THE SPIRIT OF FREEDOM

(A LETTER FROM NEW YORK TO THE AUTHOR'S OWN COUNTRYMEN)

When freedom is not an inner idea which imparts strength to our

activities and breadth to our creations, when it is merely a thing of

external circumstance, it is like an open space to one who is

blindfolded.

In my recent travels in the West I have felt that out there freedom as

an idea has become feeble and ineffectual. Consequently a spirit of

repression and coercion is fast spreading in the politics and social

relationships of the people.

In the age of monarchy the king lived surrounded by a miasma of

intrigue. At court there was an endless whispering of lies and

calumny, and much plotting and planning among the conspiring courtiers

to manipulate the king as the instrument of their own purposes.

In the present age intrigue plays a wider part, and affects the whole

country. The people are drugged with the hashish of false hopes and

urged to deeds of frightfulness by the goadings of manufactured

panics; their higher feelings are exploited by devious channels of

unctuous hypocrisy, their pockets picked under anaesthetics of

flattery, their very psychology affected by a conspiracy of money and

unscrupulous diplomacy.

In the old order the king was given to understand that he was the

freest individual in the world. A greater semblance of external

freedom, no doubt, he had than other individuals. But they built for

him a gorgeous prison of unreality.

The same thing is happening now with the people of the West. They are

flattered into believing that they are free, and they have the

sovereign power in their hands. But this power is robbed by hosts of

self-seekers, and the horse is captured and stabled because of his

gift of freedom over space. The mob-mind is allowed the enjoyment of

an apparent liberty, while its true freedom is curtailed on every

side. Its thoughts are fashioned according to the plans of organised

interest; in its choosing of ideas and forming of opinions it is

hindered either by some punitive force or by the constant insinuation

of untruths; it is made to dwell in an artificial world of hypnotic

phrases. In fact, the people have become the storehouse of a power

that attracts round it a swarm of adventurers who are secretly

investing its walls to exploit it for their own devices.

Thus it has become more and more evident to me that the ideal of

freedom has grown tenuous in the atmosphere of the West. The mentality

is that of a slave-owning community, with a mutilated multitude of men

tied to its commercial and political treadmill. It is the mentality of

mutual distrust and fear. The appalling scenes of inhumanity and

injustice, which are growing familiar to us, are the outcome of a

psychology that deals with terror. No cruelty can be uglier in its

ferocity than the cruelty of the coward. The people who have

sacrificed their souls to the passion of profit-making and the

drunkenness of power are constantly pursued by phantoms of panic and

suspicion, and therefore they are ruthless even where they are least

afraid of mischances. They become morally incapable of allowing

freedom to others, and in their eagerness to curry favour with the

powerful they not only connive at the injustice done by their own

partners in political gambling, but participate in it. A perpetual

anxiety for the protection of their gains at any cost strikes at the

love of freedom and justice, until at length they are ready to forgo

liberty for themselves and for others.

My experience in the West, where I have realised the immense power of

money and of organised propaganda,--working everywhere behind screens

of camouflage, creating an atmosphere of distrust, timidity, and

antipathy,--has impressed me deeply with the truth that real freedom

is of the mind and spirit; it can never come to us from outside. He

only has freedom who ideally loves freedom himself and is glad to

extend it to others. He who cares to have slaves must chain himself to

them; he who builds walls to create exclusion for others builds walls

across his own freedom; he who distrusts freedom in others loses his

moral right to it. Sooner or later he is lured into the meshes of

physical and moral servility.

Therefore I would urge my own countrymen to ask themselves if the

freedom to which they aspire is one of external conditions. Is it

merely a transferable commodity? Have they acquired a true love of

freedom? Have they faith in it? Are they ready to make space in their

society for the minds of their children to grow up in the ideal of

human dignity, unhindered by restrictions that are unjust and

irrational?

Have we not made elaborately permanent the walls of our social

compartments? We are tenaciously proud of their exclusiveness. We

boast that, in this world, no other society but our own has come to

finality in the classifying of its living members. Yet in our

political agitations we conveniently forget that any unnaturalness in

the relationship of governors and governed which humiliates us,

becomes an outrage when it is artificially fixed under the threat of

military persecution.

When India gave voice to immortal thoughts, in the time of fullest

vigour of vitality, her children had the fearless spirit of the

seekers of truth. The great epic of the soul of our people--the

_Mahabharata_--gives us a wonderful vision of an overflowing life,

full of the freedom of inquiry and experiment. When the age of the

Buddha came, humanity was stirred in our country to its uttermost

depth. The freedom of mind which it produced expressed itself in a

wealth of creation, spreading everywhere in its richness over the

continent of Asia. But with the ebb of life in India the spirit of

creation died away. It hardened into an age of inert construction. The

organic unity of a varied and elastic society gave way to a

conventional order which proved its artificial character by its

inexorable law of exclusion.

Life has its inequalities, I admit, but they are natural and are in

harmony with our vital functions. The head keeps its place apart from

the feet, not through some external arrangement or any conspiracy of

coercion. If the body is compelled to turn somersaults for an

indefinite period, the head never exchanges its relative function for

that of the feet. But have our social divisions the same

inevitableness of organic law? If we have the hardihood to say "yes"

to that question, then how can we blame an alien people for subjecting

us to a political order which they are tempted to believe eternal?

By squeezing human beings in the grip of an inelastic system and

forcibly holding them fixed, we have ignored the laws of life and

growth. We have forced living souls into a permanent passivity, making

them incapable of moulding circumstance to their own intrinsic design,

and of mastering their own destiny. Borrowing our ideal of life from a

dark period of our degeneracy, we have covered up our sensitiveness

of soul under the immovable weight of a remote past. We have set up an

elaborate ceremonial of cage-worship, and plucked all the feathers

from the wings of the living spirit of our people. And for us,--with

our centuries of degradation and insult, with the amorphousness of our

national unity, with our helplessness before the attack of disasters

from without and our unreasoning self-obstructions from within,--the

punishment has been terrible. Our stupefaction has become so absolute

that we do not even realise that this persistent misfortune, dogging

our steps for ages, cannot be a mere accident of history, removable

only by another accident from outside.

Unless we have true faith in freedom, knowing it to be creative,

manfully taking all its risks, not only do we lose the right to claim

freedom in politics, but we also lack the power to maintain it with

all our strength. For that would be like assigning the service of God

to a confirmed atheist. And men, who contemptuously treat their own

brothers and sisters as eternal babies, never to be trusted in the

most trivial details of their personal life,--coercing them at every

step by the cruel threat of persecution into following a blind lane

leading to nowhere, driving a number of them into hypocrisy and into

moral inertia,--will fail over and over again to rise to the height of

their true and severe responsibility. They will be incapable of

holding a just freedom in politics, and of fighting in freedom's

cause.

The civilisation of the West has in it the spirit of the machine which

must move; and to that blind movement human lives are offered as fuel,

keeping up the steam-power. It represents the active aspect of inertia

which has the appearance of freedom, but not its truth, and therefore

gives rise to slavery both within its boundaries and outside. The

present civilisation of India has the constraining power of the mould.

It squeezes living man in the grip of rigid regulations, and its

repression of individual freedom makes it only too easy for men to be

forced into submission of all kinds and degrees. In both of these

traditions life is offered up to something which is not life; it is a

sacrifice, which has no God for its worship, and is therefore utterly

in vain. The West is continually producing mechanical power in excess

of its spiritual control, and India has produced a system of

mechanical control in excess of its vitality.

Creative Unity · 第 45 / 52 题