Dialects reflect the general language diversified by localities.
A dialect is a variation in the pronunciation, and necessarily in the
orthography of words, or a peculiarity of phrase or idiom, usually
accompanied by a tone which seems to be as local as the word it utters.
It is a language rarely understood out of the sphere of the population
by whom it is appropriated. A language is fixed in a nation by a
flourishing metropolis of an extensive empire, a dialect may have
existed coeval with that predominant dialect which by accident has
become the standard or general language; and moreover, the contemned
dialect may occasionally preserve some remains or fragments of the
language which, apparently lost, but hence recovered, enable us rightly
to understand even the prevalent idiom.
All nations have had dialects. Greece had them, as France, and Italy
have them now. Homer could have included in a single verse four or five
dialects; but though the Doric and the Ionic were held the most
classical, none of them were barbarous, since their finest writers have
composed in these several dialects. Even some Italian poets and comic
writers have adopted a favourite dialect; but no classical English
author could have immortalised any one of our own.
Ancient Greece, as Mitford describes, "though a narrow country, was very
much divided by mountains and politics." And mountains and politics,
which impede the general intercourse of men, inevitably produce
dialects. Each isolated state with fear or pride affected its
independence, not only by its own customs, but by its accent or its
phrase. In France the standard language was long but a dialect. There
potent nobles, each holding a separate court and sovereignty in his own
province, offered many central points of attraction. The Counts of Foix,
of Provence and of Toulouse, and the Dukes of Guienne, of Normandy and
of Bretagne, were all munificent patrons of those who cultivated what
they termed "l'art du beau parler," each in their provincial idiom.
These were all subdivisions of the two rival dialects to which the
Romane language had given birth. But the river Loire ran between them;
and a great river has often been the boundary of a dialect: France was
thus long divided. On the south of the Loire their speech was called the
language of _Oc_, and on the north the language of _Oil_; names which
they derived from the different manner of the inhabitants pronouncing
the affirmative _Oui_. The language of the poetical Troubadours on the
south of the Loire had not the happier destiny of its rival, used by the
Trouveres on the north. It was this which became the standard language,
while the other remains a dialect. Here we have a remarkable incident in
the history of dialects in a great country; it was long doubtful which
was to become the national language; and it has happened, if we may
trust an enthusiast of Languedoc, that his idiom, expressing with more
vowelly softness and _naivete_ the familiar emotions of love and
friendship, and gaiety and _bonhomie_, gave way to a harsher idiom and a
sharp nasal accent; and all ended by the Parisian detecting the
provincials by their shibboleth, and calling them all alike Gascons, and
their taste for exaggeration and rhodomontade gasconades; while the
southerns, who hold that what is called the French language is only a
perversion of their own dialect, like our former John Bull, fling on the
Parisian the old Gaulish appellative of _Franchiman_.[1]
The dialects of England were produced by occurrences which have happened
to no other nation. Our insular site has laid us open to so many
masters, that it was long doubtful whether Britain would ever possess a
uniform language. The aboriginal Britons left some of their words
behind them in their flight, as the Romans had done in their
dominion,[2] and even the visiting Phoenician may have dropped some
words on our coasts. The Jutes, the Angles, and the Saxons brought in a
new language, and, arriving from separate localities, that language came
to us diversified by dialects; and the Danes, too, joined the northern
brotherhood of pirate-kings who planted themselves in our soil. The
gradual predominance of the West-Saxon over the petty kingdoms which
subdivided Britain first approached to the formation of a national
language. The West-Saxon was the land of Alfred, and the royal
cultivation of its dialect, supreme in purity as the realm stood in
power, rendered it the standard language which we now call Anglo-Saxon.
"Had the Heptarchy (Octarchy) continued," observed Bishop Percy, "our
English language would probably have been as much distinguished for its
dialects as the Greek, or at least as that of the several independent
states of Italy." In truth, we remained much in that condition while a
power hostile to the national character assumed the sovereignty. So
unsettled was the English language, that a writer at the close of the
fourteenth century tells us that different parts of the island
experienced a difficulty to understand one another. A diversity of
pronunciation, as well as a diversity in the language, was so prevalent,
that the Northern, the Southern, and the Middle-land men were
unintelligible when they met; the Middle-land understood the Northern
and the Southern better than the Northman and the Southman comprehended
one another; the English people seemed to form an assemblage of distinct
races. Even to this day, a scene almost similar might be exhibited.
Should a peasant of the Yorkshire dales, and one from the vales of
Taunton, and another from the hills of the Chiltern, meet together, they
would require an interpreter to become intelligible to each other; but
in this dilemma what county could produce the Englishman so versed in
provincial dialects as to assist his three honest countrymen?
If etymology often furnishes a genealogy of words through all their
authentic descents, so likewise a map of provincial idioms might be
constructed to indicate the localities of the dialects. There we might
observe how an expansive and lengthened river, or intervening fells and
mountains which separate two counties, can stop the course of a dialect,
so that the idiom current on one side, when it passes the borders
becomes intrusive, little regarded, and ere it reaches a third county
has expired in the passage. Thus the Parret, we are told, is the
boundary of the Somersetshire dialect; for words used cast of the Parret
are only known by synonyms on the west side. The same incident occurs in
Italy, where a single river runs through the level plain; there the
Piedmontese peasant from the western end meeting with a Venetian from
the eastern could hold but little colloquial intercourse together; a
Genoese would be absolutely unintelligible to both, for, according to
their proverb, "Language was the gift of God, but the Genoese dialect
was the invention of the devil." In those rank dialects left to run to
seed in their wild state, without any standard of literature, we hardly
recognise the national idiom; the Italian language sprung from one
common source--its maternal Latin; but this we might not suspect should
we decide solely by its dialects: and we may equally wonder how some of
our own could ever have been mangled and distorted out of the fair
dimensions of the language of England.
All who speak a dialect contract a particular intonation which, almost
as much as any local words, betrays their soil; these provincial tones
are listened to from the cradle; and, as all dialects are of great
antiquity, this sounding of the voice has been bequeathed from
generation to generation.[3] It is sometimes a low muttering in the
throat, a thick guttural like the Welsh, or a shrill nasal twang, or a
cadence or chant; centuries appear not to have varied the tone more than
the vocable. The Romance of "Octavien Imperator," which was written
possibly earlier than the reign of Henry VI., is in the Hampshire
dialect nearly as it is spoken now. The speech of a Yorkshireman is
energetically described by our ancient Trevisa. "It is so sharpe,
slytting, frotyng, and unshape, that we sothern men maye unneth
understond that language." As we advance in the North, the tones of the
people are described as "round and sonorous, broad open vowels, and the
richness and fulness of the diphthongs fill their mouths" with a firm,
hardy speech.
A striking contrast is observable among those who by their secluded
position have held little intercourse with their neighbours, and have
contracted an overweening estimation of themselves, and a provincial
pride in their customs, manners, and language. Norfolk, surrounded on
three sides by the sea, remains unaltered to this day, and still
designates as "Shiremen" all who are born out of Norfolk, not without
"some little expression of contempt." There is "a narrowness and tenuity
in their pronunciation," such as we may fancy--for it is but a
fancy--would steal out of the lips of reserved, proudful men, and who,
as their neighbours of Suffolk run their common talk into strange
melancholy cadences, have characterised their peculiar intonation as
"the Suffolk whine!" In Derbyshire the pronunciation is broad, and they
change the G into K. The Lancashire folk speak quick and curt, omit
letters, or sound three or four words all together; thus, _I
wou'didd'n_, or _I woudyedd'd_, is a cacophony which stands for _I wish
you would_! When the editor of a Devonshire dialect found that it was
aspersed as the most uncouth jargon in England, he appealed to the
Lancashire.[4]
But such vile rustic dissonance or mere balderdash concerns not our
vernacular literature, though it seems that even such agrestic rubbish
may have its utility in a provincial vocabulary; for the glossary to the
"Exmoor language" was drawn up for the use of lawyers on the western
circuit, who frequently mistook the evidence of a rustic witness for
want of an interpretation of his words. Some ludicrous misconceptions of
equivocal terms or some ridiculous phraseology have been recorded in
other counties, among the judges and the bar at a county assize.
But it is among our provincial dialects that we discover many beautiful
archaisms, scattered remnants of our language, which explain those
obscurities of our more ancient writers, singularities of phrase, or
lingual peculiarities, which have so often bewildered the most acute of
our commentators. After all their voluminous research and their
conjectural temerity, a villager in Devonshire or in Suffolk, and, more
than either, the remoter native of the North Countree, with their common
speech, might have recovered the baffled commentators from their agony.
The corrections of modern editors have often been discovered to be only
ingenious corruptions of their own whenever the original provincial
idiom has started up.
These provincial modes of speech have often actually preserved for us
the origin of English phraseology, and enlightened the philologist in a
path unexplored. In one of the most original and most fanciful of the
dramas of Ben Jonson, "The Sad Shepherd," the poet designed to
appropriate a provincial dialect to the Witch Maudlin's family. He had
consulted Lacy the comedian, who was a native of Yorkshire, respecting
the northern phraseology. Unfortunately, this drama was never finished;
and the consequence is, that the dialects are incorrectly given, and are
worsened by the orthography of the printer. Yet it was from this
imperfect attempt to convey some notion of our dialects that Horne Tooke
was able to elucidate one of his grammatical discoveries, in regard to
the conjunction IF, which, from "The Sad Shepherd," is demonstrated to
be anciently the imperative of the verb GIF, or give. Thus it was, by
apparently very rude dialects, this famous philologist was enabled to
substantiate beyond doubt a signification which had occurred to no one
but himself.[5]
A language in the progress of its refinement loses as well as gains in
the amount of words, and the good fortune of expressive phrases. Some
become equivocal by changing their signification, and some fall
obsolete, one cannot tell why, for custom or caprice arbitrate, guided
by no law, and often with an unmusical ear. These discarded but faithful
servants, now treated as outcasts, and not even suspected to have any
habitation, are safely lodged in some of our dialects. As the people are
faithful traditionists, repeating the words of their forefathers, and
are the longest to preserve their customs, they are the most certain
antiquaries; and their oral knowledge and their ancient observances
often elucidate many an archaeological obscurity. Hence, two remarkable
consequences have been discovered in the history of our popular idioms;
many words and phrases used in the land of Cockney, now deemed not only
vulgar but ungrammatical, are in fact not corruptions of the native
tongue, but the remains of what was anciently at different periods the
established national dialect.[6] This transmitted language descended to
the humbler classes, unimpaired and unaugmented, through a long line of
ancestry. Again, it is often probable that the provincial word which in
its pronunciation merely reverses the order of the letters, as now
uttered, and which is only heard from the mouths of the people, may
convey the original spoken sound, and be the genuine English. Are we
quite sure that the polishers may not often have been the corrupters of
our language? Nor let us be positive that the metropolitan taste has
always fixed on the most felicitous or the most forcible of our
idiomatic words or phrases, since we may discover some lingering among
our provincial dialects which should never have been dismissed, and
which claim to be restored. When JOHNSON compiled his "Dictionary," he
was not aware of the authentic antiquity of our dialectic terms and
phrases. Our literary antiquities had not yet engaged the attention of
general scholars. Provincialisms were not deemed by the legislator of
our language legitimate words; he did not recognise their primitive
claims, nor their relative affinities, but ejected them as vagabonds.
But words are not barbarous nor obsolete because no longer used in our
written composition, since some of the most exquisite and picturesque,
which have ceased to enrich our writings, live in immortal pages. After
the issue of Johnson's great labour, our national literature began to
attract the studies of literary men, who soon perceived how this
neglected but existing stock of idiomatic English in our provincialisms
more certainly explained our elder writers in verse and prose. Amid the
murmurs raised by the archaeologists, ASH attempted to supply the
palpable deficiency of Johnson; but the matter was too abundant, and his
space too contracted. In vain he attempted his "Supplement;" all the
counties in England seemed to rise against the luckless glossarist; but
notwithstanding its limited utility, his vocabulary was often preferred
for its copiousness to the more elaborate lexicon. The spirit of inquiry
was now abroad after the "winged words;" and ingenious persons, within
these twenty years,[7] have produced a number of provincial glossaries;
but several are still wanting, particularly those of Kent, and Sussex,
and Hampshire. All these glossaries collected together might form a
provincial lexicon marking each county. A few might be allowed to enter
into the great dictionary of the English language; but that would not be
their safest place, for they would then lie at the mercy of successive
editors, who would not always discern a precious archaism amid the
baseness and corruption of language. The origin, the nature, and the
history of our provincial idioms have yet never been investigated,
though the subject, freed from its mere barbarisms, opens a diversified
field to the philosopher, the antiquary, and the philologist.
Grose, who wrote in 1785, notices the state of those counties which were
remote from the metropolis, or which had no immediate intercourse with
it before "newspapers and stage-coaches imported scepticism, and made
every ploughman and thresher a politician and a freethinker." The
accelerated intercourse of the people has long passed beyond the diurnal
folio and the evanescent stage-coach, and in a century of railroads and
national schools the provincial glossary will finally vanish away.