Progress of the Russians--Buonaparte--Second Visit to
Tullanca--King Abbas Meerzâ--Reflections--Electrifying
Machine--Phantasmagoria--Ministers of the Persian Court--Mahomed
Hoosein Khan Mervee.
Ten years had elapsed since my first visit to the court of Persia, and
many changes had occurred, both in men and measures. The Russians,
within this short period, had advanced their frontier from the north
of the Caucasus to the banks of the Araxes, a space of above four
hundred miles. Buonaparte had laid his plans for chaining the bear
of Russia and the lion of Persia, with the design of harnessing them
to the his war-chariot, that he might drive in triumph over the rich
plains of India. His name was familiar to numbers in Persia, and some
few understood the character of his power. Among these was my shrewd
old friend Aga Mahomed Câsim-Wâlâ,[135] of Isfahan, who is at once a
professor, a poet, a philosopher, and a very inquisitive politician.
"This Buonaparte," said he to me one morning, when I paid him a visit
in his apartment at the college, "is a wonderful man; he wields empires
as if they were clubs. After he has settled with Turkey, he will,
unless our king shapes his policy to his liking, give Persia a knock on
the head with Russia, and then make use of both to overthrow your power
in India. Happen what will," said old Aga Mahomed, "he is a magnificent
fellow, a perfect Faringee Chenghiz Khan."[136]
I am treading on forbidden ground; I have nothing to say to politics:
if I had, this chapter might be more amusing. I could tell of French
and English schemes for harlequin-changes, which were to leave my
Persian friends no remains of barbarism but their beards! of Mahomedan
princes trained to be reformers, of the sudden introduction of the fine
arts, and of the roving tribes of Tartary and the wild mountaineers
of Fars becoming, by the proper use of a few cabalistical phrases,
disciplined regiments. These, and many similar transformations,
were meant to prove that we lived in an age when any instructed or
enlightened man might, if furnished with the necessary implements of
pen, ink, and paper, effect any given change, on any given nation, in
a few months.
This was not the first time that such experiments had been tried in
Persia; for, besides a knowledge of the civil and military arts of
Europe, efforts had been made to teach the Seffavean monarchs and
their nobles to understand the laws, institutions, and governments
of the more civilized world. The sarcastic and penetrating Gibbon,
when speaking of the attempt, observes, "Chardin says that European
travellers have diffused among the Persians some ideas of the freedom
and mildness of our governments: they have done them a very ill
office." This may be too severe; but if instruction is of a character
to diminish happiness, without furthering improvement, he would be bold
who should call it a blessing. A medicine may be excellent in itself,
yet, from the peculiar habits and constitution of the patient, it may
act as a poison. These and many similar sentences of wisdom I have now
and then uttered, when talking about the proposed sudden regeneration
of the Eastern world, but I never could obtain a hearing. My plans of
slow and almost imperceptible change, which were not confined to the
teaching half a dozen individuals, but embraced a whole people in their
operation, have been ridiculed as proving nothing but the sluggishness
of my understanding. When I have pleaded experience, I have been
accused of giving that name to prejudice; my toleration of systems out
of my power to alter, and interwoven with every feeling, habit, and
enjoyment of the communities in which they prevail, has been referred
to my narrow views; and all my pretensions to discernment and judgment
have been called in question because I have persuaded myself, and
tried to persuade others, that Asiatics, though they are not so fair
as we are, though they are of a different religion, speak a different
language, and have neither made the same advances in science nor in
civilization, are, notwithstanding these disadvantages, not altogether
destitute of good and great qualities, both of head and heart.
Liable as I am to such accusations, I must cautiously limit myself
to facts, which I know from observation, or have heard from persons
worthy of credit; but should my reader detect me in the sin of taking
a more favourable view of human nature than its merits, I shall hope
to be forgiven; while I pray that the stranger, who visits the land of
my nativity, may come to it with a mind disposed rather to dwell on
its green and fertile valleys, than upon its rugged rocks and bleak
mountains. May he find enough of sound and good feeling among its
inhabitants to make him look with indulgence on their failings and
excesses. If he quarrels with that luxury and refinement, which, by
supplying, multiply the wants of men; if he doubts the good of many of
the laws and institutions which belong to an artificial society, the
frame and workings of which the labour of a life would not enable him
to comprehend, may he contemplate it in a spirit of humility, which
rather leads him to question the correctness of his own judgment, than
to pronounce, on a superficial glance, that every thing is wrong, which
does not accord with his own habits and feelings.
When the second mission reached his court, the King of Persia was
encamped at his summer-quarters of Sooltâneah, an extensive plain,
whose elevation gives it a pleasant temperature during the hot season.
The Elchee was welcomed, on his approach to the camp, by his old friend
Nou Rôz Khan, whose personal appearance was unchanged by the ten years
which had intervened since our last meeting. His manner, as usual, was
cordial and frank; and he seemed particularly delighted to inform the
Elchee of the king's continued favour. "His majesty," said Nou Rôz
Khan, "desires me to say that he will be delighted to see you, and bids
me assure you, that if you have met with any obstacles or difficulties
on this mission,[137] they have not been occasioned by him."
The ceremonies of our approach to court, and of our visit to the king,
prince, and ministers, were exactly the same as on the first mission.
The king was, if possible, more friendly and gracious. Among other
proofs of personal favour, he insisted on bestowing a distinguished
mark of his regard on the Elchee, and the order of the Lion and Sun
(the arms of Persia) was created for that purpose.[138] The investiture
of this order took place on our visit of leave. Dresses of honour were
sent for the Elchee and his suite. When we came to the tent at the
entrance into the king's pavilion, we were met by one of the chief
ministers, and a fermân or royal mandate was read, conferring on the
Elchee the title of Khan or Lord, with the rank of Sipâh-Silâr or
General. This fermân was then placed in his hat, it being the custom
for a Persian noble, on receiving any honorary title from his king, to
wear the patent of creation in his cap when he goes to court to return
thanks. After we were seated, his majesty congratulated the Elchee on
his accession of rank. "When you came here first," he said, "you were a
Captain; you are now a General in your own country; I have made you a
Khan and Sipâh-Silâr in mine. At your next visit, which must be soon, I
shall expect you to be a Fermân-Fermâee or Ruler: but approach nearer."
The Elchee rose, and went up to the throne, on which the king was
seated; and his majesty, taking up a diamond-star, began to pin it on
the Elchee's coat. It was evidently the first time the royal hands
had been so employed. "The king"--a title by which he often speaks
of himself--"the king," said he, "does not understand this kind of
business;" and he laughed heartily at his own awkwardness. However, he
would not allow any one to help him, and having at length accomplished
the task, he again congratulated the Elchee, saying, "You are now
confirmed in my service; I can show no higher favour than this. And
that star on your breast will convince all the world of the regard in
which the king holds you."
Nothing was wanting to render this farewell audience kind and gracious.
His majesty, on our rising to take leave, expressed his hope of seeing
the Elchee again, saying, "Every second has a third;"[139] and when we
were fifty yards from the throne, and making our last bow, departing
from all usage, he exclaimed in a loud voice, to the Elchee, "Once more
may God preserve you." The courtiers looked amazed at this deviation
from established form; and the prime minister told the Elchee he ought
to value it far beyond all the honours conferred upon him.
Enough has been said of the king: it remains to speak of the
heir-apparent. I one day accompanied the Elchee to a review of some
regular infantry, to which Abbas Meerzâ had invited him, and at which
his highness commanded in person, and put the troops through all
their manoeuvres. When this review was over, he requested to see the
Elchee's escort, consisting of a select party of English dragoons,
some native cavalry from India, and a brigade of horse-artillery. He
expressed great admiration of the manner in which this small body went
through their evolutions, and said, with such models he trusted soon
to have a fine army. This hope the Elchee's answer did not encourage.
On a subsequent visit to the prince the topic was renewed; and I was
somewhat surprised to find the Elchee so little of a courtier as to
express the same sentiments to a prince, whose ears, it was evident,
had long been soothed by far different language. Abbas Meerzâ listened
with great patience, but his uneasy feelings were evident. "Why, from
what you state," he observed, with much emotion, "I shall be an old man
before I can make any progress with my present plans; and after all,
they are likely to come to nothing." The Elchee said he was bound by
his regard for his highness to speak the truth. "I am much obliged to
you," answered the prince; "you think, I perceive, that the irregular
horse of Persia are the best defence of our country; but they can never
do what regular troops and cannon can." "But they can do much that
regular troops and cannon cannot," replied the Elchee. "That is true,"
said the prince; and here ended the conversation. Neither party seemed
convinced; Abbas Meerzâ continuing firm in his resolution to follow up
his plans of improvement, and the Elchee appearing equally satisfied
that these plans were nowise suited either to the present condition of
Persia or the character of its people.
Abbas Meerzâ was, at this time, a young prince of engaging manners,
handsome in person, and gifted with quickness and discernment. Owing to
his intercourse with Europeans, he had thrown off many of those habits
of state and ceremony which are so punctiliously observed by persons
of high rank in Persia. He was now exercising his battalions, and he
rode along the lines without an attendant. After the review, seeing
the Elchee's curricle with a pair of fine Arab horses, he desired to
have a drive. It was the first carriage of the kind he had ever been
in, and he was quite delighted. As the horses trotted along the road to
Teheran, he ordered his attendants to return. "Go," said he, laughing,
"and tell my father I am on my way to his capital with the Elchee."
The curricle which had so delighted the prince was afterwards given
to the king, who was equally pleased with it; and still more with the
rapid movements and quick firing of two pieces of horse-artillery,
which were presented to him. "These," he said, "will destroy all my
enemies." The Elchee stated that what he had brought were only models,
which the ingenuity of his majesty's subjects would soon copy; and
suggested that it would be necessary to make roads for wheel carriages;
and roads, he added, if generally introduced, would be found alike
useful for pleasure, for commerce, and for war.
The wisdom which prompted this advice was lauded to the skies. Roads
were admitted to be a great and obvious improvement, at once ornamental
and profitable to Persia. Plans for making and keeping them in repair
were required and furnished. The royal mandate, the Elchee was told,
should be issued immediately: and he was much pleased at the thought
of having given rise to a measure so good, and which he considered as
preparing the way for the permanent improvement of the country. But,
aware of the difficulties likely to obstruct the plan, he begged the
minister of finance, Ameen-ood-Douleh, to confine the first attempt to
the communication between Sooltâneah, Teheran, and Tebreez; and advised
that the results of this experiment should determine the further
prosecution of the scheme.
The minister of finance, who was as remarkable for his plain manners
as for his plain sense, acknowledged the justice of this suggestion.
"But you know Persia," was his concluding significant remark; which
sufficiently informed the Elchee that his project of road-making,
however easy of execution, from the nature of the country and climate,
would share the fate of other schemes, which it was then the fashion
at the court of Persia to adopt, commence, and abandon. These highways
required labour; which labour, political economists would have told the
king, must be paid for by money, by provisions, or by the remission
of other exactions. But this information would have been of little
benefit, for I never knew a man, who, with all his good qualities,
would listen with so little patience to political economists, as the
king of kings, Fatteh Ali Shâh; for that monarch, besides the habits
and prejudices of his condition, has personally an insurmountable
objection to all measures which include disbursement.
Time may do much with my Persian friends, but we must not expect to
hurry that tardy-paced worker of miracles. We may inspire a few with
that thirst for real glory, which desires to create, not to destroy;
others may be instructed in science; but even in those whom we may
elevate above their countrymen, early habits and national prejudices
will still be too strong for us. Their speeches and their writings
may exhibit enlightened minds; but their actions will follow their
established usages and ordinary habits; and their conduct will too
often be what it was formerly. Like the lady-cat in the fable, they
will be apt to spring from the board we have spread for them, whenever
a mouse shows itself.
When the first mission was at Teheran, we found a chief there,
called Ali Mahomed Khan, who had been compelled, by some political
revolutions, to quit Cabool, and take refuge in Persia. He was a
man of rank, and had been received and treated with hospitality and
distinction by the king, who signified to the Elchee his wish, that he
should take this nobleman to India, whither he was desirous of going.
This request was the more readily complied with, as the Elchee had
found Ali Mahomed a pleasant, and apparently a sensible man. I became
very intimate with him; and when we arrived at Calcutta, I took great
pleasure in showing him that splendid capital of the British dominions
in the East. I pointed out the crowded shipping in its noble river; the
elegant streets thronged with carriages; the newly-erected palace of
its ruler; its college; the magnificent abodes of public officers and
wealthy merchants; all, in short, that could impress him with an idea
of the happy results of civilization.
Seeing my friend quite delighted with the contemplation of this rich
scene, I asked him, with some exultation, what he thought of it? "A
wonderful place to plunder!"[140] was his reply; and his eyes glistened
as he made it, with anticipated enjoyment.
I mentioned this anecdote to my Christian friend, Khojah Arratoon, our
treasurer. "Ay, ay," said the old man, "nature will come out. What you
have related verifies our Armenian proverb: they were preaching the
Gospel over the head of a wolf--'Stop!' said he; 'I see a flock of
sheep passing.'"
I do not mean, in what I have here said, to condemn national efforts
to spread knowledge, nor to deny that such endeavours may in due
season produce happy effects; but such results will be retarded,
not accelerated, by all attempts at rapid and premature changes. In
endeavouring to effect these, we are often as absurd in our admiration
of individuals, to whom a few of our own favourite lights have been
imparted, as in our condemnation of those whom we conceive to remain
in their primitive darkness. We altogether forget that it is from the
general condition of the country that the character of the population
is chiefly formed. Hereditary and undisputed succession to the throne,
though it may not diminish the frequency of foreign wars, nor prevent
the shedding of human blood, gives an internal security, which leads
to the introduction of a system that enables such a state to have
efficient and permanent civil and military establishments; and it
also gives, to a great proportion of its subjects, a valuable leisure
to pursue science and literature, which gradually lead to further
improvements in society. But in countries like Persia all government
is personal; institutions and establishments rise and fall with the
caprice of a sovereign; and supposing him steady in his objects, still
the probability is, that they prosper and die with their founder; and
while their basis is so unstable, and their duration so uncertain, they
cannot be permanently efficient or useful.
Revolutions of such a nature as we desire will work themselves into
form, when time changes men's sentiment, and ripens a nation for
them; but we too often, in the foolish pride of our knowledge, rush
towards the end, with little or no consideration about the means. In
our precocious plans, we cast the blame from that on which it ought
to rest, upon those we desire to reform. Because men continue, like
their ancestors, to live under an arbitrary monarch, and have not the
precise qualities upon which we value ourselves, we hasten to the
conclusion that they are slaves and barbarians, whom the force of habit
and prejudice alone saves from being as miserable as they are degraded.
Viewing them in this light, we waste a pity upon them which they
neither value nor understand; nor has it, if we analyze its grounds,
any just foundation. Though unacquainted with political freedom, though
superficial in science, and unlearned in Greek or Latin, they are not
without defences against injustice or despotism; and the very condition
of their society gives them, on all points affecting themselves,
their families, or friends, an intuitive quickness and clearness of
perception, which appears wonderful to men rendered dull, as it were,
by civilization. Neither are such nations deficient in those arts,
which are subservient to the subsistence, and promote the enjoyments
of man; and they are perhaps more alive than we improved beings to
those passions whence so much of our happiness and misery flow.
I have travelled much, but have found little difference in the
aggregate of human felicity. My pride and patriotism have often been
flattered by the complaints and comparisons of the discontented; but I
have never met any considerable number of a tribe or nation, who would
have exchanged their condition for that of any other people upon the
earth. When I have succeeded, as I often did, in raising admiration
and envy, by dwelling upon the advantages of the British government, I
have invariably found that these feelings vanished, when I explained
more specifically the sacrifices of personal liberty, the restraints
of the law, and the burden of taxation, by which these advantages are
purchased. It was the old story of the Arab nurse, who could not endure
England because there were no date trees; and the King of Persia, who,
though feeling all the insecurity of his own crown, could not for a
moment tolerate the thoughts of wearing that of England, which would
have reduced him to only one wife!
Such observations should have made me humble; but they did not. I
continued to value myself on my superiority; and when in Persia, was
as eager as any of our party to parade my knowledge, particularly in
science (which, by-the-bye, was my weak point), and to enjoy the wonder
which its display produced.
One of the chief means of astonishing our Persian friends, on the first
mission, was an electrifying machine, with the effects of which we
surprised and alarmed all, from majesty itself to the lowest peasant.
When it was exhibiting at Shiraz, for the gratification of Cherâgh Ali
Khan, who had come to pay the Elchee a visit, this formal minister
expressed himself satisfied with the sparks he saw elicited, and the
slight shocks which were given to others. He declined receiving one
himself, though he expressed a conviction that he was above being
startled, like those upon whom he had seen the experiment tried. This
great man, having very condescendingly taken a walk into the garden
to give his attendants an opportunity of seeing the effects of the
wonderful machine, returned while they were encircling the operator
(our doctor) and holding each other's hands in expectation of the
shock. It is, in Persia, deemed very indecorous for any one to have his
back turned when a man of rank enters the apartment; but for domestics
to behave in this manner is an almost inexpiable offence. The good
people of whom I speak were, however, in too breathless a state of
expectation to observe the approach of their lord, who, enraged by this
apparent rudeness, seized, with a most indignant air, the shoulder of
one of them, to take him to task. At this moment, whether by accident
or design has never yet been discovered, the shock was given. Each
quitted the hold of his neighbour, and started back; while Cherâgh Ali
Khan, who felt it the more from its being unexpected, staggered against
the wall, and looked the very picture of terror.
The Elchee, who had entered the room with him, could not repress
his mirth. This was the signal for all; and even the lowest of the
domestics went away tittering at what had befallen their magnificent
master, who, after a short pause, during which dignity had a struggle
with good sense, allowed the latter to gain the victory, and laughed
like others at what had occurred.
At Isfahan all were delighted with the electric machine, except one
renowned doctor and lecturer of the college, who, envious of the
popularity gained by this display of our superior science, contended
publicly, that the effects produced were moral, not physical--that
it was the mummery we practised, and the state of nervous agitation
we excited, which produced an ideal shock: but he expressed his
conviction, that a man of true firmness of mind would stand unmoved
by all we could produce out of our glass bottle, as he scoffingly
termed our machine. He was invited to the experiment, and declared his
readiness to attend at the next visit the Begler-Beg paid the Elchee.
The day appointed soon arrived. The Begler-Beg came with a numerous
retinue, and amongst others the doctor, whom we used to call "Red
Stockings," from his usually wearing scarlet hose. He was, we found,
notwithstanding his learning and reputed science, often made an object
of mirth in the circles of the great and wealthy at Isfahan, to whom
he furnished constant matter of amusement, from the pertinacity with
which he maintained his dogmas. He had nearly, we were told, lost his
life the year before, by marching up to a large buck-antelope, which
was known to be vicious, but which, according to the theory of the
philosopher, was to be overawed by the erect dignity of man, provided
he was fearlessly approached. The consequence of this experiment
was different from what the theorist expected. The wild animal very
unceremoniously butted the doctor into a deep dry ditch in the field
where he was grazing, and the learned man was confined to his bed
nearly three months, during which, he had ample time to consider the
causes of this unlooked-for event.
Though the above and similar instances might afford reason for
concluding, that Red Stockings, with all his philosophy, was not
overwise, I discovered that he maintained his ground in the first
society, by means common in Persia as in other countries. He was, in
fact, "a little of the fool,[141] and not too much of the honest." This
impression of his character, combined with his presumption, made us
less scrupulous in our preparations to render him an example for all
who might hereafter doubt the effects of our boasted electricity; and
indeed our Persian visitors seemed anxious that the effect should be
such as to satisfy the man who had dared us to the trial, that it was
physical, not moral.
The philosopher, notwithstanding various warnings, came boldly up,
took hold of the chain with both hands, planted his feet firmly, shut
his teeth, and evidently called forth all his resolution to resist
the shock. It was given; and poor Red Stockings dropt on the floor as
if he had been shot. There was a momentary alarm: but on his almost
instant recovery, and the Elchee explaining that the effect had been
increased by the determination to resist it, all gave way to one
burst of laughter. The good-natured philosopher took no offence. He
muttered something about the re-action of the feelings after being
over-strained, but admitted there was more in the glass-bottle than he
had anticipated.
As the Persians had become acquainted with electrical machines, by
their increased intercourse with Europeans, the Elchee, when on his
second mission, did not choose again to trust to one of them for
the entertainment of his friends. He purchased, therefore, for this
purpose, a large and excellent phantasmagoria, which was furnished with
numerous glasses; on these were painted spectres, with shapes monstrous
beyond what the poet's fancy ever bodied forth.
With our phantasmagoria, old and young, rich and poor, were in
raptures. The prince at Shiraz was the first person of royal blood
to whom it was exhibited, and he declared his wonder and delight at
this extraordinary invention. Persons were instructed to exhibit it to
his ladies, who, we learned, were enchanted with its effects; and his
mother,[142] an able princess, who had long exercised supreme authority
over him and the province of Fars, declaring herself gratified beyond
measure at the wonders she had seen.
What rendered the phantasmagoria more attractive, was the ingenuity
and talent of a young man from India,[143] who had charge of it.
Besides being an adept in exhibiting it, he made frames, and painted,
as occasion required, the glass he placed in them, with all kinds of
Persian figures; and part of the story told in the day was sometimes
exhibited at the Elchee's evening entertainments, which were often
attended by dignified persons, who had before withheld their presence
from regard to punctilious ceremony, but could not resist their
curiosity. Thus our phantasmagoria became an important implement of
diplomacy.
The Prince of Persia was anxious to possess this treasure, but as its
fame had preceded the mission, it was not judged politic to disappoint
the excited expectations of majesty; our magical box therefore
accompanied us, and produced equal effects at the great court assembled
at Sooltâneah, as it had at that of Shiraz.
The Elchee took particular pleasure, in the astonishment produced
by his phantasmagoria. I one day suggested that wise and grave men,
filling high stations, might expose themselves to ridicule from being
amused by such trifles, and employing them as means of amusing and
gratifying others. His quick reply was, "The man who is always wise, is
a fool! and he, above all others, is most foolish, who, entrenched in
forms and observances, neglects to use every honest means with which
human nature supplies him, to promote fair and honourable objects.
Besides," he added, "this amuses me, as much as any grown-up child
in Persia, and it is from my keen-sighted guests observing that my
enjoyment is real, that they are so much delighted. Were I to parade
my superiority, by denying myself this, and other gratifications,
which may be deemed trifling by men of measured manners, they would
also be reserved and dignified, and we should become a group of those
formalists, whom our great philosopher[144] has described, as always
using shifts and perspectives, to make superficies seem body that hath
depth and bulk."
After this answer, in which those that know him as well as I do will
discover that the Elchee had succeeded in persuading himself, that his
natural love of amusement was a valuable diplomatic quality; I, as a
true follower of a mission, found it necessary to acquiesce in his
reasoning, and must, therefore, recommend phantasmagorias, or something
similar, as of essential importance to the success of all future
embassies to Persia!
I found, on this second mission, that the duties of Hajee Ibrahim
had, at his death, been divided amongst several ministers. My old
friend, Hajee Mahomed Hoosein, who had been so kind to us on the first
mission, when he was Begler-Beg of Isfahan, was now, under the title
of Ameen-ood-Douleh,[145] at the head of the finance and revenue
department. He had risen from a low origin, that of a small shopkeeper
in Isfahan. The Persians, who delight in the wonderful, spoke of his
riches as immense, and they referred the origin of that wealth (which
enabled him to preserve the favour of the king, by satisfying his
cupidity) to his having obtained part of the royal treasure, which
was lost at Isfahan by Jaffier Khan Zend, when he fled, in the year
1785, in such confusion from that city, that not only his baggage
and treasures, but the ensigns of royalty, were plundered by its
inhabitants.
This account may have some foundation, but inquiry and observation
satisfied me, that the wealth of this sensible minister arises out of
those more honourable sources which his industry and good management
have created. Suffice it, as a proof of this fact, to state, that every
province under him is prosperous; and the city of Isfahan has more than
doubled its inhabitants, and quadrupled its manufacture of rich silk
and brocade, during the twenty years that he has been its governor.
Hajee Mahomed Hoosein[146] is a man of great simplicity of manners,
and neither has, nor pretends to, any of that wit, or brilliancy in
conversation, for which many of the Persians are so distinguished.
He is rather dull in company, and appears what he really is, a plain
man of business. A friend of mine one day breakfasting with him, was
surprised to hear him say to a poor man, who brought a pair of slippers
to sell, "Sit down my honest friend, and take your breakfast; we will
bargain about the slippers afterwards."
This admission of inferiors to their society at meals is not, however,
uncommon with men of rank in Persia. It arises out of a sense of the
sacred duties of hospitality, and out of parade, if they have not
the reality of that humility so strongly inculcated in the Koran.
Besides, their character and condition often disposes them to relax
with those beneath them, and even with menial servants, whom they
admit to a familiarity which at first view appears contradictory to
those impressions we have of their haughty character. I was one day
almost reproached by Aga Meer, on account of the difference which he
observed in our behaviour to those of our countrymen, who were below
us in condition. "You speak of your consideration for inferiors,"
said he to me, "but you keep them at a much greater distance than we
do. Is this your boasted freedom?" I told him that it was exactly
our boasted freedom, which compelled us to the conduct we observed.
"You are so classified in Persia," said I, "that you can descend
from your condition as you like; a man below you will never presume
on your familiarity so far as to think himself, for a moment, on the
same level with those, who are so entirely distinct from his class
in the community. In England we are all equal in the eye of the law,
the rights of every man are the same; the differences which exist are
merely those of fortune, which place us in the relation of master and
servant; but where there is no other distinction, we are obliged to
preserve that with care, or all forms and respects would soon be lost."
The good Meerzâ admitted that there might be some truth in what I
stated. "But yours is a strange country," he said; "I shall never quite
understand its ways and usages."
Meerzâ Sheffee,[147] who styles himself Premier, may be called the
minister of the court; he is a veteran in all its arts, intrigues, and
corruptions. Good-humoured, quick, and flexible, he has managed to
steer his crooked course through a long life, and still retains his
head and his eyes, though both have, no doubt, been often in danger.
The king is attached to him, as an old servant of the family.
Rizâ Koolee is also an old servant of the Kajir princes. He is a man of
talent; his manners are peculiarly pleasing, and he is one of the most
eloquent persons I have heard in Persia. I had not the same opportunity
of becoming intimately acquainted with this minister, as with others;
but, if common report is to be believed, he has few superiors in good
sense or good feeling. He has evinced none of that precocious ambition
which is so common with his countrymen. He is reputed to be a modest
as well as a deserving man, and the favour and fortune he has attained
have not been acquired by means which could make him enemies. By
not pressing into the front rank, he has long combined safety with
advancement.[148]
These are the principal ministers of the king; but Meerzâ Boozoorg,
who has long presided, under the title of Kâim Mekâm, over the councils
of the heir-apparent, may be said to have much more influence than
any of them in the political department. He has greater experience,
and understands the foreign interests of his country, better than any
other minister; and joins to an equal temper, a thorough knowledge of
the nature of his own situation, and the characters of those it is
his duty to serve and obey. He amused me one day, by telling me the
rule by which he had hitherto escaped, and trusted he should continue
to escape, the common fate of Persian ministers. "I never," said he,
"accumulate money or property; I have a small inheritance in land,
which has been in my family for centuries; this cannot, in accordance
with usage, be confiscated: and as to every thing else, I spend it as
I get it. This principle is known; and the king," he added, "often
laughs, and says, 'I should not gain one piastre by the death and
plunder of that extravagant fellow, Meerzâ Boozoorg.'"[149]
I must not forget in this place to mention Meerzâ Abd-ool-Wahhâb,
who has long been, and still continues, the Moonshee-ool-Memâlik, or
chief letter-writer of the state; and well he merits his eminence. I
recognised his talent for the sublime, from the difficulty I had in
discovering his meaning, amidst the clouds of tropes and metaphors
with which it is always enveloped. That, however, is the taste of his
country; and the man must have merit, who stands acknowledged to be
the first in an art, in which all Persians of liberal education strive
to excel. His character, in other respects, is that of a very sensible
and respectable man; though an old Moollâh, a friend of mind, shook his
head when I praised him, and whispered, "All you say may be true, but
he is an inveterate Soofee."
Among the acquaintances I formed at this second visit, there was
none that interested me in any degree so much as Mahomed Hoosein
Khan of Merv, from whom I heard a short but affecting account of the
vicissitudes of his eventful life. The facts he narrated exhibit so
much of Asiatic character in its best and worst lights, that they must
be acceptable to the reader. Of their correctness there can be no
doubt, being alike confirmed by the internal evidence of their truth,
the corroborating statements of contemporaries, and the high character
of the narrator of his own extraordinary adventures.
The city of Merv,[150] during the reign of the Seffavean monarchs,
was considered the most important frontier post of Persia; and in the
reign of Tâmâsp the second, its defence was intrusted to the valour of
a branch of the tribe of Kajir. As the strength of the nation decayed,
the chiefs of this tribe were left, almost unsupported, to resist the
attacks of the Tartar tribes on the Oxus, who made annual inroads upon
them. They received for some years casual aid from the Afghâns of
Cabool; but that government also fell into confusion; and Byrâm Ali
Khan, the father of Mahomed Hoosein, had for several years to contend
against that extraordinary bigot, Beggee Jân,[151] who had, by an union
of fanaticism and wisdom, consolidated the divided tribes of this part
of Tartary into one government, of which Bokhara was the capital.
The actions of Byrâm Ali, though given on the most authentic records,
appear more like a romance than a history. Suffice it here to say, he
closed, on the banks of the Oxus, a life marked by the most gallant
achievements, leaving his son the city and walls of Merv (for all its
fields were desolate), and the name and example of a father almost
worshipped by his soldiers, and as much praised when dead, as dreaded
while living, by the enemies of his country.
Mahomed Hoosein Khan, though quite a youth, defended what remained of
his inheritance with an unsubdued spirit; which obtained from every one
an acknowledgment, that the son was worthy of his renowned sire. But
all his struggles were unavailing, against the overwhelming numbers of
the Oosbegs, who at last reduced the city to such a state of famine and
distress, that its inhabitants insisted upon their chief surrendering
to a power which it was hopeless any longer to oppose. He was carried
with all his family to Bokhara. I shall give the remainder of his story
in his own words, as nearly as they can be recollected from his plain
but minute relation.
"Beggee Jân was anxious I should adopt his creed, that of a Soofee, and
abandon what he deemed the errors of the Sheäh faith. Circumstances
compelled me so far to conform, that he expected my conversion, and for
some time treated me and my family with respect, and even kindness.
"During a period of some years, having no other employment, I applied
myself to literature, and read all the histories I could find. I should
have continued to spend a contented, if not a happy life, in such
pursuits, had this tranquillity not been interrupted by the flight of
my nephew, Bâkir Khan, to the king of Persia. I was considered as the
contriver of his escape, and from that moment was looked upon as an
enemy of Beggee Jân.
"Being aware of the suspicions he entertained, I one day addressed him
in open court. I reminded him of his having sworn to treat me and mine
with kindness, and of the peculiar obligations which an oath should
impose upon a man of his sanctity. I bade him dismiss his suspicions,
and act as he had hitherto done; or confirm them by an examination of
facts, and to treat me as a criminal if he found that I had in any way
acted contrary to my word, or to that honour which belonged to me as
the chief of a tribe, and a native of Merv, whose inhabitants had ever
been celebrated for strict regard to their pledged faith.
"Seeing the manly openness of this address had an effect upon his
nobles and attendants, the old hypocrite arose from his seat, came
forward, and kissed my forehead, while he thanked me for speaking
to him as I had done, and promised to dismiss from his mind every
suspicion regarding me. He was, however, most insincere, and had no
wish but to destroy me.
"It would be tiresome," said Mahomed Hoosein, "to repeat all the
artifices Beggee Jân used, to enable him to effect this object without
loss of character. Finding, however, that I was on my guard, and that
I pursued a line of conduct which gave him no hopes of entangling
me in his toils, he determined to seize and put me to death. It was
long before I could bring myself to think that a person of his wary
character would have recourse to unjustifiable violence; nor was it
until his guards had surrounded my house, and were bursting open the
gates, that I could believe he would proceed to such extremities. My
followers, when this occurred, entreated leave to resist the attack.
'Let us at least die in warm blood,' they said. I forbade them to stir,
adding, that it was perhaps only my life he sought, and my family
and friends might be spared. At this moment the voice of Beggee Jân
was heard, exclaiming, 'Bring me the head of Mahomed Hoosein Khan.'
Satisfied of his object, I gave way to the earnest entreaties of all
around me, and fled through a small back gate of the house, accompanied
only by my nephew, Ibrahim Beg. I took this step, not so much from the
hope of saving my own life, as that my escape would prevent further
outrage to my family. It had the desired effect; for on its being
stated that I was gone, and a strict search confirming the assertion,
the troops were withdrawn, and sent with others in pursuit of one
against whom their sovereign had now become perfectly furious.
"The detail of my journeys and sufferings, from the hour of my escape,
till I found refuge in Persia, would fill volumes. I shall make it
as short as possible; for though I dwell on some parts of the scene
with pleasing recollections, there are others which I cannot think of
without horror. However, God's will be done; let his glorious name be
praised for all he does; it is not for blind mortals to complain."
After these pious ejaculations the Khan proceeded with his narration.
"I had only three friends in the town on whom I could depend. I
proceeded to the door of one, but he was asleep, and I durst not make
the noise necessary to awake him. When I came to the house of the
second, I learnt that Beggee Jân had sent for him: and the third, I was
informed by his domestics, having heard of my situation, had hastened
to the scene, in the expectation of contributing to my escape.
"Hopeless and wearied, I wandered all that night about the streets of
Bokhara, and a hundred times heard it proclaimed that ten thousand
pieces of gold should be the reward of him who brought me to Beggee Jân.
"It was towards morning when I went out of the gate of the city,
accompanied only by my nephew. We concealed ourselves in a corn field
till the evening, and then, though worn out with hunger, anxiety,
and fatigue, we took the road leading to Sheher-Sebz.[152] I was
bare-footed, and unaccustomed to walk; but my situation gave me a
power of exertion beyond what I could have believed; and after a most
distressing and dangerous journey we arrived at that city, the ruler
of which, Niyâz Ali, moved by the account of my sufferings, treated me
with kindness and distinction.
"I remained six months at Sheher-Sebz, with a heart painfully anxious
for my family; but knowing that I was pursued by the rancorous hatred
of Beggee Jân, and being satisfied that though Niyâz Ali had not
the means to defend me, he would never be so base as to give me up,
I chose to relieve him from the embarrassment my presence created.
When I intimated my intention to leave him, he expressed much regret,
as he feared that my powerful enemy might succeed in seizing me. He
suggested, as the best chance of escape, that I should go to Narbotta
Beg, the Prince of Ourat Teppah, which I accordingly did.
"Soon after my departure, Beggee Jân attacked Sheher-Sebz, and demanded
that I should be given up; but the generous Niyâz Ali concealed my
having left him, till he heard of my safe arrival at Ourat Teppah, when
he announced my flight, and the attack of his city was abandoned.
"After remaining some months at Ourat Teppah, I desired to leave
it, but the prince would not consent, until he heard that my enemy
was secretly employing agents to murder his guest. His knowledge of
the devotion of the Oosbegs to their sovereign made him have the
most serious fears for my life and his own honour, if I continued
within reach of these assassins. To save both, he had recourse to an
extraordinary expedient.
"He took my nephew and me with him on one of his hunting parties, and
privately asked me in what direction I wished to proceed. I told him
I desired to visit the court of Zemân Shâh. He immediately (without
informing any one) placed us in two large trunks, which were put on
camels and sent away as merchandise on the road towards Thibet.[153]
"After we were beyond the reach of Beggee Jân we visited many towns
in Tartary; but on our arrival at Thibet, I learnt that Abdûlla Khan,
governor of Cashmere, had rebelled, and the country was consequently
in a state of confusion. I was therefore compelled to take the road
of Bedekshan, and the mountains of Siyâh Posh,[154] dressed as a
Fakeer; and under this disguise I arrived safe at Cabool, after having
encountered a thousand distresses and dangers.
"When I arrived at this city I did not deem it prudent to reveal
myself. Zemân Shâh and his vizier were gone to Herat, and Fatteh Ali
Shâh, king of Persia, was at Meshed. I continued a poor wandering
mendicant for some time in Cabool. I often saw noblemen of high rank,
with whom I was well acquainted, without their having the slightest
recollection of their former friend. At this period I had almost died
from want of food; and my distresses were increased by my nephew being
afflicted with worms in his feet, which disabled him from walking. I
had to support him along from place to place, when I was myself sinking
with hunger and fatigue. I one day went to the house of an old friend
to ask relief, but he was not at home. His servants directed me to the
câravânserâi of Aga Mahomed of Koom. I went thither, and stopped near
the room in which was lodged Hajee Hoosein Abeer, a merchant whom I
had formerly employed and favoured. I stayed there some time, till,
mistaking me for a beggar, he bade me go away, saying he had nothing
to give me. I thought he recognized, but would not acknowledge me in
my distress, and I went away with a heavy but proud heart from the
door of a man whom, I immediately afterwards found, was at the very
time disbursing large sums on agents, whom he had sent in different
directions to ascertain my fate, in order to contribute to my relief.
"Having seated myself at some distance from the câravânserâi, a native
of Meshed passed, who had long been in my service. He no sooner cast
his eyes upon me, than he recognized his old master in spite of my
disguise, and threw himself at my feet. The moment he arose, he
hastened to the room of Hajee Hoosein Abeer, who instantly returned
with him; and after thanking God for this accidental discovery of
one to whom he owed such benefits, he begged me to accompany him to
his apartment. From that moment my sufferings were at an end. I was
provided with clothes, horses, and every thing that I required, and
proceeded towards Candahar in the character of a merchant; having
strictly enjoined those who knew me, not to disclose my name or rank.
"I thought at first of waiting at Candahar till Zemân Shâh reached that
city, and of trying what could be effected through his aid. I heard,
however, that he had proceeded from Herat to Cabool, by the upper road,
through the country of the Hazarrah.
"As I observed, from the way in which affairs were conducted that the
government of this prince had no stability, I resolved on proceeding
to the court of Teheran; but not wishing to give the court of Cabool
any just ground of offence, I wrote to the vizier Wefâ-dâr Khan, and
gave him a particular account of all that had befallen me from the
time of my escape from Bokhara till that moment. Zemân Shâh commanded
his minister to desire me to stay at Candahar until his arrival. But
I learnt the disposition of the court by the first two words of the
vizier's answer: these were, "Hookm-e-alee," or (it is) the high
command; a style of address suited only to an inferior. The instant I
read this expression I determined to leave a country where my reduced
condition made men presume to treat me with such arrogance.
"When preparing to quit Candahar, the road was shut by the advance of
the prince Mahmood, who took the city, and I was plundered of all I had
brought from Cabool, as were also the merchants with whom I associated.
I remained at that city a short time after this event; but seeing
nothing in the character of Mahmood that gave me confidence, I did
not discover myself to him, but set out as soon as I could with some
merchants, and, travelling through Seestan, arrived at the fort of Khyn
in Khorassan, where I was kindly and hospitably treated by its chief,
who was an old friend of my family. He appointed a mehmandar to see me
safe to Teheran, and sent an express to announce my arrival to the king
of Persia, who instantly invited me to his court.
"Before I arrived at Teheran, I learnt that the cruel tyrant of
Bokhara, enraged at my escape, had first imprisoned my family in
wells,[155] and afterwards put every one of them to death,[156]
upbraiding them with my having taken refuge in Persia, a country
towards which he ever entertained a spirit of the most inveterate
hostility.
"I proceeded," said the Khan, hardly able to conclude his narration,
"with a broken heart, to the capital of Persia, where the noble and
generous conduct of this king affords me all the consolation I can
receive in this world, in which I am, though apparently surrounded with
every luxury and every honour, a wretched and desolate man."
The forlorn and fugitive chief of Merv was received at the court of
Persia with every mark of regard and honour to which he would have been
entitled as lord of that once famous city and in the full zenith of his
power. The king went into mourning for his family, and every Omrah of
the Kajir tribe was ordered to pay him a visit of condolence; and even
Abbas Meerzâ was desired by his father to wait upon and console the
afflicted stranger and guest.
On the death of Hajee Ibrahim, the king is said to have desired to
raise Mahomed Hoosein Khan to the rank of prime minister, but he
declined the dangerous dignity, declaring he had made a vow never again
to enter upon affairs of state, unless an opportunity was afforded him
of wreaking his vengeance on the merciless ruler of Bokhara, by sacking
that capital.
Mahomed Hoosein Khan continues his habits of study, which, added
to the information he has acquired in his travels, renders his
conversation at once agreeable and instructive. His conduct, since he
came into Persia, has obtained him great respect from all classes.
There are some few who accuse him of intriguing, and assert, that
notwithstanding his professed vow, he secretly mixes in matters of
state: but such suspicions and accusations are probably the consequence
of his continuing to enjoy so great a share of the royal favour. His
ostensible station is that of the Nedeem, or chosen companion of the
sovereign, and as such he is almost in constant attendance upon the
king's person, whose whole conduct towards this unfortunate chief does
equal honour to his head and heart.[157]
FOOTNOTES:
[135] My old friend Câsim-Wâlâ died about five years after this
interview. Among other occupations of his latter years was that of
preparing for himself a place of interment in the Chehâr-Bâgh of
Isfahan. He built a small but handsome mausoleum, with a tomb in the
centre, for the top of which a fine marble slab was obtained from
Yezd; and he not only wrote his own epitaph on this stone, but had it
engraved, and every way finished, with the exception of the date of
his death. Near the mausoleum he made a fountain and flower garden,
with bowers and seats; and a gentleman who saw him a short time before
he died, tells me this spot became his favourite resort, where he
delighted to receive and converse with his friends and disciples.
[136] Faringee, as has been before remarked, implies European.
[137] This observation alluded to some embarrassments that had arisen
in consequence of two British envoys, one from England, and the other
India, meeting at the court of Persia.
[138] Nothing can be more curious than the fact of Mahomedan princes
creating honours of knighthood to confer distinction on Christians.
The usage commenced with the court of Constantinople, and was followed
by that of Teheran. The King of Persia created the order of the Sun
for General Gardanne, the ambassador from Buonaparte. This order was
offered to Sir Harford Jones, envoy from the King of England, but was
declined on account of the circumstances attending its origin. It was
subsequently pressed upon the acceptance of the Elchee, but he deemed
it proper to follow the example of the envoy of the King of England.
The King of Persia determined, however, as he said, that his first
European friend should wear an order of his creation, and instituted
that of the Lion and Sun, which have been from very ancient times the
arms of Persia.
[139] The number three is deemed fortunate in Persia as elsewhere.
[140] "Ajeb jâhee berâee chappau!" literally, a wonderful place for a
foray!
[141] "_Poco di matto_" is deemed by the Italians an essential quality
in a great man's companion.
[142] This remarkable lady, who for a long period might be said to
govern Fars, died three years ago of the cholera.
[143] Mr. Sundt, an Anglo-Indian.
[144] Bacon.
[145] This title means, the security of the state.
[146] This minister died three years ago.
[147] This minister is dead since the journal was written from which
this is taken.
[148] Since this journal was written he fell into disgrace and died,
after being some time minister to the Prince Regent of Fars.
[149] This old and able minister died lately of the cholera.
[150] Merv is the ancient Antiochia Margiana. It was founded by
Alexander and became the capital of one of his successors, Antiochus
Nicator.
[151] For an account of this remarkable ruler, see History of Persia,
vol. ii. p. 243.
[152] Sheher-Sebz means the Verdant City, a name given by Timoor to the
ancient city of Kesh, which was the place of his birth. It lies about
130 miles direct east of Bokhara.
[153] Hajee Mahomed Hoosein Khan has written an account of this
extraordinary journey, and of the countries he passed through.
[154] For an account of this remarkable people, see Elphinstone's
Cabool.
[155] Imprisonment in dry wells is very common in some parts of Tartary.
[156] Thirty-eight persons were put to death, of whom eleven were sons,
brothers, and nephews.
Such of the women of his family as were not killed were given away to
persons of inferior condition; a brutal and degrading usage practised
in Persia, as well as Tartary, in cases where it is desired to disgrace
as well as punish men of high rank.
[157] Mahomed Hoosein Khan of Merv has finished his earthly career
since this was written.