ANOTHER VOICE. "_The Seal is broken!_"

E. K. "Now I see beyond like a furnace-mouth as big as four or five

gates of a city, as if it were a quarter of a mile off, with a horrible

smother of smoke coming out of it; and by it a great lake of pitch, and

it bubbleth or simpereth as water doth when it beginneth to seethe.

There standeth by the pit a white man in a white garment tucked up; his

face is marvellous fair: this white spiritual creature saith, 'My Lord,

_Ascend_!'"

E. K. "Now there cometh out a thing like a lion in the hinder parts, and

his fore parts hath many heads of divers fashions upon one trunk; he

hath like feathers on his neck; his heads are seven, three on one side,

and three on another, and one in the middle, longer than the rest, lying

backward to his tailward. The white man giveth him a bloody sword, and

he taketh it in his fore-foot. The white man tieth this monster's

fore-legs with a chain, that he cannot go but as one shackled. Now he

giveth the monster a great hammer with a seal at that end where the

hammer striketh. The white man has cried with a loud cry, 'A horrible

and terrible beast!' The white man taketh the hammer and striketh him in

the forehead of that head which is in the middle. Now all this vision is

vanished away: the stone is clear."

On another occasion E. K. says, "I hear a marvellous noise, as of many

mountains: which of the mouths do speak I cannot discern. I hear a

greater noise still; I never heard any such noise; it is as if half the

world were rushing down a hill."[9]

During two years, in which Dee deserted his studies and sacrificed his

fortune, the name of Dee still remained so eminent that learned

foreigners in their visits to England continued their inquiries after

him. A Polish prince, Albert a'Laski, who was received with high honours

at our court, applied to the Earl of Leicester for an introduction to

the great English philosopher, and the Earl appointed a day to dine with

Dr. Dee. Then it was that our philosopher disclosed his mortifying

condition, that he could no longer entertain his noble guests without

selling his plate. The Queen instantly sent him forty angels in gold.

The illustrious Polander became a constant visitor, was initiated into

the theurgic mysteries; there came a whisper from the unseen "spirits"

that this palatine of Siradia might yet be the elected King of Poland!

Ambitious princes are as credulous as ambitious philosophers. The

predictors of a crown, with a royal exchequer from the alchemists,

seduced the imagination, and a'Laski invited the sages with their

families to reside at his castle.

There the Polish lord seems to have wearied of the angelic

communications; he transferred them to the Emperor, Rodolph, the Second,

at Prague. In all the courts of Europe, occult philosophers found a

ready admittance.

Dee came auspiciously recommended to the emperor; for our author had

formerly dedicated to the emperor's father, Maximilian, his

cabbalistical volume, which, when admitted to a private interview with

Rodolph, the sage beheld lying open on the table.[10] The introduction

of an author to an emperor by his own work may have something really

magical in its effect, provided the spell is not disturbed by him who

raised it. In an inflated oration Dee announcing himself like a babbling

missionary, as a messenger from angels, the emperor curtly observed that

he did not understand Latin! The Pope's Nuncio opportunely demanded that

the two English necromancers should be questioned at Rome. Their flight

relieved the emperor. A Bohemian count rejoiced to receive the fugitives

at his castle of Trebona, where strange alchemical projections of pewter

flagons turned into silver, which the goldsmiths of Prague bought, are

attested solemnly by Arthur Dee, the son of the doctor, to the

philosophical Sir Thomas Browne. This must have been that day of elation

which Dee entered in his diary. "Master Edward Kelley did open the great

secret to me. God be thanked!" This Arthur Dee, indeed, remained an

inveterate alchemist all his life; but the man who in his medical

character was recommended by James the First to the Czar of Russia, and,

after several years' residence at Moscow, on his return home, was

appointed physician to Charles the First, would be a reputable witness

in any court of law.[11]

Dee and Kelley were abroad, living together, from 1583 to 1589. Their

adventures would form a romance, but I am not writing one. Their

condition was mysterious, as were the incidents of their lives.

Sometimes reduced to the most pitiable necessities for "meat and drink;"

at other times we find Dee travelling with a princely equipage, in three

family coaches, a train of waggons, and an escort of fifty horsemen.

These extraordinary personages long attracted the wonder of the

Continent; but whatever happened, their fortunes were variable. The

pride of Dee was sensitive--there are querulous entries in his

diary--there appeared some false play in his dangerous coadjutor--Kelley

was dropping hints that he lived in a miserable state of

delusion--preludes to the great rupture! Mephistopheles menaced his

victim. It is evident that Kelley determined to break up the profitless

partnership and set up for himself. The noise the parties raised in

their quarrels on the Continent induced Elizabeth to command their

return.[12] The alchemist did not return home with Dee. He obtained the

patronage of the emperor, and was created a knight; but as usually

happened with great alchemists, Sir Edward Kelley was twice cast into

prison. Sir Edward, however, continued his correspondence with Dee, and

sent her majesty a timely information of some design against her person.

This adventurer may appear a very suspicious personage. Lord Burleigh

addresses this "Baron of Bohemia," as the minister designates him, with

high respect and admiration, for his "virtues, his wisdom, and

learning." However, in the same confidential letter, his lordship

informs "the good knight" of some malicious reports; that "he did not

come home, because he could not perform that, indeed, which has been

reported of him:" and others had gone so far as to deem Sir Edward "an

impostor." This letter, written by Burleigh's own hand,[13] shows the

skilful falconer luring the bird. Dee assured the queen that "the Baron

of Bohemia" positively possessed the secret of the great operation. The

queen anxiously concerted measures to secure the escape of Sir Edward

Kelley from his second imprisonment. Agents were despatched, the jailers

were drugged, the horses were awaiting for the fugitive; scaling the

wall, he fell, and died of his contusions, thus abruptly closing the

romance of a daring disturbed spirit.

Dee returned to England in December, 1589, and presenting himself to the

queen at Richmond, was received, as he was ever accustomed to be, with

all graciousness. But the philosopher, after the absence of six years,

returning to his studious abode, beheld it nearly dismantled; his

chemical apparatus, with all his scientific implements, had been

destroyed by a mob, and his library pillaged. Every day this victim of

science experienced the effects of popular obloquy. He gathered up what

fragments he could; and again rapt in study, he again relapsed into his

old wants. The _res angusta domi_ once more disturbed his lares. Yet the

queen was not unmindful of her philosopher; Mr. Cavendish was despatched

to assure him that he might freely pursue his studies, and brought a

royal Christmas gift of two hundred angels in gold, to be renewed with

the season.

But the old man craved more than an uncertain eleemosynary bounty; his

creditors multiplied, and the great will forget the man whom they rarely

see. Dee has feelingly classed those who had outwearied his generous

nature, "the ungrateful and the thankless; and the scorners and

disdainers." The royal hand alone could repair his injuries, and

vindicate his genius. Dee addressed a memorial to the queen, praying

that a commission might be appointed to inquire into his case, which, as

he energetically expressed himself, had been "written with tears of

blood." He did not draw up his petition as an illustrious pauper, but as

a claimant for services performed.

A commission was immediately assigned, and it was followed by a literary

scene of singular novelty.

Dee, sitting in his library, received the royal commissioners. Two

tables were arranged; on one lay all the books he had published, with

his unfinished manuscripts; the most extraordinary one was an elaborate

narrative of the transactions of his own life. This manuscript his

secretary read, and as it proceeded, from the other table Dee presented

the commissioners with every testimonial; these vouchers consisted of

royal letters from the queen, and from princes, ambassadors, and the

most illustrious persons of England and of Europe: passports which

traced his routes, and journals which noted his arrivals and departures:

grants and appointments, and other remarkable evidences; and when these

were wanting, he appealed to living witnesses.

Among the employments which he had filled, he particularly alludes to "a

painful journey in the winter season, of more than fifteen hundred

miles, to confer with learned physicians on the Continent, about her

majesty's health." He showed the offers of many princes to the English

philosopher to retire to their courts, and the princely establishment at

Moscow proffered by the czar; but he had never faltered in his devotion

to his sovereign. He appealed to the clerks of the records of the Tower,

and to other antiquaries,[14] for his free distribution of the

manuscripts which he had often discovered. He complains that his house

at Mortlake was too public for his studies, and incommodious for

receiving the numerous foreign literati who resorted to him. Of all the

promised preferments, he would have chosen the Mastership of St. Cross

for its seclusion. Here is a great man making great demands, but

reposing with dignity on his claims; his wants were urgent, but the

penury was not in his spirit. The commissioners, as they listened to

this autobiography, must often have raised their eyes in wonder on the

venerable and dignified author before them.

The report was most favourable; the queen spontaneously declared that

Dee should have St. Cross, and the incumbent might be removed to a

bishopric. She allotted him a considerable pension, and commanded Lady

Howard to write "words of comfort" to his wife; and further sent an

immediate supply by the hands of Sir Thomas Gorge. The letter to his

wife and the ready money were, however, the only tangible gift, for St.

Cross and the pension he never received!

Two years after we find Dee still memorialising. He published "A Letter

Apologetical, with a Plain Demonstration and Fervent Protestation for

the Course of the Philosophical Studies of _a Certain Studious

Gentleman_," 1599. This was a vindication against the odium of magical

practices. At length, the archbishop installed him in the wardenship of

Manchester College; but though our adventurer now drew into harbour, it

was his destiny to live in storms. The inmates always suspected him of

concealing more secrets of nature than he was willing to impart; and the

philosopher who had received from great men in Europe such testimonies

of their admiration, now was hourly mortified by the petty malice of the

obscure fellows of his college. After several years of contention, he

resigned a college which no occult arts he possessed could govern.

His royal patroness was no more. The light and splendour of the Court

had sunk beneath the horizon; and in the chill evening of his life the

visionary looked up to those who were not susceptible of his innocent

sorcery. Still retaining his lofty pretensions, he addressed the King,

and afterwards the parliament. He implored to be freed from vulgar

calumnies, and to be brought to trial, that a judicial sentence might

clear him of all those foul suspicions which had clouded over his days

for more than half a century. It is to be regretted that this trial did

not take place; the accusations and the defence would have supplied no

incurious chapter in the history of the human mind. A necromancer, and a

favourite with Elizabeth, was not likely to be tolerated in the Court of

James the First. Cecil, who when young had been taught by his father to

admire the erudition of the reformer of the Gregorian calendar, was not

the same person in the Court of James the First as in that of Elizabeth;

he resigned the sage to his solitude, and, with the policy of the

statesman, only reasonably enough observed, that "Dee would shortly go

mad!"

Misfortune could neither break nor change the ambitious spirit of the

deserted philosopher. He still dreamed in a spiritual world which he

never saw nor heard, and hopefully went on working his stills, deprived

of the powder of projection. He sold his books for a meal; and if the

gossiper Aubrey may be trusted, in such daily distress he may have

practised on the simplicity of his humble neighbours, by sometimes

recovering a stolen basket of linen, though it seems he refused the more

solemn conjuration of casting a figure for a stray horse! It is only in

this degradation of sordid misery that he is shown to us in the

_Alchemist_ of Jonson. Weary, as he aptly expresses himself, of "sailing

against the wind's eye," in 1608, in the eighty-first year of his age,

he resolved to abandon his native land. There was still another and a

better world for the pilgrim of science; and it was during the

preparations to rejoin his Continental friends in Germany that death

closed all future sorrows.

It was half a century after the decease of Dr. Dee, that the learned

Meric Casaubon amazed the world by publishing the large folio containing

"A True and Faithful Relation of what passed many Years between Dr. JOHN

DEE and SOME SPIRITS," 1659, from a copy in the Cottonian Library. Yet

is this huge volume but a torso; the mighty fragments, however, were

recovered from the mischances of a kitchen fire, by Elias Ashmole, a

virtuoso in alchemy and astrology, who toiled and trembled over the

mystical and almost the interminable quires. Such is the fate of books!

the world will for ever want the glorious fragments of Tacitus and Livy,

but they have Dee passingly entire.[15]

MERIC CASAUBON was the learned son of a more learned father, but his

erudition much exceeded his judgment. He had written a treatise against

the delusions of "Enthusiasm," from whence the author derived but little

benefit; for he demonstrated the existence of witches. Yet Meric

Casaubon, meek and honest, was solicited by Cromwell to become his

historiographer; but from principle he declined the profit and the

honour; during the Oliverian rule, he became an hypochondriac, and has

prefixed an hypochondriacal preface to this unparalleled volume. His

faith is obsequious, and he confirms the verity of these conferences

with "spirits," by showing that others before Dee had enjoyed such

visitations. The fascination of a conference with "spirits" must have

entered into the creed even of higher philosophers; for we are startled

by discovering that the great Leibnitz observed on this preface, that

"it deserves to be translated, _as well as the work itself_!"[16]

When this book of marvels was first published, the world was overcome by

the revelations. Those saintly personages, whose combined wisdom then

assisted the councils of England, Owen, Goodwin, Nye, and others of that

sort, held a solemn consistory for the suppression of the book. They

entertained a violent suspicion that the whole of this incomprehensible

jargon was a covert design by some of the Church of England party, by a

mockery of their own style, to expose the whole sainthood, who pretended

so greatly to inspiration. But the bomb exploded at once, and spread in

all directions; and ere they could fit and unfit their textual debates,

the book had been eagerly bought, and placed far beyond the reach of

suppression.[17]

The "True Relation of what passed many Years between Dr. DEE and SOME

SPIRITS," long excited curiosity which no one presumed to satisfy.

During no less a period than five-and-twenty years was Dee recording

what he terms his "Actions with Spirits," for all was written by his own

hand. It would be an extravagant inference to conclude that a person of

blameless character and grave habits would persevere through a good

portion of his life in the profitless design of leaving a monument of

posthumous folly solely to mystify posterity. Some fools of learning,

indeed, have busied themselves in forging antiquities to bewilder some

of their successors, but these malicious labours were the freaks of idle

hours, not the devotion of a life. Even the imposture of Kelley will not

wholly account for the credulity of Dee; for many years after their

separation, and to his last days, Dee sought for and at length found

another "Skryer."[18] Are we to resolve these "Actions with Spirits" by

the visions of another sage, a person eminent for his science, and a

Rosicrucian of our own times,--that illustrious Emanuel Swedenborg, who,

in his reveries, communed with spirits and angels? It would thus be a

great psychological phenomenon which remains unsolved.

No one has noticed that a secret communication, uninterrupted through

the protracted reign of Elizabeth, existed between the Queen and the

philosopher. The deep interest her Majesty took in his welfare is

strikingly revealed to us. Dee, in his frequent troubles, had constantly

recourse to the Queen, and she was ever prompt at his call. The personal

attentions of the Queen often gratified his master-passion--often she

sent kind messages by her ladies and her courtiers--often was he

received at Greenwich, Richmond, and at Windsor; and he was singularly

honoured by her Majesty's visits at his house in Mortlake. The Queen

would sometimes appear waiting before his garden, when he would approach

to kiss her hand and solve some difficult inquiry she had prepared for

him. On one of these occasions Dee exhibited to her Majesty a concave

mirror; a glass which had provoked too much awful discussion, but which

would charm the Queen while this Sir David Brewster of his age

condescended to explain the optical illusions. When Dee, in his travels,

was detained by sickness in Lorraine, her Majesty despatched two of her

own physicians to attend on this valued patient. The Queen incessantly

made golden promises of preferment; many eminent appointments were fixed

on. He had, too, a patron in Leicester, the favourite of Elizabeth, for

in that terrible state-libel of "Leicester's Commonwealth," among the

instruments of that earl's dark agencies we discover "Dee and Allen, two

atheists, for figuring and conjuring," that is, for astrological

diagrams and magical invocations![19] As, notwithstanding the profusion

of the Queen's designs for his promotion, he received but little, and

that little late, the sincerity of the royal patron has been arraigned.

Mysterious as the philosopher's cabbalistic jargon with which he

sometimes entertained her, her Majesty seems to have remunerated empty

phrases by providing notional places; but Elizabeth may not have

deserved this hard censure; she unfailingly supplied her money-gifts, a

certain evidence of her sincerity! The truth seems to be that royal

promises may be frustrated by intervening competitors and ministerial

expedients. At the Court, the evil genius of Dee stood ever by his side,

saluting the philosopher with no friendly voice, as "the arch-conjuror

of the whole kingdom!" The philosopher struggled with the unconquerable

prejudices of the age.

If we imagine that Elizabeth only looked on Dee as the great alchemist

who was to replenish her coffers, or the mystic who propounded the world

of spirits, this would not account for the Queen permitting Dee to

remain on the Continent during six years. Had such been the Queen's

hopes, she would have hermetically sealed the philosopher in his house

at Mortlake, where in her rides to Richmond she might conveniently have

watched the progress of gold-making and listened to the theurgic

revelations. Never would she have left this wanderer from court to

court, with the chance of conveying to other princes such inappreciable

results of the occult sciences.

What then was the cause of this intimate intercourse of the Queen with

Dr. Dee; and what the occasion of that mysterious journey of fifteen

hundred miles in the winter season to consult physicians on her

Majesty's health, of which he had reminded the Queen by her

commissioners, but which they could not have comprehended? Did these

mysterious physicians reside in one particular locality; and in the vast

intervening distance were there no skilful physicians equally able for

consultation?

A casual hint dropped by Lilly, the famous astrologer, will unveil the

mysterious life of Dee during his six years' residence abroad. Lilly

tells us that "for many years, in search of the profounder studies, he

travelled into foreign parts; _to be serious_, he was Queen Elizabeth's

intelligencer, and had a salary for his maintenance from the secretaries

of state." Lilly, who is correct in his statements except on the

fabulous narratives of his professional art, must have written from some

fact known to him; and it harmonizes with an ingenious theory to explain

the unintelligible diary of Dee, suggested by Dr. ROBERT HOOKE, the

eminent mathematician.

HOOKE, himself a great inventor in science, entertained a very high

notion of the scientific character of Dee, and of his curiosity and

dexterity in the philosophical arts--optics, perspective, and mechanics.

Deeply versed in chemistry, mathematics, and the prevalent study of

astrology, like another Roger Bacon (or rather a Baptista Porta),

delighting in the marvellous of philosophical experiments, he was sent

abroad to amuse foreign princes, while he was really engaged by

Elizabeth in state affairs. Hooke, by turning over the awful tome, and

comparing several circumstances with the history of his own life, was

led to conclude that "all which relates to the spirits, their names,

speeches, shows, noises, clothing, actions, &c., were all

_cryptography_; feigned relations, concealing true ones of a very

different nature." It was to prevent any accident, lest his papers

should fall into hostile hands, that he preferred they should appear as

the effusions of a visionary, rather than the secret history of a real

spy. When the spirits are described as using inarticulate words,

unpronounceable according to the letters in which they are written, he

conjectured that this gibberish would be understood by that book of

Enoch which Dee prized so highly, and which Hooke considered to contain

the cypher. Hooke, however, has not deciphered any of these inarticulate

words; but as the book of Enoch seems still to exist, this Apocalypse

may yet receive its commentator, a task which it appears Dr. Adam Clarke

once himself contemplated.[20]

There is one fatal objection to this ingenious theory of cryptography;

this astounding diary opens long before Dee went abroad, and was

continued long after his return, when it does not appear that he was

employed in affairs of state.

Amenities of Literature Consisting of Sketches and Characters of English Literature · 第 220 / 272 题