-haul and

short-haul tariffs, requiring us to account practically to the

government for every penny we charge and almost every one we expend. Do

you mean this is the way the law is looked upon at head-quarters?" he

asked, glancing keenly at the soldier.

"I have no means of knowing how the general understands it," said Mr.

Forrest, simply. "The matter may be tested before we think possible. I

understand that the condition of these poor people at Pullman is getting

worse every day, and that there is wide-spread sympathy for them among

the wage-workers everywhere; and I don't wonder at it."

"Why, they've only themselves to blame, Forrest. They seem to have done

no laying up for a rainy day. They had good homes and good wages so

long as business boomed, and they have spent just as freely as they got

the money. Now there's no business for the company, no orders for cars,

not enough to keep them going. No man can expect a company to run its

business at a loss; and yet these people kick because they can't have

the same wages they were getting when work was brisk."

"Well, now, is that strictly so, Mr. Allison? I have talked with these

people. I have been told by them, quiet, conservative, well-informed

Pullman men, that they concede that the wages must come down, and that

all hands will have to retrench awhile until better times. They are

willing to do that and stand by their company. But, on the other hand,

they think, and I think, the company owes something to them. Here are

honest, capable, intelligent fellows who have served the company fifteen

and twenty years, have reared families within its walls, occupied its

houses, and paid its rents. They may not have saved, I admit, but they

have _served_ faithfully and long and well. They have never failed in

their obligation to the company, and prompt payment of wages is not the

only duty of a corporation to its people. The company is wealthy. It is

even declaring a dividend. None of its salaries have been cut down as a

consequence of the business depression. It has simply said to its

wage-workers, 'You alone are the ones to suffer. You and your families

and your cares and troubles are nothing to us. Here's the difference

between your last month's wages and your last month's rent. Next month

there'll be no wages to speak of, but we'll expect the rent all the

same.' In my opinion, that company is losing the chance of winning the

love and gratitude of thousands of men and women whose affection is

worth a good deal more than all the money they'll ever save this way. It

would have been an easy thing to say, 'We'll bear our share of the

burden. These are hard times, and we've had to cut down your wages until

the dawning of a better day; we'll cut the rents down, too."

"Forrest, that's Utopia," said Mr. Allison.

"I admit it, but I know something of these people, Mr. Allison. The past

year perhaps has done more to open my eyes than all those which have

preceded. I have seen something of the struggles, the self-denial, the

charity, the patience, the helpfulness, of the working classes. I have

learned a feeling of respect and sympathy for those who are the workers

that is exceeded only by the contempt I feel for the drones and for

those whom they hail as their advisers."

"Like our----, for instance," said Allison, uplifting his eyes as though

to include the study aloft.

"Well, I know less of him or his speeches, perhaps, except by vague

report, than of others who are prominent. They are preaching a doctrine

that can only make matters worse for the laborer. They counsel strike,

and forcible, riotous resistance to the employment of others. It can

lead only to tumult, to rioting that brings out the criminal and the

desperate classes; outrage results, and the sympathy they might have

received goes against them. Their very worst enemies are these men who

are posing as strike-leaders."

"Well, what do you think of the prospect? Does it look like an

outbreak?" asked Mr. Sloan.

"To me, yes, for every day makes the suffering worse at Pullman, and the

company refuses to hear of arbitration. From a purely business point of

view I cannot deny their right to do so, but the very attitude assumed

by the corporation makes many of the labor-leaders' accusations true.

The company has not contracts enough for new cars to keep all hands

employed on full time and full wages, perhaps. Many of its employees are

single men, comparatively new at the business; they can afford to be

frankly told to go elsewhere in search of work; but to hold everybody

while scaling the wages of all hands, month after month, down, down

until a family man cannot pay his rent and feed his children, then the

cord breaks. Just or unjust, the impression prevails among the railway

men everywhere I have been that the Pullman Company has made vast sums,

that it is about the only company not actually losing money now, and

that it is protecting itself through a bad year by heavily taxing its

people. There have been sympathetic strikes before; what if one should

be ordered now?"

"That's the enormity of the whole business," broke in Mr. Allison. "What

I wish could be done with our hands would be to have them regularly

enlisted for the work,--so many years unless sooner discharged,--just

like the soldiers, by Jove! Then when a man quit work it would be

desertion, and when he combined with others to strike it would be

mutiny. Ah, we'd have a railway service in this country then that would

beat the world."

Forrest smiled. "Rather too much like a standing army controlled by

corporation that would be; and a standing army is a luxury the

Constitution forbids even to sovereign States. Besides, would men enlist

in such a service?"

"Well, how do _you_ get them, then? The Lord knows you treat them worse

than we do."

"The Lord might believe that if he knew nothing but what the papers

say," answered Forrest, half laughing. "But in point of fact we don't

begin to work our men as you do, and we give them far more for their

work. Another thing: our workman knows just what he is going to get from

month to month, and he signs his contract to accept such bounty, pay,

rations, etc., as may be provided by law. No corporation can scale him

down ten, twenty, thirty, or fifty per cent. when times are hard; it

takes the Congress of his country to do that; and when, as once

happened, Congress did adjourn without appropriating a cent for our pay,

the whole army stood by its obligation, because it knew the people would

stand by it next term. That, by the way, was the year you railway men

had most urgent need of its aid,--'77. But," said Forrest, suddenly

starting to his feet, "here I have been inflicting a half-hour's

monologue, and--I had hoped to see Miss Allison."

"You have fed Allison some truths that will do him good, if he can only

digest them," said Mr. Sloan, whimsically, "and put me up to some things

I'm glad to hear. Was that what took you off so hurriedly and kept you

away so long,--investigating the feeling of the railway hands all over

the West?"

"No, indeed," said Forrest, promptly. "It was a very different thing."

"By the way, Forrest, that reminds me," said Allison, with a grin on his

face, as he touched his bell to summon the butler, "you've never told us

what did take you off, and my sister has been consumed with scandal or

something about it. She began at me this afternoon. I told her to apply

to you for particulars." _Bang_ again on the bell, also "Damn that

butler! He's never around after nine o'clock. I believe he goes to

sleep."

A quick step through the drawing-room and parlor. The folds of the

portière were drawn aside, and Elmendorf stood revealed. "The butler

stepped out a moment ago, sir. I met him at the front. Can I summon any

one else for you?"

Allison's face showed added annoyance. "No. Unless--at least---- Is Miss

Florence in the parlor?"

"Miss Allison some time since, sir, begged to be excused."

"Isn't she well?" asked Allison, looking at the tutor in some amaze.

"I cannot say as to that, sir. Miss Allison was in conversation with her

aunt awhile."

"Odd," said Allison, irritably. "These women are queer. Excuse me a

moment, will you?" And, rising, he left the room.

They felt, rather than heard, that he had gone up to make his own

inquiries. His voice presently was audible, growling in his sister's

boudoir. Elmendorf had disappeared and gone they knew not whither.

"Well, it's time for me to be off," said Sloan, consulting his watch,

"yet I don't want to leave without saying good-night."

"As for me, I have to go," said Forrest, "because of an engagement."

"Oh, you can go any time, as you merely dropped in to call on the

ladies; but I dined here. Now---- Excuse me, Mr. Forrest, I've only

known you a day or two, but you've interested me, so to speak. You stick

to Allison, and you'll be of infinite use to him in case of trouble

here. He gets off his base sometimes. Stick to him, my lad, and your

fortune's made."

Ten minutes later, when John Allison, with vexation and trouble on his

brow, came down to the library, his guests were gone. A few lines on a

card explained. Each had engagements. "No wonder," said Mrs. Lawrence,

joining him presently. "I know what his engagement is, and Mr. Forrest

seemed to know what was coming."

Impatiently, irritably, the master of the house turned away. "I want to

hear no more of this. Of course, if it's true, I shall know how to act.

I'll--I'll go to the library in the morning, early."

This he did, and apparently to some purpose, for when he saw Mr. Forrest

at the club at noon he turned his back upon him and moved quickly away.

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A Tame Surrender, A Story of The Chicago Strike · 第 10 / 18 章