ARRIVAL OF M'TESE'S ENVOYS.
ON 15th January, 1873, the sentry on the rock citadel reported a party
arriving from the Unyoro road. Shortly after, the reports of guns were
heard, and it was made known that envoys had arrived from M'tese, the
king of Uganda, together with an escort of natives, and two of my
soldiers from Rionga. M'tese's people were armed with guns.
The envoys were quickly ushered into the new divan, which was a
circular, lofty building, twenty feet in diameter, neatly plastered, and
painted light grey with a mixture of wood-ashes.
Ali Jusef, the principal envoy, was a native of Sishuaali, on the coasts
of the Red Sea entrance, and the Indian Ocean. I had several officers
who were natives of the same country, including the gallant Ferritch
Agha and Said Agha: thus I had excellent interpreters.
The envoys were beautifully clean, in white Bombay cotton clothes, and
they were quite civilized, and as intelligent as Europeans. They
appeared to have a thorough knowledge of the route to India, and the
various tribes along the eastern coast of equatorial Africa.
These people gave me much useful information; and I shall, as usual in
this work, simply extract from my journal the exact entry made at the
moment whenever I received geographical reports from the natives: thus I
shall give to the public the unpolished statements precisely as I heard
them; upon which data theoretical geographers may form their own
opinions.
"The envoys report, that from Ujiji (pronounced by them Uyeye) you can
travel by lake direct to Magungo, the lake being the M'wootan N'zige.
"The Victoria N'yanza is called by two names, 'Sessy' or 'Kurewe.'
Although large, it is small in comparison with the M'wootan N'zige"
There was no news of Livingstone; but, according to my request from
Masindi, M'tese had sent everywhere in search of him, and he had
forwarded my two letters addressed to him in different directions.
The king, M'tese, had written me a letter expressing great friendship,
and declaring that when the news of Kabba Rega's treachery had reached
him, he had sent an army under General Congow, to be placed at my
disposal.
This army was now quartered at Mashudi, (two days' march from
Rionga's island, on the road to Masindi) waiting for my orders. M'tese
begged me to visit him as soon as possible, as he only had one desire,
i.e. "to see my face," and that he "did not wish for presents."
This was a model African potentate; at the same time I could not
possibly visit him, as my term of service would expire upon the 1st of
April.
I was much disappointed at this impossibility, as M'tese can do more for
Central Africa than any other potentate. He behaved well to Speke and
Grant, and he had been very true to me.
On 11th February, fresh envoys arrived from M'tese, including my old
friend Waysooah, who was as usual dressed very carefully in Indian
costume, with a handsomely-worked cotton robe.
M'tese had written me another letter in Arabic, begging me to send him
one of my soldiers as my representative, if I could not come personally.
The road was now declared to be practically open between Fatiko and
Zanzibar by means of M'tese's friendship.
This excellent man, who was now a Mohammedan, and kept an Arab
secretary, had already sent to Ujiji in search of Livingstone, according
to my request, and his messengers had returned with the news, "that he
had been at Ujiji, and had crossed the lake to the west; since which,
nothing had been heard of him."
M'tese's people were still in search of Livingstone. Ujiji was declared
to be on the "M'wootan N'zige," i. e. the Albert N'yanza.
I give this information exactly as I received it.
I now wrote a letter to Dr. Livingstone, of which the following is a
copy:--
"FORT FATIKO.
("N. lat. 3 degrees 1 minute; E. long. 32 degrees 36 minutes,)
"February 13th, 1875.
"MY DEAR LIVINGSTONE,
"M'tese, the king of Uganda, has been searching for you, according to my
instructions sent to him in June 1872.
"He also forwarded my letters to be given to you when met with.
"His envoys have now visited me at Fatiko, with the report that M'tese's
messengers heard of you as having formerly been at Ujiji; but that you
had left that station and crossed the Tanganyika to the west.
"Nothing more is known of you.
"I have sent a soldier with the envoys who convey this letter; he will
remain with M'tese. This soldier (Selim) was one of Speke's men, who
travelled from Zanzibar to Cairo.
"M'tese will take the greatest care of you. He has behaved very well to
the government.
"Since I wrote to you in June, Kabba Rega treacherously attacked me with
many thousand men.
"I thrashed him thoroughly, and I have set up Rionga, the old enemy of
his family, who is now sheik of the government.
"M'tese sent Congow with several thousand men to assist the troops.
"I trust, my dear Livingstone, that this letter may reach you. Do not
come down the lake. It is now well known that the Tanganyika is the
Albert N'yanza; both known as the great lake M'wootan N'zige.
"A steamer will, I trust, be on the lake this year.
"Ever yours most sincerely,
"SAM. W. BAKER."
On 13th February, after a few days' pleasant sojourn at Fatiko, M'tese's
envoys returned to Uganda, accompanied by my representative, Selim, who,
although a private, was a very intelligent Suachli; he had formerly
accompanied Speke from Zanzibar. I gave Selim instructions to impress
upon M'tese the necessity of assisting Livingstone without a moment's
delay.
It is interesting to remember, now that the great traveller is dead,
that the arrangements I had made for his assistance would have secured
his safety, and would have enabled him to pursue his geographical
investigations northward, without the slightest risk or difficulty,
beyond the bodily fatigue which is inseparable from African travel.
My letter was not only delivered by M'tese's orders into the hands of
Lieutenant Cameron, R.N. at Unyamyembi, but M'tese actually sent me his
reply through the weary distance to Gondokoro! This reply was received
by my successor, Colonel Gordon, and was forwarded to the Khedive, as a
proof of the effect of the expedition under my command, in opening
through postal communication in the heart of Africa. People who are
unacquainted with the difficulties of Africa cannot sufficiently
appreciate this grand result. The intelligent king, M'tese, should
receive a present from our government, as a reward for having exerted
himself to assist an English consul in distress. The small sum of 200
pound Sterling, judiciously expended, would procure trifles that would
be treasures to M'tese, and would do more to open up Central Africa to
travellers than any other means.
I fear this may be forgotten, and that M'tese will be neglected after
this truly philanthropic effort to relieve an English traveller and
CONSUL when in difficulty.
I wrote a letter thanking M'tese for all that he had done, and assuring
him that our country would be grateful to him for any assistance that he
might render Livingstone. At the same time that I thanked him for his
aid to myself, I begged he would recall his army from Unyoro, as my
troops, although few, were strong, and that, having already defeated
Kabba Rega, I required no assistance.
I sent General Congow a present of a sword, and a few articles to
M'tese, in return for a specimen of beautifully-dressed skins, sewn
together as neatly as the work of a French glover...
The time wore on in considerable anxiety concerning the party that I had
sent to Gondokoro under Wat-el-Mek for reinforcements.
I had allowed them forty-two days for their return to Fatiko with the
cattle and troops, but no intelligence had been received of their
movements from the week they had started. Fortunately the abundance of
game in the neighbourhood had supplied the troops with meat.
At length, after ninety-three days' absence, news was brought that
Wat-el-Mek and the troops were close at hand. Shooli had arrived at
daybreak to say that a native had seen them on the previous evening on
the north side of Shooa hill, about seven miles from Fatiko.
At 2.30 P.M., on 8th March, we distinguished the white uniforms
ascending the plateau at the north end of the Fatiko plain; and shortly
after, the main body emerged from among the rocks and foliage, and
formed on the level ground. I at once distinguished with the telescope
the lieutenant-colonel, Tayib Agha, upon his well-known powerful white
horse.
My troops in full uniform went out to meet the reinforcements, which
quickly marched up and formed on the level turf outside the fort upon
the north side.
I rode out and inspected the troops.
NOT ONE HEAD OF CATTLE HAD ARRIVED!
The lieutenant-colonel, Tayib Agha, had made a sad mess of his command
during the march. He had quarrelled with Wat-el-Mek; and simply because
some of the native carriers had absconded in a portion of the Bari
country named Moogi, he had set fire to the villages in revenge! This
was in a country, where I had established peace.
The Baris had attacked the troops, and had not only killed twenty-eight
of our men, but had stripped the bodies, and possessed themselves of
clothes, arms, and ammunition. They had also captured the cattle.
Although Tayib Agha had about 280 men, he actually retreated and dared
not attack the natives to recover either the bodies of his men or their
muskets! (The lieutenant who commanded the unfortunate detachment was
killed while defending himself bravely to the last. In addition to the
twenty-eight soldiers, two Bari interpreters were also killed, making a
total loss of thirty.)
I at once determined to leave Major Abdullah as commandant at Fatiko,
and to take Tayib Agha back to Gondokoro, as he was not fit for an
independent command.
The immense delay in sending up the reinforcements had been occasioned
by the long voyage from Khartoum.
When Wat-el-Mek had reached Gondokoro, the troops HAD NOT ARRIVED from
Khartoum; therefore he was obliged to wait.
When at length they did arrive, they had been THIRTEEN MONTHS on the
voyage to Gondokoro, and had passed the rainy season with the
slave-traders in the camp of Kutchuk Ali on the Bahr Giraffe; this river
they reported as navigable, owing to my canals, which had continued
open.
It was the old story of delay and indolence, unless I was personally
present to force them forward.
I had now 620 men, therefore I reinforced Rionga and the various
stations. I thus garrisoned strongly Fatiko, Fabbo, and Paniadoli--the
stockade opposite Rionga's island, in N. lat. 2 degrees 6'.
The country of Unyoro was now completely in the grasp of Ali Genninar
and Rionga. Unyoro extends to the south of the equator on the shores of
the Albert N'yanza, where Kabba Rega was supposed to be hiding.
On 14th March I drew out the following orders for Major Abdullah, who
would remain as commandant of Fatiko:--
"1. Observe the rules at present existing respecting sentries.
"2. Observe the rules at present existing for cleanliness of camp.
"3. Plant negheel grass on ramparts during the rainy season.
"4. Clean out the fort ditch once every month.
"5. Each company of troops is to cultivate corn and vegetables at the
commencement of the rains.
"6. Each company to be exercised at musketry drill for one hour daily.
"7. All troops to be exercised at light-infantry drill for three hours
on Mondays and Fridays, upon which days there will be no other work.
"8. The corn-tax is to be regularly collected, so that three months'
supply shall be the minimum in the camp granaries.
"9. The bugle to sound the night alarm once every month, to accustom the
men to night quarters.
"10. The troops to occupy their stations at general quarters, according
to present practice.
"11. Banana plants to be introduced upon every opportunity from Magungo.
"12. Coffee-berries [*] to be sown in nursery-beds, when received from
M'tese.
[*Footnote: I had written to him for a supply of coffee-seed.)
"13. The old huts to be cleared away and replaced by new, constructed in
lines similar to those in the south camp.
"14. No ivory to be purchased in exchange for cattle, but only in barter
for goods.
"15. NO SLAVES TO BE EITHER PURCHASED OR TAKEN.
"16. The bugle to sound 'Extinguish fires' at 8 p.m."
Having left everything in perfect order in the new central territory, I
was ready to start for Gondokoro on 20th March.
I had been two years and five months without any news or communication
with either Egypt or Europe when the post arrived with Wat-el-Mek. About
600 copies of the Times had arrived at once. We had been introduced to
the Tichborne case; and of course had, at the earliest stage of the
trial, concluded that the claimant was Arthur Orton. The news that is
almost stereotyped in English newspapers gave us the striking incidents
of civilization. Two or three wives had been brutally knocked about by
their husbands, who had received only a slight punishment. A prominent
divorce case; a few Irish agrarian outrages; a trial in the
ecclesiastical court of a refractory clergyman; the smash-up of a few
public companies, with the profitable immunity of the directors; a lady
burnt to death; a colliery explosion; several hundred railway accidents,
which induced me to prefer walking; the Communists had half destroyed
Paris; republican principles were fast spreading through England; the
Gladstone ministry would last for ever; some babies had been poisoned,
and the baby-farmer had been hanged; deceased wife's sisters were to
marry their disconsolate brothers; England was to pay a tribute to
America (for the freaks of the Alabama); drunkenness was on the
increase; ladies were to become our physicians; &c. I was almost afraid
to return home; but as I had some friends and relations that I wished to
see again, I left my little paradise, Fatiko, and marched for Gondokoro,
accompanied by my good natives, Shooli and Gimoro.
After the absurd conduct and the defeat of Tayib Agha at Moogi, I fully
expected to have to fight my way through; but upon arrival in that
district the natives knew me, and we were not molested. They even sent
me six cows which had been lost by Tayib Agha on the road during his
unlucky march.
I had taken under my especial protection a number of Bari women and
young girls whom Wat-el-Mek and Tayib Agha had pressed into their
service to carry loads during their journey from Gondokoro to Fatiko.
There can be no doubt that these poor creatures never would have been
returned to their country, had I not delivered them; but seeing their
condition upon their arrival at Fatiko, I had ordered them to accompany
me, and to show me the position of their homes during the march.
On arrival at the broad dry bed of a stream about two days' march from
Gondokoro, we halted beneath the shade of a large tree for breakfast.
The women and children now approached, and hesitatingly declared that
this was their country, and their villages were near. They evidently
doubted my sincerity in restoring them, which hurt me exceedingly.
"Go, my good women," I exclaimed, "and when you arrive at your homes,
explain to your people that you were captured entirely against my will,
and that I am only happy to have released you."
For a few moments they looked around them, as hardly believing the good
news. In another instant, as the truth flashed across their delighted
minds, they rushed upon me in a body, and before I had time for
self-defence, I found myself in the arms of a naked beauty who kissed me
almost to suffocation, and with a most unpleasant embrace licked both my
eyes with her tongue. The sentries came to my assistance, together with
the servants, who withstood the grateful crowd; otherwise both my wife
and myself would have been subjected to this painful thanksgiving from
the liberated Bari women.
Their freedom having been explained, we gave each a present of beads as
a reward for the trouble they had undergone, and they went away
rejoicing, upon the road to their own homes.
We arrived at Gondokoro on 1st April, 1873, without the slightest
disturbance during the march. This was the exact day upon which my term
of service would have expired, according to my original agreement with
the Khedive.
I halted the troops about half a mile from Gondokoro, to allow them to
change their clothes, when I observed with the telescope some of the
Englishmen approaching. Several of my welcome countrymen at length
arrived.
"Where is Mr. Higginbotham?" I asked, as I was eager to see my chief
engineer and friend.
There was a slight pause before the reply--"HE DIED ON THE LAST DAY OF
FEBRUARY!"
I was quite overpowered with the dreadful news! Poor Higginbotham! who
had been my right hand throughout the early portion of the expedition!
He was a man who so thoroughly represented the character that we love to
think is truly English, combining all energy, courage, and perseverance.
He was gone!
We marched into Gondokoro. Fourteen months had made a change for the
worse. I had left the station with a neat ditch and earthwork; the
environs had been clean. It was now a mass of filth. Bones and remnants
of old clothes, that would have been a fortune to a rag-and-bone shop,
lay scattered in all directions. The ditch was filled up with sand, and
the fallen bank washed in by the heavy rains, as it had never been
cleansed during my absence.
The guns fired a salute; Raouf Bey and the troops appeared in good
health; and I was shown into poor Higginbotham's house on the cliff
above the river.
A beautiful new steamer of 108 tons, built of steel, with twin screws,
was floating on the stream. This was the work of my Englishmen, who had
taken a pride in turning out the best results that Messrs. Samuda
Brothers and Messrs. Penn & Co. could produce.
I went on board to inspect the new vessel directly after breakfast. She
had been admirably constructed, and being devoid of paddles, she would
be able to glide through the narrow channels of the Bahr Giraffe like a
fish.
Although the station was dirty and neglected, I must do Raouf Bey
justice in acknowledging that he had paid much attention to the gardens
on the islands, which were producing so abundantly that the troops
received rations of vegetables daily.
Raouf Bey had also shown determination, and had accepted great
responsibility in shooting a soldier for desertion during my absence.
It appeared that the reinforcements lately received from Khartoum were
merely slaves that had been sold to the government, and had rapidly been
trained for soldiers. Many of these people had originally come from the
White Nile, therefore they were disposed to desert upon the first
opportunity.
A considerable number had deserted, with their arms and ammunition. They
had also stolen Raouf Bey's guns and rifles from his house, and had
absconded to Belinian. Raouf Bey had called upon the Belinian to give up
the deserters; but the Belinian natives had only replied to the
summonses by making nightly demonstrations of attack against the station
of Gondokoro, which had rendered sound sleep impossible for the last
month. Raouf Bey had accordingly invaded Belinian, and had fought a
pitched battle, in which the deserters who had joined the Baris fired
upon the troops. Two of them were killed. (On this occasion, the Baris
being well supplied with muskets and ammunition, the troops of Raouf Bey
suffered considerable loss.)
I immediately sent for Allorron, who had now become a faithful sheik of
the government. He confessed all his sins, and of course laid the whole
blame upon Abou Saood, who he declared had deceived him, and instigated
him against the government. I did not wish for any explanations upon the
truth of which I could not rely. I therefore ordered him to go at once
to Belinian, and inform the natives that, unless they gave up the
deserters, I should pay them a visit with the "red shirts," who had now
returned with me from Fatiko. At the same time I promised him three cows
if he succeeded.
In a few days he returned with two deserters. These men were tried by
court-martial, and having been found guilty, they were shot in the
presence of the regiment.
Order and discipline were at once restored among the troops.
Now that I had returned with the "Forty Thieves," the natives of
Belinian no longer visited the camp at night, but the country shortly
became quiet and peaceful.
Wat-el-Mek, who had accompanied me from Fatiko, returned with
reinforcements and a herd of cattle to his district. I parted with
regret with my good men Shooli and Gimoro, to whom I gave some useful
presents.
On 10th April I commenced a new fort with ditch and earthwork around the
magazines, but the sandy nature of the soil will cause much trouble
during the heavy rains.
I ordered Mr. Marcopolo to take stock, together with an Egyptian officer
(Foad Effendi), of everything that remained within the magazine, and to
take a receipt for his stores. This task occupied nearly a month.
The Englishmen had carefully packed everything that belonged to the No.
3 steamer and machinery, and had stowed her in a magazine that was given
in charge of an officer, who gave a receipt for the contents.
Everything was ready by the 25th May for our return homewards. I erected
a monument of red brick coated with pitch over my poor friend
Higginbotham's grave, within my garden, near the spot where the
missionaries were formerly buried.
We started on the 26th, having taken a farewell of my gallant "Forty
Thieves," many of whom showed much emotion at parting. As I walked down
the line of troops when I took official leave, my old soldiers broke the
bounds of discipline by shouting: "May God give you a long life! and may
you meet your family in good health at home!"
I felt a choking sensation in saying good-bye; but we were soon on
board, and the steam was up.
The new steamer, the Khedive, took us in tow, and we travelled rapidly
down the stream towards home in old England.
Although I had written the most important letters to the Khedive and to
his minister in October 1871, I had, to my amazement, NOT RECEIVED ONE
WORD IN REPLY by the post that had arrived from Egypt. I had apparently
been looked upon as a dead man that did not require a letter. It
appeared that my existence was utterly ignored by the Egyptian
government, although I had received my letters in due course from
England.
On arrival at the Bahr Giraffe, we found that the canals which I had
formerly cut were much improved by the force of the stream. Although
these passages were narrow, they had become deep, and we progressed with
comparatively little trouble.
On 7th June, three sails were reported ahead on the horizon. We pushed
forward with some curiosity, but unfortunately a sudd of vegetable rafts
had closed the passage for a short distance, which required about an
hour to clean; this delayed the chase.
That evening, as we had stopped for the night at a spot known as the
"Three Dubbas," we heard a woman's voice from the high grass addressing
us in an imploring tone. I immediately sent a boat to make inquiries, as
one of our native girls understood the language.
It appeared that the woman had the small-pox, and she had been therefore
thrown into the high grass, and abandoned by the vakeel of the three
vessels that we had observed in the distance. She described these
vessels as being crowded with slaves.
I gave the unfortunate creature a supply of six days' food, together
with a cooking-pot and some firewood, but I dared not introduce so
horrible a disease as the small-pox among our party. She was thus left
alone upon the dubba. (At this season native fishermen visited the
dubba, therefore she was most probably discovered on the following
morning.)
On 8th June we steamed along, towards the tall masts and yards of the
three vessels which we perceived upon the horizon.
The intricacies of the narrow channel were such that we did not overtake
the slavers until sunset.
We then anchored for the night in a lake, while I sent a boat forward
into the canal occupied by the three vessels to order the vakeel of the
company to visit me immediately.
In a short time the boat returned with my old acquaintance Wat Hojoly,
the vakeel of the Bohr station belonging to Abou Saood.
I had always liked this man, as he was generally straightforward in his
manner. He now told me, without the slightest reserve, that during my
absence in the south, several cargoes of slaves had passed the
government station at Fashoda by bribing the governor; and that he would
certainly have no difficulty, provided that I did not seize him. He
confessed that he had 700 slaves on board the three vessels, and
according to orders that he had received from his master, Abou Saood, he
was conveying them to their destination, a few days south of Khartoum,
on the White Nile; at which point they could either march overland to
the west via Kordofan, or to the east via Sennaar; whence they could
pass unmolested to the Red Sea or to other markets.
The small-pox had broken out among the slaves, several of whom had died.
I was most thoroughly disgusted and sick at heart. After all the trouble
and difficulties that we had gone through for the suppression of the
slave trade, there could be no question of the fact that Abou Saood, the
great slave-hunter of the White Nile, was supported by some high
authority behind the scenes, upon whom he could depend for protection.
This was apparently the last act of the drama, in which the villain of
the piece could mock and scoff at justice, and ridicule every effort
that I had made to suppress the slave trade. His vessels were actually
sailing in triumph and defiance before the wind, with flags flying the
crescent and the star, above a horrible cargo of pest-smitten humanity,
in open contempt for my authority; which Wat Hojoly had been carefully
informed did not extend north of Gondokoro.
I asked this plain-spoken agent whether he was quite sure that he could
pass the government station? "Oh yes," he replied, "a little backsheesh
will open the road; there is nothing to fear."
I was then informed by the same authority that Abou Saood had gone to
Cairo to appeal to the Khedive's government against my proceedings, and
to represent his TRADE as ruined by my acts.
This was a remarkable disclosure at the end of the last act; the moral
of the piece was thus explained before the curtain fell. The
slave-hunter par excellence of the White Nile, who had rented or farmed
from the government, for some thousands sterling per annum, the right of
TRADING in countries which did NOT belong to Egypt, was now on the road
to protest against my interference with his TRADE, this innocent
business being represented BY THREE VESSELS WITH SEVEN HUNDRED SLAVES
THAT WERE TO PASS UNCHECKED BEFORE THE GOVERNMENT STATION OF FASHODA.
I told Wat Hojoly that I did not think he would succeed upon this
occasion, but that I should certainly not lay hands upon him.
I had not received replies to my letters addressed to the Khedive,
therefore I was determined not to exert physical force again; at the
same time I made up my mind that the slave vessels should not pass
Fashoda.
After some delay, owing to a shallow portion of the river, we passed
ahead, and the fearful stench from the crowded slave vessels reeking
with small-pox followed us for quite a mile down the wind. (Fortunately
there was a powerful force with Wat Hojoly, whom I called upon for
assistance in heaving the steamer over the bank; otherwise we must have
dug a channel.)
On 19th June, at 3.30 P.M., we reached Fashoda. The governor at once
came on board to receive us.
This officer hall been only recently appointed, and he appeared to be
very energetic and desirous to assist me in the total extinction of the
slave trade. I assured the governor (Jusef Effendi) that I had entirely
suppressed it in my territory, and I had also suppressed the river trade
in 1870; but if the authorities were determined to connive at this
abomination, I had been placed in a disgracefully false position, and
had been simply employed on a fool's errand.
Jusef Effendi assured me that it would be impossible for vessels to pass
Fashoda with slave cargoes now that he represented the government, as
the Khedive had issued the most positive orders within the last six
months against the traffic in slaves; therefore such instructions must
be obeyed.
I did not quite see that obedience to such orders was absolutely
necessary, as the slave trade had been similarly prohibited by
proclamation in the reign of the late Said Pacha, but with no permanent
effect.
There were two fine steamers lying at Fashoda, which had formed a
portion of the fleet of six steamers that I had sent up from Cairo some
years ago to tow my flotilla up the White Nile. This was the first time
that I had ever seen them.
I now told Jusef Effendi that he would be held responsible for the
capture of Abou Saood's three vessels, together with the 700 slaves; at
the same time, it would be advisable to allow them to arrive at Fashoda
before their capture should be attempted; as the fact of such an
audacious contempt of law would at once implicate the former governor as
having been in the habit of connivance.
Jusef Effendi appeared to be in earnest. He was an active and highly
intelligent Circassian who held the rank of lieutenant-colonel.
My servants had discovered by chance, when in communication with Wat
Hojoly, that Salim-Wat-Howah, who had been one of the principal
ringleaders in the attack upon the troops at Fatiko, and had
subsequently knocked down Suleiman and possessed himself forcibly of the
ammunition from the magazine, with which he and his party had absconded,
was now actually concealed on one of the three slave vessels. I had
taken care not to mention his name to Wat Hojoly, lest he should be left
at some station upon the route, and thus escape me.
I now gave a written order to Jusef Effendi to arrest him upon the
arrival of the slave vessels, and to send him to Khartoum in irons.
The news of Abou Saood's personal appeal to the government at Cairo was
confirmed by the best authorities at Fashoda.
On 21st June I took leave of Jusef Effendi, and upon the 28th, at 11
A.M., we arrived at the large tree which is within five miles of
Khartoum, by the short cut across the neck of land to the Blue Nile.
I stopped at this tree, and immediately wrote to Ismail Ayoub Pacha, the
new governor of Khartoum, to telegraph INSTANTLY to Cairo to arrest Abou
Saood.
I sent this note by a faithful officer, Ferritch Agha, with positive
orders that he was to deliver it into the hands of Ismail Pacha.
This order was immediately carried out before any people in Khartoum had
an idea of my return. Had I at once steamed round the point, some friend
would have telegraphed my arrival to Abou Saood in Cairo, and he might
have gone into concealment.
In the afternoon we observed a steamer rounding the distant headland at
the point of junction of the two Niles. She rapidly approached, and in
about half an hour my old friend, Ismail Ayoub Pacha, stepped on board
my diahbeeah, and gave us a hearty welcome.
There was no letter either from the Khedive or Cherif Pacha, in reply to
the important communications that I had written more than two years ago.
Ismail Ayoub Pacha was a friend of eight years' date. I had known him
during my first expedition to the Nile sources as Ismail Bey, president
of the council at Khartoum. He had lately been appointed governor, and I
could only regret that my excellent friend had not been in that capacity
from the commencement of the expedition, as I should have derived much
assistance from his great energy and intelligence.
Ismail Ayoub Pacha is a Circassian. I have observed that all those
officers who are superior to the average in intellect and general
capacity belong to this race. The Circassians are admirably represented
in Cherif Pacha, who is well known and respected by all Europeans in
Egypt for his probity and high intelligence; and Riaz Pacha, who was
lately the Minister for Public Instruction, is a Circassian much beloved
and respected.
Ismail Ayoub had commenced a great reform in the Soudan, in his
endeavour to put down the wholesale system of bribery and corruption
which was the ruin of the country. He had also commenced a great work,
according to the orders he had received from the Khedive, to remove the
sudd or obstruction to the navigation of the great White Nile. He
succeeded in re-opening the White Nile to navigation in the following
season.
The Khedive had given this important order in consequence of letters
that I had written on 31st August, 1870, to the Minister of the
Interior, Cherif Pacha, and to his Highness direct on 8th October, 1871,
in which communications I had strenuously advocated the absolute
necessity of taking the work in hand, with a determination to
re-establish the river in its original navigable condition.
Ismail Ayoub Pacha had been working with a large force, and he had
succeeded in clearing, according to his calculations, one half of the
obstruction, which extended for many miles.
There was no engineering difficulty in the undertaking, which was simply
a matter of time and steady labour.
The immense force of the main stream, thus confined by matted and
tangled vegetation, would materially assist the work, as the clearing
was commenced from below the current.
The work would become lighter as the head of the sudd would be neared.
A curious accident had happened to Ismail Pacha by the sudden break-up
of a large portion of the sudd, that had been weakened by cutting a long
but narrow channel.
The prodigious rafts of vegetation were hurried before the stream like
ice-floes, and these masses having struck against a line of six noggurs,
the vessels were literally swept away and buried beneath the great
rafts, until they capsized and disappeared for ever in the deep channel.
Late in the evening Ismail Pacha took leave and returned in his steamer
to Khartoum. We had enjoyed a long conversation, and I felt sure that
the Soudan and Central Africa would quickly feel the benefit of Ismail
Ayoub Pacha's administration, as he combined great energy and
determination with nine years' experience of the requirements of his
province.
On 29th June the new steamer, the Khedive, rounded the point at full
speed with our diahbeeah in tow.
All the population of Khartoum thronged to the banks and the new quay to
witness the arrival of the extraordinary steamer that travelled without
paddles, and which had been constructed by the Englishmen at Ismailia
(Gondokoro).
The troops were in order, and as the Khedive drew alongside the quay we
were warmly welcomed by Ismail Ayoub Pacha with the usual formalities.
A few days latter, a steamer arrived from Fashoda with the three vessels
in tow belonging to Abou Saood, which had attempted to pass the
government station with more than 600 slaves on board, about 100 having
died of the small-pox since I had left the Bahr Giraffe. The small-pox
was still raging on board, therefore the vessels were taken to the north
bank of the Blue Nile and placed in quarantine.
As the guard passed by with prisoners, I recognized my friend the
vakeel, Wat Hojoly, in irons. The unfortunate man had found a new
governor at Fashoda instead of his old acquaintance; thus he did NOT
pass free; as I had anticipated.
Walking next to the vakeel, heavily chained, with his wrists secured in
a block of wood similar to stocks, came the cream of ruffians,
Salim-Wat-Howah, nailed at last.
This villainous-looking fellow was afterwards tried before the
medjeldis, or tribunal, and by overpowering evidence he was found guilty
of having first threatened to attack Major Abdullah in the government
camp of Fatiko; and secondly, with having actually given the orders to
fire, and having fired himself, on 2nd August, 1872, when we had been
treacherously attacked by Abou Saood's company.
I spoke in favour of Wat Hojoly, as he had otherwise behaved well
towards the government, and he was simply carrying out the orders of his
master, Abou Saood.
It had been the usual custom in the Soudan to spare the employers, who
were the most responsible parties, but to punish the small fry, such as
vakeels, and the reis, or captains of vessels.
Ismail Pacha had made great improvements in Khartoum, and he had
completed the new government house that had been commenced by his
predecessor, Moomtazz Pacha, who was also a most intelligent Circassian.
He had likewise made a great change by converting a large open space
into a public garden, where it was his intention that the military band
should play every evening for the amusement of the people.
Steam irrigation works were also commenced on the north side of the Blue
Nile for the cultivation of cotton.
After a few days at Khartoum we took leave of our good friend, Ismail
Ayoub Pacha, and started for Cairo by steamer.
I had left my two boys, Saat and Bellaal, with Ismail Pacha, to be
instructed either as musicians or soldiers, the latter profession being
their great ambition. There was already a school established for the
education of the more intelligent negro boys that might be liberated
from the slave-traders.
Upon our arrival at Berber, I found a considerable improvement in the
country. The Arabs were beginning to return to the fertile banks of the
river, and to rebuild their sakeeyahs or water-wheels. This change was
the result of a wise reform instituted by the Khedive, in dividing the
Soudan into provinces, each of which would be governed by a responsible
and independent official, instead of serving under a governor-general at
the distance of Khartoum.
Hussein Khalifah was now the governor of Berber. He was the great Arab
sheik of the desert who had so ably assisted Mr. Higginbotham in
transporting the machinery and steamer sections by camels from Korosko
to Berber across the great Nubian desert, for a distance of about 400
miles. The Arabs were much pleased at his appointment as governor, as he
was one of their race.
In starting from Berber for Souakim, I had the great misfortune to lose
by death one of my excellent Englishmen, David Samson. He had been
ailing for some time, and the intense heat of July was more than he
could endure in riding across the desert. Poor Samson died on the first
day's march, and I had his body conveyed to Berber, where it was buried
in the Coptic cemetery with every mark of respect.
This was a sad termination after a journey of nearly four years and a
half, when he was on the hopeful road towards home.
We were nearly wrecked during the voyage from Souakim to Suez, as the
engine of the sloop-of-war was out of repair. We then changed to another
steamer, which carried away the cap of her rudder during a heavy sea and
fresh northerly gale. Fortunately our English shipwrights were on board,
and Lieutenant Baker, R.N., knew his work; thus we escaped drowning on a
coral reef, which would assuredly have been our fate had we been left to
the ignorance of the officers and crew.
We reached Cairo on 24th August at 4.30 P.M. On 25th I had the honour
of presenting myself to his Highness the Khedive, to explain the large
chart of his new territory that I had annexed in Central Africa.
I received from his Highness the Imperial order of the Osmanie, 2nd
class, as a token of his approbation of my services. I had already had
the honour to accept from his hands the order of the Medjidie, 2nd
class, before I had started upon my mission. His Highness the Khedive
now conferred upon Lieutenant Baker the order of the Medjidie, 3rd
class.
I handed the botanical collection to his Highness the Khedive, which had
been carefully prepared throughout the journey by Lady Baker.
Unfortunately more than 300 specimens of plants had been destroyed by
the conflagration at Masindi. The botanical specimens, together with
samples of the fibres, skins, and the salt of the new territory, were
ordered to be forwarded to the Vienna Exhibition.
The Khedive expressed his determination to judge Abou Saood by a special
tribunal, composed of Cherif Pacha, Nubar Pacha, and Ismail Pacha, the
Minister of Finance. I handed seventeen documents to Nubar Pacha, with
evidence sworn to upon the Koran before witnesses, and properly sealed
by Wat-el-Mek, Suleiman, the sheiks of the country, Major Abdullah, and
others, against Abou Saood, charging him with various crimes, including
treason in having given the orders that his Fatiko company should fire
at me and the government troops. I took a receipt for these important
documents.
I had also brought up several of the "Forty Thieves" as viva-voce
witnesses, in addition to Lieutenant Baker, R.N., Lieutenant-Colonel
Abd-el-Kader, Captain Mohammed Deii, and two servants, Suleiman and
Mohammed Haroon. Thus all the evidence was in official order:--
I 26th Jumay Owal, 1289, report of Major Abdullah (commandant of
Fatiko): threatening conduct of Abou Saood's vakeels during my absence.
2. 28th Jumay Owal, 1289, the declaration of the regimental officers of
Fort Fatiko.
3. 6th October, 1872, 1st Shaban, 1289, the declaration of the vakeels
of Abou Saood (Wat-el-Mek and Suleiman), that they had acted according
to orders received from Abou Saood.
4. 26th Jumay Owal, 1289, Major Abdullah's declaration against Abou
Saood and his company at Fatiko.
5. 12th Jumay Ocher, 1289, declaration of the chiefs of the country,
complaining of the kidnapping of women and children, massacres, &c.,
committed by Abou Saood and his companies.
6. Declaration of Abou Saood's men, containing declarations of Mohammed,
Wat-el-Mek, and Besheer Achmet, that Abou Saood gave the order to fire
at the Pacha and the government troops. Two large papers.
7. 29th Jumay Owal, 1289, letter from Abou Saood from Fabbo.
8. 29th Rebi Owal, 1289, Major Abdullah's reasons for not detaining
Suleiman, and for not arresting Abou Saood.
9. 2nd Jumay Acher, 1289, letter from Abou Saood, Fatiko.
10. 29th Jumay Owal, 1289, order for confiscation of Fatiko after the
attack made upon the troops.
11. Letter from officers of Fabbo.
12. 4th Regeb, 1289, report of Abou Saood's escape with government guns,
&c.
13. 22nd Jumay Acher, 1289, letter from vakeel Suleiman, Fabbo.
14. 3rd November, 1872, proces-verbal; declaration of Suleiman and Abou
Saood's people.
15. 1st Shaban, 6th October, 1873, copy of orders to Wat-el-Mek.
16. Mohammed the dragoman's declaration.
17. Wat-el-Mek's declaration that he and his people were always paid by
Abou Saood in slaves, and that the conduct of the stations was according
to his orders. Also that he had obeyed Abou Saood's orders in attacking
me at Fatiko.
His Highness the Khedive had the kindness to confer promotion upon my
faithful officer, Lieutenant-Colonel Abd-el-Kader, to the rank of
kaimakam; and Captain Mohammed Deii to the rank of saccolassi. He also
granted a reward to the soldiers who had fought the battle of Masindi,
and marched through eight days of ambuscades to Foweera.
A gratuity of a month's pay was given to every English engineer and
mechanic, and they started for England.
After a delay of about six weeks in Egypt, his Highness afforded us a
gracious and hospitable occasion of taking leave of himself and the
young princes, to all of whom I am indebted for much courtesy and
kindness.