HENRY THE EIGHTH; HIS LITERARY CHARACTER.

Peace and policy had diffused a halcyon calmness over the land, and the

people now discerned the approach of another era. Henry the Eighth, who

appears with such opposite countenances in the great gallery of history,

gave the country more glorious promises of an accomplished sovereign

than England had yet witnessed; and however he may appear differently

before the calm eye of posterity, the passions of his own times secured

his popularity even to his latter days. Youthful, with all its vigorous

and generous temper, and not inferior in the majesty of his intellect

any more than in that of his person--learned in his closet, yet

enterprising in action--this sovereign impressed his own commanding

character on the nation. Such a monarch gave wings to their genius. Long

pent up in their unhappy island, they soon indulged in a visionary

dominion in France, and in rapid victories in Scotland; insular England

once more aspired to be admitted into the great European family of

states; and Henry was the arbiter of Francis of France, and of Charles

of Germany. The awakened spirit of the English people unconsciously was

preparatory to the day which yet no one dreamed of. The minds of men

were opening to wider views; and he who sate on the throne was one who

would not be the last man in the kingdom to be mindless of its progress.

This lettered monarch himself professed authorship, and a sceptre was

his pen. When he sent forth a volume which all Europe was to read, and

was graced by a new title which all Europe was to own, who dared to

controvert the crowned controversialist, or impugn the validity of that

airy title? His majesty alone was allowed to confute himself.[1] Trained

from his early days in scholastic divinity, for he was designed to be

an archbishop, the volume, however aided by others, was the native

growth of his own mind. The king's taste for this learning was

studiously flattered by the great cardinal, who gently recommended to

his restless master a perusal of the nineteen folios of Thomas Aquinas,

possibly with the hope of fixing the royal fly in the repose of the

cobwebs of the schoolmen. Such, indeed, were his habits of study, that

he could interest himself in compiling a national Latin grammar, when

the schools succeeded to the dissolved monasteries. The grammar was

issued as an act of parliament; no other but the royal grammar was to be

thumbed without incurring the peril of a premunire.[2]

It is to be regretted that we are supplied with but few literary

anecdotes of this literary monarch. Some we may incidentally glean, and

some may be deduced from inference. The age was not yet far enough

advanced in civilization to enjoy that inquisitive leisure which leaves

its memorials for a distant posterity in the court tattle of a

Suetonius, or the secret history of a Procopius. It has, however, been

recorded that certain acts of parliament and proclamations were

corrected by the royal pen, and particularly the first draught of the

act which empowered the king to erect bishoprics was written by his own

hand; and he was the active editor of those monarchical pamphlets, as

they may be classed, on religious topics, which were frequently required

during his reign.

This learned monarch was unquestionably the first patron of our

vernacular literature; he indulged in a literary intercourse with our

earliest writers, and evinced a keen curiosity on any novelty in the

infant productions of the English press. On frequent occasions he took a

personal interest in the success, and even in the concoction, of

literary productions. He fully entered into the noble designs of Sir

Thomas Elyot to create a vernacular style, and critically discussed

with him the propriety of the use of new words, "apt for the purpose."

And on one occasion, when Sir Thomas Elyot projected our first Latin

dictionary, the king, in the presence of the courtiers, commended the

design, and offered the author not only his royal counsel, but a supply

of such books as the royal library possessed.

The king was not offended, as were some of the courtiers, with the

freedom displayed by Elyot in some of his ethical works. Elyot tells

us--"His grace not only took it in the better part, but with princely

words, full of majesty, commended my diligence, simplicity, and courage,

in that I spared no estate in the rebuking of vice." The king, at the

same time that he protected Elyot from his petty critics, rewarded the

early efforts of another vernacular author, who had dedicated to him his

first work in English prose, by a pension, which enabled the young

student, Roger Ascham, to set off on his travels. A remarkable instance

of Henry's quick attention to the novelties of our literature appears by

his critical conversation with the antiquary, Thynne, who had presented

to him his new edition of Chaucer. His Majesty soon discovered the

novelty of "The Pilgrim's Tale," a bitter satire on the pride and state

of the clergy, which at the time was ascribed to Chaucer. The king

pointing it out to the learned editor, observed, in these very

words--"William Thynne! I doubt this will not be allowed, for I suspect

the bishops will call thee in question for it." The editor submitted,

"If your grace be not offended, I hope to be protected by you." The king

"bade him go! and fear not!" It is evident that his majesty was "not

offended" at a severe satire on the clergy. But even Henry the Eighth

could not always change at will his political position--the minister in

power may find means to counteract even the absolute king. A great stir

was made in Wolsey's parliament; it was even proposed that the works of

Chaucer should be wholly suppressed--some good-humoured sprite rose in

favour of the only poet in the nation, observing that all the world knew

that Dan Chaucer had never written anything more than fables! The

authority of Wolsey so far prevailed that "The Pilgrim's Tale" was

suppressed, and it seems that the haughty prelate would willingly have

suppressed the editor in his own person. THYNNE was an intimate

acquaintance of SKELTON, whose caustic rhymes of "Colin Clout" had been

concocted at his country-house. THYNNE, in this perilous adventure of

publishing "The Pilgrim's Tale," was saved from the talons of the

cardinal, for this monarch's royal word was at all times sacred with

him.

A literary anecdote of this monarch has been recently disclosed, which

at least attests his ardour for information. When Henry wanted time, if

not patience, to read a new work, he put copies into the hands of two

opposite characters, and from the reports of these rival reviewers the

king ventured to deduce his own results. This method of judging a work

without meditating on it, was a new royal cut in the road of literature,

to which we of late have been accustomed; but it seemed with Henry

rather to have increased the vacillations of his opinions, than steadied

the firmness of his decisions.

The court of Henry displayed a brilliant circle of literary noblemen,

distinguished for their translations, and some by their songs and

sonnets. Parker, Lord Morley, was a favourite for his numerous versions,

some of which he dedicated to the king; the witty Wyat, who always

sustained the anagram of his name, was a familiar companion; nor could

Henry be insensible to the elegant effusions of Surrey, unless his

political feelings indisposed his admiration. It was at the king's

command that Lord Berners translated the "Chronicles of Froissart," and

the volume is adorned by the royal arms. Sternhold, the memorable

psalm-enditer, was a groom of the chamber, and a personal favourite with

his master; and Henry appointed the illustrious Leland to search for and

to preserve the antiquities of England, and invested him with the

honourable title of "The King's Antiquary."

Scholars, too, stood around the royal table; and the company at the

palace excelled that of any academy, as Erasmus has told us. Learning

patronised by a despot became a fashionable accomplishment, and the

model for the court was in the royal family themselves. It is from this

period that we may date that race of learned ladies which continued

through the long reign of our maiden queen. Yet, before the accession

of Henry the Eighth, half a century had not elapsed when female

literature was at so low an ebb that Sir Thomas More noticed as an

extraordinary circumstance that Jane Shore could read and write. When

Erasmus visited the English court, he curiously observed that "The

course of human affairs was changed; the monks, famed in time passed for

learning, are become ignorant, and WOMEN LOVE BOOKS." Erasmus had

witnessed at the court of Henry the Eighth the Princess Mary and

Elizabeth, both of whom held an epistolary correspondence in Latin; the

daughter of Sir Anthony Cook, and Lady Jane Grey, versed in Greek; and

the Queen Catherine Parr, his fervent admirer for his paraphrase on the

four gospels. Erasmus had frequented the house of the More's, which he

describes as a perfect _musarum domicilium_. The venerable Nicholas

Udall, a contemporary, has also left us a picture of that day. "It is

now a common thing to see young virgins so nouzeld (nursed) and trained

in the study of letters, that they willingly set all other vain pastimes

at nought--reading and writing, and with most earnest study, both early

and late." The pliable nobility of Henry the Eighth easily took the bend

of the royal family, and among their daughters, doubtless, there were

more learned women than are chronicled in Ballard's "Memoirs." Lady Jane

Grey meditating on Plato was not so uncommon an incident as it appears

to us in the insulated anecdote. The learning of that day must not be

held as the pedantry of a later, for it was laying the foundations of

every knowledge in the soil of England.

The king's more elegant tastes diffused themselves among the finer arts

at a time when they were yet strangers in this land; his father's

travelled taste had received a tincture of these arts when abroad, in

Henry the Eighth they burst into existence with a more robust aptitude.

He eagerly invited foreign artists to his court; but the patronage of an

English monarch was not yet appreciated by some of the finest geniuses

of Italy; we lay yet too far out of their observation and sympathies;

and it is recorded of one of the Italian artists, a fiery spirit, who

had visited England, that he designated us as _quelle bestie Inglesi_.

Raphael and Titian could not be lured from their studios and their blue

skies; but, fortunately, a northern genius, whose name is as immortal as

their own, was domiciliated by the liberal monarch, the friend of

Erasmus and of More--Hans Holbein.

Among the musicians of Henry we find French, Italians, and Germans; he

was himself a musician, and composed several pieces which I believe are

still retained in the service of the Royal Chapel.[3] He had a taste for

the gorgeous or grotesque amusements of the Continent, combining them

with a display of the fine arts in their scenical effects. One memorable

night of the Epiphany, the court was startled by a new glory, where the

king and his companions appeared in a scene which the courtiers had

never before witnessed. "It was a mask after the manner of Italy, a

thing not seen afore in England," saith the chronicler of Henry's

court-days. Once, to amaze a foreign embassy, and on a sudden to raise

up a banqueting-house, the monarch set to work the right magicians; an

architect, and a poet, and his master of the revels, were months

inventing and labouring. The regal banqueting-house was adorned by the

arts of picture and music, of sculpture and architecture; all was full

of illusion and reality; the house itself was a pageant to exhibit a

pageant. The magnificent prince was himself so pleased, that he

anxiously stopped his visitors at the points of sight most favourable to

catch the illusion of the perspective. A monarch of such fine tastes and

gorgeous fancies would create the artists who are the true inventors.

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