INTRODUCTORY

When the rule limiting speeches to an hour was adopted by Congress,

which was before most of you were born, an eminent but somewhat

discursive person spent more than that measure of time in convincing

me that whoever really had anything to say could say it in less. I

then and there acquired a conviction of this truth, which has only

strengthened with years. Yet whoever undertakes to lecture must adapt

his discourse to the law which requires such exercises to be precisely

sixty minutes long, just as a certain standard of inches must be

reached by one who would enter the army. If one has been studying all

his life how to be terse, how to suggest rather than to expound, how

to contract rather than to dilate, something like a strain is put upon

the conscience by this necessity of giving the full measure of words,

without reference to other considerations which a judicious ear may

esteem of more importance. Instead of saying things compactly and

pithily, so that they may be easily carried away, one is tempted into a

certain generosity and circumambience of phrase, which, if not adapted

to conquer Time, may at least compel him to turn his glass and admit a

drawn game. It is so much harder to fill an hour than to empty one!

These thoughts rose before me with painful vividness as I fancied

myself standing here again, after an interval of thirty-two years,

to address an audience at the Lowell Institute. Then I lectured, not

without some favorable acceptance, on Poetry in general and what

constituted it, on Imagination and Fancy, on Wit and Humor, on Metrical

Romances, on Ballads, and I know not what else--on whatever I thought

I had anything to say about, I suppose. Then I was at the period in

life when thoughts rose in coveys, and one filled one’s bag without

considering too nicely whether the game had been hatched within his

neighbor’s fence or within his own,--a period of life when it doesn’t

seem as if everything had been said; when a man overestimates the

value of what specially interests himself, and insists with Don

Quixote that all the world shall stop till the superior charms of

his Dulcinea of the moment have been acknowledged; when he conceives

himself a missionary, and is persuaded that he is saving his fellows

from the perdition of their souls if he convert them from belief in

some æsthetic heresy. That is the mood of mind in which one may read

lectures with some assurance of success. I remember how I read mine

over to the clock, that I might be sure I had enough, and how patiently

the clock listened, and gave no opinion except as to duration, on which

point it assured me that I always ran over. This is the pleasant peril

of enthusiasm, which has always something of the careless superfluity

of youth. Since then, and for a period making a sixth part of my mature

life, my mind has been shunted off upon the track of other duties and

other interests. If I have learned something, I have also forgotten

a good deal. One is apt to forget so much in the service of one’s

country,--even that he is an American, I have been told, though I can

hardly believe it.

When I selected my topic for this new venture, I was returning to a

first love. The second volume I ever printed, in 1843, I think it

was,--it is now a rare book, I am not sorry to know; I have not seen it

for many years,--was mainly about the Old English Dramatists, if I am

not mistaken. I dare say it was crude enough, but it was spontaneous

and honest. I have continued to read them ever since, with no less

pleasure, if with more discrimination. But when I was confronted with

the question what I could say of them that would interest any rational

person, after all that had been said by Lamb, the most sympathetic of

critics, by Hazlitt, one of the most penetrative, by Coleridge, the

most intuitive, and by so many others, I was inclined to believe that

instead of an easy subject I had chosen a subject very far from easy.

But I sustained myself with the words of the great poet who so often

has saved me from myself:--

“Vagliami il lungo studio e il grande amore,

Che m’ha fatto cercar lo tuo volume.”

If I bring no other qualification, I bring at least that of hearty

affection, which is the first condition of insight. I shall not scruple

to repeat what may seem already too familiar, confident that these old

poets will stand as much talking about as most people. At the risk of

being tedious, I shall put you back to your scales as a teacher of

music does his pupils. For it is the business of a lecturer to treat

his audience as M. Jourdain wished to be treated in respect of the

Latin language,--to take it for granted that they know, but to talk to

them as if they did n’t. I should have preferred to entitle my course

Readings from the Old English Dramatists with illustrative comments,

rather than a critical discussion of them, for there is more conviction

in what is beautiful in itself than in any amount of explanation why,

or exposition of how, it is beautiful. A rose has a very succinct way

of explaining itself. When I find nothing profitable to say, I shall

take sanctuary in my authors.

* * * * *

It is generally assumed that the Modern Drama in France, Spain, Italy,

and England was an evolution out of the Mysteries and Moralities and

Interludes which had edified and amused preceding generations of

simpler taste and ruder intelligence. ’T is the old story of Thespis

and his cart. Taken with due limitations, and substituting the word

_stage_ for _drama_, this theory of origin is satisfactory enough. The

stage was there, and the desire to be amused, when the drama at last

appeared to occupy the one and to satisfy the other. It seems to have

been, so far as the English Drama is concerned, a case of _post hoc_,

without altogether adequate grounds for inferring a _propter hoc_.

The Interludes may have served as training-schools for actors. It is

certain that Richard Burbage, afterwards of Shakespeare’s company,

was so trained. He is the actor, you will remember, who first played

the part of Hamlet, and the untimely expansion of whose person is

supposed to account for the Queen’s speech in the fencing scene, “He’s

fat and scant of breath.” I may say, in passing, that the phrase

merely means “He’s out of training,” as we should say now. A fat

Hamlet is as inconceivable as a lean Falstaff. Shakespeare, with his

usual discretion, never makes the Queen hateful, and made use of this

expedient to show her solicitude for her son. Her last word, as she is

dying, is his name.

To return. The Interlude may have kept alive the traditions of a

stage, and may have made ready a certain number of persons to assume

higher and graver parts when the opportunity should come; but the

revival of learning, and the rise of cities capable of supplying a

more cultivated and exacting audience, must have had a stronger and

more direct influence on the growth of the Drama, as we understand the

word, than any or all other influences combined. Certainly this seems

to me true of the English Drama at least. The English Miracle Plays are

dull beyond what is permitted even by the most hardened charity, and

there is nothing dramatic in them except that they are in the form of

dialogue. The Interludes are perhaps further saddened in the reading by

reminding us how much easier it was to be amused three hundred years

ago than now, but their wit is the wit of the Eocene period, unhappily

as long as it is broad, and their humor is horse-play. We inherited

a vast accumulation of barbarism from our Teutonic ancestors. It was

only on those terms, perhaps, that we could have their vigor too. The

Interludes have some small value as illustrating manners and forms of

speech, but the man must be born expressly for the purpose--as for

some of the adventures of mediæval knight-errantry--who can read them.

“Gammer Gurton’s Needle” is perhaps as good as any. It was acted at

Christ’s College, Cambridge, in 1566, and is remarkable, as Mr. Collier

pointed out, as the first existing play acted before either University.

Its author was John Still, afterwards Bishop of Bath and Wells, and

it is curious that when Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge he should have

protested against the acting before the University of an English play

so unbefitting its learning, dignity, and character. “Gammer Gurton’s

Needle” contains a very jolly and spirited song in praise of ale. Latin

plays were acted before the Universities on great occasions, but there

was nothing dramatic about them but their form. One of them by Burton,

author of the “Anatomy of Melancholy,” has been printed, and is not

without merit. In the “Pardoner and the Frere” there is a hint at the

drollery of those cross-readings with which Bonnell Thornton made our

grandfathers laugh:--

“_Pard._ Pope July the Sixth hath granted fair and well--

_Fr._ That when to them God hath abundance sent--

_Pard._ And doth twelve thousand years of pardon to them send--

_Fr._ They would distribute none to the indigent--

_Pard._ That aught to this holy chapel lend.”

Everything in these old farces is rudimentary. They are not merely

coarse; they are vulgar.

In France it was better, but France had something which may fairly be

called literature before any other country in Europe, not literature in

the highest sense, of course, but something, at any rate, that may be

still read with pleasure for its delicate beauty, like “Aucassin and

Nicolete,” or for its downright vigor, like the “Song of Roland,” or

for its genuine humor, like “Renard the Fox.” There is even one French

Miracle Play of the thirteenth century, by the trouvère Rutebeuf, based

on the legend of Theophilus of Antioch, which might be said to contain

the germ of Calderon’s “El Magico Prodigioso,” and thus, remotely,

of Goethe’s “Faust.” Of the next century is the farce of “Patelin,”

which has given a new word with its several derivatives to the French

language, and a proverbial phrase, _revenons à nos moutons_, that

long ago domiciled itself beyond the boundaries of France. “Patelin”

rises at times above the level of farce, though hardly to the region

of pure comedy. I saw it acted at the Théâtre Français many years ago,

with only so much modernization of language as was necessary to make

it easily comprehensible, and found it far more than archæologically

entertaining. Surely none of our old English Interludes could be put

upon the stage now without the gloomiest results. They were not, in my

judgment, the direct, and hardly even the collateral, ancestors of our

legitimate comedy. On the other hand, while the Miracle Plays left no

traces of themselves in our serious drama, the play of Punch and Judy

looks very like an impoverished descendant of theirs.

In Spain it was otherwise. There the old Moralities and Mysteries

of the Church Festivals are renewed and perpetuated in the Autos

Sacramentales of Calderon, but ensouled with the creative breath of

his genius, and having a strange phantasmal reality in the ideal world

of his wonder-working imagination. One of his plays, “La Devocion de

la Cruz,” an Auto in spirit if not in form, dramatizes, as only he

could do it, the doctrine of justification by faith. In Spain, too,

the comedy of the booth and the plaza is plainly the rude sketch of

the higher creations of Tirso and Lope and Calderon and Rojas and

Alarcon, and scores of others only less than they. The tragicomedy

of “Celestina,” written at the close of the fifteenth century, is

the first modern piece of realism or naturalism, as it is called,

with which I am acquainted. It is coarse, and most of the characters

are low, but there are touches of nature in it, and the character of

Celestina is brought out with singular vivacity. The word tragicomedy

is many years older than this play, if play that may be called which is

but a succession of dialogues, but I can think of no earlier example of

its application to a production in dramatic form than by the Bachelor

Fernando de Rojas in this instance. It was made over into English,

rather than translated, in 1520,--our first literary debt to Spain, I

should guess. The Spanish theatre, though the influence of Seneca is

apparent in the form it put on, is more sincerely a growth of the soil

than any other of modern times, and it has one interesting analogy with

our own in the introduction of the clown into tragedy, whether by way

of foil or parody. The Spanish dramatists have been called marvels of

fecundity, but the facility of their trochaic measure, in which the

verses seem to go of themselves, makes their feats less wonderful. The

marvel would seem to be rather that, writing so easily, they also wrote

so well. Their invention is as remarkable as their abundance. Their

drama and our own have affected the spirit and sometimes the substance

of later literature more than any other. They have to a certain extent

impregnated it. I have called the Spanish theatre a product of the

soil, yet it must not be overlooked that Sophocles, Euripides, Plautus,

and Terence had been translated into Spanish early in the sixteenth

century, and that Lope de Rueda, its real founder, would willingly have

followed classical models more closely had the public taste justified

him in doing so. But fortunately the national genius triumphed over

traditional criterions of art, and the Spanish theatre, asserting

its own happier instincts, became and continued Spanish, with an

unspeakable charm and flavor of its own.

One peculiarity of the Spanish plays makes it safe to recommend them

even _virginibus puerisque_,--they are never unclean. Even Milton would

have approved a censorship of the press that accomplished this. It is

a remarkable example of how sharp the contradiction is between the

private morals of a people and their public code of morality. Certain

things may be done, but they must not seem to be done.

I have said nothing of the earlier Italian Drama because it has failed

to interest me. But Italy had indirectly a potent influence, through

Spenser, in supplying English verse till it could answer the higher

uses of the stage. The lines--for they can hardly be called verses--of

the first attempts at regular plays are as uniform, flat, and void

of variety as laths cut by machinery, and show only the arithmetical

ability of their fashioners to count as high as ten. A speech is a

series of such laths laid parallel to each other with scrupulous

exactness. But I shall have occasion to return to this topic in

speaking of Marlowe.

Who, then, were the Old English Dramatists? They were a score or so

of literary bohemians, for the most part, living from hand to mouth

in London during the last twenty years of the sixteenth century and

the first thirty years of the seventeenth, of the personal history

of most of whom we fortunately know little, and who, by their good

luck in being born into an unsophisticated age, have written a few

things so well that they seem to have written themselves. Poor, nearly

all of them, they have left us a fine estate in the realm of Faery.

Among them were three or four men of genius. A comrade of theirs by

his calling, but set apart from them alike by the splendor of his

endowments and the more equable balance of his temperament, was that

divine apparition known to mortals as Shakespeare. The civil war put an

end to their activity. The last of them, in the direct line, was James

Shirley, remembered chiefly for two lines from the last stanza of a

song of his in “The Contention of Ajax and Ulysses,” which have become

a proverb:--

“Only the actions of the just

Smell sweet and blossom in the dust.”

It is a nobly simple piece of verse, with the slow and solemn cadence

of a funeral march. The hint of it seems to have been taken from a

passage in that droningly dreary book the “Mirror for Magistrates.”

This little poem is one of the best instances of the good fortune of

the men of that age in the unconscious simplicity and gladness (I know

not what else to call it) of their vocabulary. The language, so to

speak, had just learned to go alone, and found a joy in its own mere

motion, which it lost as it grew older, and to walk was no longer a

marvel.

Nothing in the history of literature seems more startling than the

sudden spring with which English poetry blossomed in the later years

of Elizabeth’s reign. We may account for the seemingly unheralded

apparition of a single genius like Dante or Chaucer by the genius

itself; for, given that, everything else is possible. But even in

such cases as these much must have gone before to make the genius

available when it came. For the production of great literature there

must be already a language ductile to all the varying moods of

expression. There must be a certain amount of culture, or the stimulus

of sympathy would be wanting. If, as Horace tells us, the heroes who

lived before Agamemnon have perished for want of a poet to celebrate

them, so doubtless many poets have gone dumb to their graves, or, at

any rate, have uttered themselves imperfectly, for lack of a fitting

vehicle or of an amiable atmosphere. Genius, to be sure, makes its own

opportunity, but the circumstances must be there out of which it can be

made. For instance, I cannot help feeling that Turold, or whoever was

the author of the “Chanson de Roland,” was endowed with a rare epical

faculty, and that he would have given more emphatic proof of it had it

been possible for him to clothe his thought in a form equivalent to

the vigor of his conception. Perhaps with more art, he might have had

less of that happy audacity of the first leap which Montaigne valued

so highly, but would he not have gained could he have spoken to us in

a verse as sonorous as the Greek hexameter, nay, even as sweet in its

cadences, as variously voluble by its slurs and elisions, and withal as

sharply edged and clean cut as the Italian pentameter? It is at least a

question open to debate. Mr. Matthew Arnold taxes the “Song of Roland”

with an entire want of the grand style; and this is true enough; but

it has immense stores of courage and victory in it, as Taillefer

proved at the battle of Hastings,--yes, and touches of heroic pathos,

too.

Many things had slowly and silently concurred to make that singular

pre-eminence of the Elizabethan literature possible. First of all was

the growth of a national consciousness, made aware of itself and more

cumulatively operative by the existence and safer accessibility of a

national capital, to serve it both as head and heart. The want of such

a focus of intellectual, political, and material activity has had more

to do with the backwardness and provincialism of our own literature

than is generally taken into account. My friend Mr. Hosea Biglow

ventured to affirm twenty odd years ago that we had at last arrived

at this national consciousness through the convulsion of our civil

war,--a convulsion so violent as might well convince the members that

they formed part of a common body. But I make bold to doubt whether

that consciousness will ever be more than fitful and imperfect, whether

it will ever, except in some moment of supreme crisis, pour itself

into and reënforce the individual consciousness in a way to make our

literature feel itself of age and its own master, till we shall have

got a common head as well as a common body. It is not the size of a

city that gives it this stimulating and expanding quality, but the fact

that it sums up in itself and gathers all the moral and intellectual

forces of the country in a single focus. London is still the metropolis

of the British as Paris of the French race. We admit this readily

enough as regards Australia or Canada, but we willingly overlook it

as regards ourselves. Washington is growing more national and more

habitable every year, but it will never be a capital till every kind of

culture is attainable there on as good terms as elsewhere. Why not on

better than elsewhere? We are rich enough. Bismarck’s first care has

been the Museums of Berlin. For a fiftieth part of the money Congress

seems willing to waste in demoralizing the country, we might have had

the Hamilton books and the far more precious Ashburnham manuscripts.

Perhaps what formerly gave Boston its admitted literary supremacy was

the fact that fifty years ago it was more truly a capital than any

other American city. Edinburgh once held a similar position, with

similar results. And yet how narrow Boston was! How scant a pasture

it offered to the imagination! I have often mused on the dreary fate

of the great painter who perished slowly of inanition over yonder in

Cambridgeport, he who had known Coleridge and Lamb and Wordsworth, and

who, if ever any,

“With immortal wine

Should have been bathed and swum in more heart’s ease

Than there are waters in the Sestian seas.”

The pity of it! That unfinished Belshazzar of his was a bitter sarcasm

on our self-conceit. Among _us_, it was unfinishable. Whatever place

can draw together the greatest amount and greatest variety of intellect

and character, the most abundant elements of civilization, performs the

best function of a university. London was such a centre in the days

of Queen Elizabeth. And think what a school the Mermaid Tavern must

have been! The verses which Beaumont addressed to Ben Jonson from the

country point to this:--

“What things have we seen

Done at the Mermaid! heard words that have been

So nimble and so full of subtle flame

As if that every one from whence they came

Had meant to put his whole wit in a jest,

And had resolved to live a fool the rest

Of his dull life; then when there hath been thrown

Wit able enough to justify the town

For three days past, wit that might warrant be

For the whole city to talk foolishly

Till that were cancelled; and, when that was gone,

We left an air behind us which alone

Was able to make the two next companies

Right witty; though but downright fools, more wise.”

This air, which Beaumont says they left behind them, they carried with

them, too. It was the atmosphere of culture, the open air of it, which

loses much of its bracing and stimulating virtue in solitude and the

silent society of books. And what discussions can we not fancy there,

of language, of diction, of style, of ancients and moderns, of grammar

even, for our speech was still at school, and with license of vagrant

truancy for the gathering of wild flowers and the finding of whole

nests full of singing birds! Here was indeed a new World of Words, as

Florio called his dictionary. And the face-to-face criticism, frank,

friendly, and with chance of reply, how fruitful it must have been!

It was here, doubtless, that Jonson found fault with that verse of

Shakespeare’s,--

“Cæsar did never wrong but with just cause,”

which is no longer to be found in the play of “Julius Cæsar.” Perhaps

Heminge and Condell left it out, for Shakespeare could have justified

himself with the hook-nosed fellow of Rome’s favorite Greek quotation,

that nothing justified crime but the winning or keeping of supreme

power. Never could London, before or since, gather such an academy of

genius. It must have been a marvellous whetstone of the wits, and spur

to generous emulation.

Another great advantage which the authors of that day had was the

freshness of the language, which had not then become literary, and

therefore more or less commonplace. All the words they used were bright

from the die, not yet worn smooth in the daily drudgery of prosaic

service. I am not sure whether they were so fully conscious of this as

we are, who find a surprising charm in it, and perhaps endow the poet

with the witchery that really belongs to the vocables he employs. The

parts of speech of these old poets are just archaic enough to please us

with that familiar strangeness which makes our own tongue agreeable if

spoken with a hardly perceptible foreign accent. The power of giving

novelty to things outworn is, indeed, one of the prime qualities of

genius, and this novelty the habitual phrase of the Elizabethans has

for us without any merit of theirs. But I think, making all due

abatements, that they had the hermetic gift of buckling wings to the

feet of their verse in a measure which has fallen to the share of few

or no modern poets. I think some of them certainly were fully aware of

the fine qualities of their mother-tongue. Chapman, in the poem “To the

Reader,” prefixed to his translation of the Iliad, protests against

those who preferred to it the softer Romance languages:--

“And for our tongue that still is so impaired

By travailing linguists, I can prove it clear,

That no tongue hath the Muses’ utterance heired

For verse and that sweet Music to the ear

Strook out of rime, so naturally as this;

Our monosyllables so kindly fall,

And meet, opposed in rhyme, as they did kiss.”

I think Chapman has very prettily maintained and illustrated his

thesis. But, though fortunate in being able to gather their language

with the dew still on it, as herbs must be gathered for use in

certain incantations, we are not to suppose that our elders used it

indiscriminately, or tumbled out their words as they would dice,

trusting that luck or chance would send them a happy throw; that they

did not select, arrange, combine, and make use of the most cunning

artifices of modulation and rhythm. They debated all these questions,

we may be sure, not only with a laudable desire of excellence, and with

a hope to make their native tongue as fitting a vehicle for poetry and

eloquence as those of their neighbors, or as those of Greece and Rome,

but also with something of the eager joy of adventure and discovery.

They must have felt with Lucretius the delight of wandering over the

pathless places of the Muse, and hence, perhaps, it is that their step

is so elastic, and that we are never dispirited by a consciousness of

any lassitude when they put forth their best pace. If they are natural,

it is in great part the benefit of the age they lived in; but the

winning graces, the picturesque felicities, the electric flashes, I had

almost said the explosions, of their style are their own. And their

diction mingles its elements so kindly and with such gracious reliefs

of changing key, now dallying with the very childishness of speech like

the spinsters and the knitters in the sun, and anon snatched up without

effort to the rapt phrase of passion or of tragedy that flashes and

reverberates!

The dullest of them, for I admit that many of them were dull as

a comedy of Goethe, and dulness loses none of its disheartening

properties by age, no, nor even by being embalmed in the precious gems

and spices of Lamb’s affectionate eulogy,--for I am persuaded that

I should know a stupid mummy from a clever one before I had been in

his company five minutes,--the dullest of them, I say, has his lucid

intervals. There are, I grant, dreary wastes and vast solitudes in such

collections as Dodsley’s “Old Plays,” where we slump along through the

loose sand without even so much as a mirage to comfort us under the

intolerable drought of our companion’s discourse. Nay, even some of the

dramatists who have been thought worthy of editions all to themselves,

may enjoy that seclusion without fear of its being disturbed by me.

Let me mention a name or two of such as I shall not speak of in this

course. Robert Greene is one of them. He has all the inadequacy of

imperfectly drawn tea. I thank him, indeed, for the word “brightsome,”

and for two lines of Sephestia’s song to her child,--

“Weep not, my wanton, smile upon my knee,

When thou art old, there’s grief enough for thee,”--

which have all the innocence of the Old Age in them. Otherwise he is

naught. I say this for the benefit of the young, for in my own callow

days I took him seriously because the Rev. Alexander Dyce had edited

him, and I endured much in trying to reconcile my instincts with my

superstition. He it was that called Shakespeare “an upstart crow

beautified with our feathers,” as if any one could have any use for

feathers from such birds as he, except to make pens of them. He was the

cause of the dulness that was in other men, too, and human nature feels

itself partially avenged by this stanza of an elegy upon him by one

“R. B.,” quoted by Mr. Dyce:--

“Greene is the pleasing object of an eye;

Greene pleased the eyes of all that looked upon him;

Greene is the ground of every painter’s dye;

Greene gave the ground to all that wrote upon him;

Nay, more, the men that so eclipsed his fame

Purloyned his plumes; can they deny the same?”

Even the libeller of Shakespeare deserved nothing worse than this! If

this is “R. B.” when he was playing upon words, what must he have been

when serious?

Another dramatist whom we can get on very well without is George

Peele, the friend and fellow-roisterer of Greene. He, too, defied the

inspiring influence of the air he breathed almost as successfully as

his friend. But he had not that genius for being dull all the time that

Greene had, and illustrates what I was just saying of the manner in

which the most tiresome of these men waylay us when we least expect it

with some phrase or verse that shines and trembles in the memory like a

star. Such are:--

“For her I’ll build a kingly bower

Seated in hearing of a hundred streams”;

and this, of God’s avenging lightning,--

“At him the thunder shall discharge his bolt,

And his fair spouse, with bright and fiery wings,

Sit ever burning in his hateful bones.”

He also wrote some musically simple stanzas, of which I quote the first

two, the rather that Thackeray was fond of them:--

“My golden locks Time hath to silver turned

(O Time too swift, and swiftness never ceasing),

My youth ’gainst age, and age at youth hath spurned,

But spurned in vain; youth waneth by increasing.

Beauty, strength, and youth, flowers fading been;

Duty, faith, and love, are roots, and ever green.

“My helmet now shall make an hive for bees,

And lover’s songs shall turn to holy psalms;

A man-at-arms must now serve on his knees,

And feed on prayers, that are old age’s alms.

But though from court to cottage I depart,

My saint is sure of mine unspotted heart.”

There is a pensiveness in this, half pleasurable, half melancholy, that

has a charm of its own.

Thomas Dekker is a far more important person. Most of his works seem

to have been what artists call pot-boilers, written at ruinous speed,

and with the bailiff rather than the Muse at his elbow. There was a

liberal background of prose in him, as in Ben Jonson, but he was a poet

and no mean one, as he shows by the careless good luck of his epithets

and similes. He could rise also to a grave dignity of style that is

grateful to the ear, nor was he incapable of that heightened emotion

which might almost pass for passion. His fancy kindles wellnigh to

imagination at times, and ventures on those extravagances which entice

the fancy of the reader as with the music of an invitation to the

waltz. I had him in my mind when I was speaking of the _obiter dicta_,

of the fine verses dropt casually by these men when you are beginning

to think they have no poetry in them. Fortune tells Fortunatus, in the

play of that name, that he shall have gold as countless as

“Those gilded wantons that in swarms do run

To warm their _slender bodies_ in the sun,”

thus giving him a hint also of its ephemeral nature. Here is a verse,

too, that shows a kind of bleakish sympathy of sound and sense. Long

life, he tells us,--

“Is a long journey in December gone.”

It may be merely my fancy, but I seem to hear a melancholy echo in it,

as of footfalls on frozen earth. Or take this for a pretty fancy:--

“The moon hath through her bow scarce drawn to the head,

Like to twelve silver arrows, all the months

Since--”

when do you suppose? I give you three guesses, as the children say.

Since 1600! Poor Fancy shudders at this opening of Haydn’s “Dictionary

of Dates” and thinks her silver arrows a little out of place, like a

belated masquerader going home under the broad grin of day. But the

verses themselves seem plucked from “Midsummer-Night’s Dream.”

This is as good an instance as may be of the want of taste, of sense

of congruity, and of the delicate discrimination that makes style,

which strikes and sometimes even shocks us in the Old Dramatists.

This was a disadvantage of the age into which they were born, and is

perhaps implied in the very advantages it gave them, and of which I

have spoken. Even Shakespeare offends sometimes in this way. Good

taste, if mainly a gift of nature, is also an acquisition. It was not

impossible even then. Samuel Daniel had it, but the cautious propriety

with which it embarrassed him has made his drama of “Cleopatra”

unapproachable, in more senses than one, in its frigid regularity. His

contemplative poetry, thanks to its grave sweetness of style, is among

the best in our language. And Daniel wrote the following sentences,

which explain better than anything I could say why his contemporaries,

in spite of their manifest imperfections, pleased then and continue

to please: “Suffer the world to enjoy that which it knows and what it

likes, seeing whatsoever form of words doth move delight, and sway the

affections of men, in what Scythian sort soever it be disposed and

uttered, that is true number, measure, eloquence, and the perfection

of speech.” Those men did “move delight, and sway the affections of

men,” in a very singular manner, gaining, on the whole, perhaps, more

by their liberty than they lost by their license. But it is only

genius that can safely profit by this immunity. Form, of which we

hear so much, is of great value, but it is not of the highest value,

except in combination with other qualities better than itself; and it

is worth noting that the modern English poet who seems least to have

regarded it, is also the one who has most powerfully moved, swayed, and

delighted those who are wise enough to read him.

One more passage and I have done. It is from the same play of “Old

Fortunatus,” a favorite of mine. The Soldan of Babylon shows Fortunatus

his treasury, or cabinet of bric-à-brac:--

“Behold yon tower: there stands mine armoury,

In which are corselets forged of beaten gold

To arm ten hundred thousand fighting men,

Whose glittering squadrons when the sun beholds,

They seem like to ten hundred thousand Joves,

When Jove on the proud back of thunder rides,

Trapped all in lightning-flames. There can I show thee

The ball of gold that set all Troy on fire;

There shalt thou see the scarf of Cupid’s mother,

Snatcht from the soft moist ivory of her arm

To wrap about Adonis’ wounded thigh;

There shalt thou see a wheel of Titan’s car

Which dropt from Heaven when Phaethon fired the world.

I’ll give thee (if thou wilt) two silver doves

Composed by magic to divide the air,

Who, as they flie, shall clap their silver wings

And give strange music to the elements.

I’ll give thee else the fan of Proserpine,

Which, in reward for a sweet Thracian song,

The blackbrow’d Empress threw to Orpheus,

Being come to fetch Eurydice from hell.”

This is, here and there, tremblingly near bombast, but its exuberance

is cheery, and the quaintness of Proserpine’s fan shows how real she

was to the poet. Hers was a generous gift, considering the climate in

which Dekker evidently supposed her to dwell, and speaks well for the

song that could make her forget it. There is crudeness, as if the wine

had been drawn before the ferment was over, but the arm of Venus is

from the life, and that one verse gleams and glows among the rest like

the thing it describes. The whole passage is a good example of fancy,

whimsical, irresponsible. But there is more imagination and power

to move the imagination in Shakespeare’s “sunken wreck and sunless

treasures” than all his contemporaries together, not even excepting

Marlowe, could have mustered.

We lump all these poets together as dramatists because they wrote for

the theatre, and yet how little they were truly dramatic seems proved

by the fact that none, or next to none, of their plays have held the

stage. Not one of their characters, that I can remember, has become

one of the familiar figures that make up the habitual society of any

cultivated memory even of the same race and tongue. Marlowe, great as

he was, makes no exception. To some of them we cannot deny genius, but

creative genius we must deny to all of them, and dramatic genius as

well.

This last, indeed, is one of the rarest gifts bestowed on man. What is

that which we call dramatic? In the abstract, it is thought or emotion

in action, or on its way to become action. In the concrete, it is that

which is more vivid if represented than described, and which would lose

if merely narrated. Goethe, for example, had little dramatic power;

though, if taking thought could have earned it, he would have had

enough, for he studied the actual stage all his life. The characters in

his plays seem rather to express his thoughts than their own. Yet there

is one admirably dramatic scene in “Faust” which illustrates what I

have been saying. I mean Margaret in the cathedral, suggested to Goethe

by the temptation of Justina in Calderon’s “Magico Prodigioso,” but

full of horror as that of seductiveness. We see and hear as we read.

Her own bad conscience projected in the fiend who mutters despair into

her ear, and the awful peals of the “Dies Iræ,” that most terribly

resonant of Latin hymns, as if blown from the very trump of doom

itself, coming in at intervals to remind her that the

“Tuba mirum spargens sonum

Per sepulchra regionum

Coget omnes ante thronum,”

herself among the rest,--all of this would be weaker in narration.

This is real, and needs realization by the senses to be fully felt.

Compare it with Dimmesdale mounting the pillory at night, in “The

Scarlet Letter,” to my thinking the deepest thrust of what may be

called the metaphysical imagination since Shakespeare. There we

need only a statement of the facts--pictorial statement, of course,

as Hawthorne’s could not fail to be--and the effect is complete.

Thoroughly to understand a good play and enjoy it, even in the reading,

the imagination must body forth its personages, and see them doing or

suffering in the visionary theatre of the brain. There, indeed, they

are best seen, and Hamlet or Lear loses that ideal quality which makes

him typical and universal if he be once compressed within the limits,

or associated with the lineaments, of any, even the best, actor.

It is for their poetical qualities, for their gleams of imagination,

for their quaint and subtle fancies, for their tender sentiment,

and for their charm of diction that these old playwrights are worth

reading. They are the best comment also to convince us of the

immeasurable superiority of Shakespeare. Several of them, moreover,

have been very inadequately edited, or not at all, which is perhaps

better; and it is no useless discipline of the wits, no unworthy

exercise of the mind, to do our own editing as we go along, winning

back to its cradle the right word for the changeling the printers have

left in his stead, making the lame verses find their feet again, and

rescuing those that have been tumbled higgledy-piggledy into a mire

of prose. A strenuous study of this kind will enable us better to

understand many a faulty passage in our Shakespeare, and to judge of

the proposed emendations of them, or to make one to our own liking.

There is no better school for learning English, and for learning it

when, in many important respects, it was at its best.

I am not sure that I shall not seem to talk to you of many things that

seem trivialities if weighed in the huge business scales of life, but

I am always glad to say a word in behalf of what most men consider

useless, and to say it the rather because it has so few friends. I have

observed, and am sorry to have observed, that English poetry, at least

in its older examples, is less read now than when I was young. I do not

believe this to be a healthy symptom, for poetry frequents and keeps

habitable those upper chambers of the mind that open toward the sun’s

rising.

The old English dramatists · 第 13 / 36 题