As the young King was being brought to London for his coronation,

under the care of Rivers and Grey, to whom his education had been

intrusted, and under whose charge he had lived at Ludlow, Richard

and Buckingham, with 900 men, appeared upon their line of march at

Northampton. Rivers and Grey, conscious of the advantage which the

appearance of the King in London would give them, were unwilling

to come to an open quarrel, and sent Edward forward to Stony

Stratford, while they went to pay their respects to Gloucester,

who had taken the oath of allegiance, and hitherto put on all

the appearance of loyalty. The two Lords were taken prisoners at

Northampton, and Richard and Buckingham suddenly advancing to

Stratford, by the rapidity of their movements dispersed 2000 men

who accompanied Edward, and took possession of him. The news spread

dismay in London. The Queen, her son Richard and her daughters,

with Lord Lisle and the other Grey, took sanctuary at Westminster;

while Hastings calmed men’s minds by assuring them of Richard’s

loyalty, that he had only withdrawn the King from the pernicious

influence of his relations, and that he would speedily appear with

him to crown him. Upon Richard’s appearance, therefore, everything

at first went on in the regular order.

[Sidenote: Is made Protector.]

According to precedent, Richard was appointed Protector or

President of the Council. With the exception of the removal of

Rotheram, and the appointment of Russell, Bishop of Lincoln, in

his place, no important changes were made, and the Parliament was

summoned, and the coronation appointed for midsummer.

[Sidenote: Quarrels with the new nobles.]

[Sidenote: Hastings’ death and fall of his party.]

Having thus vanquished one party, Richard determined to get rid

of his other rivals also, and to rest exclusively upon Buckingham

and the old nobles. The coronation was settled for the 22nd of

June, when suddenly Richard despatched a messenger, Sir Richard

Ratcliffe, to the North, where he was much beloved, bidding the

people hasten to his aid, as the Queen was aiming at the life of

himself and Buckingham. There is no proof of any such conspiracy.

But the quarrel between the two sections of the Council is marked

by the fact that they met apart, Hastings and his followers at St.

Paul’s, Richard, Buckingham, and their friends, at Crosby Place.

They were however all joined on the 13th of June in the Tower, when

Richard suddenly appeared with angry and suspicious countenance,

charged the Queen and Jane Shore, the King’s mistress, who now

lived with Hastings, with aiming at his life by sorcery, in proof

of which he exhibited one of his arms, which was smaller than the

other, and included Hastings in the charge. At a given signal armed

men entered the chamber, and Hastings, Stanley, and the Bishops of

York and Ely, were apprehended. Hastings was beheaded without trial

on the spot.

[Sidenote: Richard, with Buckingham’s help, secures the crown.]

This _coup d’état_ was immediately followed up. The people were

summoned to the Tower, where Buckingham and Richard appeared

in rusty armour, as though in their extreme necessity they had

taken it from the armoury. Jane Shore was compelled to do penance

through the streets of London. The Queen was persuaded by the

Archbishop of Canterbury to surrender the young Prince Richard.

And news arrived that, both in the North and in Wales, the people

had risen for Richard. At the same time Grey and Rivers, hitherto

kept prisoners in Northampton, were beheaded. It only remained for

Richard to find some pretext for assuming the crown. He felt the

necessity of forestalling the coronation, which would probably have

withdrawn from him the protectorate, and have brought a commission

of regency into power. On the very day that the coronation was to

have been held, Dr. Shaw, brother of the Mayor of London, was put

up to preach at Paul’s Cross. He took for his text, “The imperfect

branches shall be broken off, their fruit unprofitable,”[100] and

proceeded to expatiate upon the lax life of the late King; and

moreover, to renew the charge which Clarence had once made, that

that King was himself illegitimate. As for the present Princes,

he asserted that they too were bastards. According to him, before

Edward’s marriage with Elizabeth Woodville, he had been engaged

to Lady Eleanor Talbot; by the laws of the Church, therefore,

his subsequent marriage was void, and the King and his brothers

illegitimate. He drew attention to the want of resemblance between

Richard of York and Edward IV., and the close likeness which

existed, on the other hand, between Richard and the Protector. At

this moment the Protector made his appearance, expecting that the

crowd would cry, “Long live, King Richard!” But the charges were

too new and surprising; he was received in perfect silence. The

failure of this attempt induced him to repeat it; and two days

after, Buckingham came to Guildhall, and there addressed the people

in a similar strain. He was determined to take no refusal, and upon

a few cries of approbation, commanded the people to follow him

to Baynard’s Castle, where Richard then was. The Parliament was

just assembling, a number of Lords and representatives from the

Commons joined the crowd, and enabled him with some show of truth

to draw up a petition called “The choice and prayer of the Lords

spiritual and temporal and the Commons of England,” in which, after

recapitulating his story, he requested Richard to accept the crown.

After some show of resistance, Richard accepted the petition, and

took solemn possession of the throne at Westminster Abbey on the

26th. That this choice was by no means unanimous is plain from the

order issued, commanding the inhabitants of London to keep within

their houses after ten o’clock, and forbidding the wearing of arms.

[Sidenote: Richard’s policy of conciliation.]

[Sidenote: His strong position.]

Having once secured the throne, the object of Richard seems to have

been to heal, as far as possible, the wounds that the war had made.

John Lord Howard was the one of his followers whose reward was

the most striking. His mother having been a Mowbray, he was made

Duke of Norfolk and hereditary Marshal of England. The prisoners

the King had taken, in company with Hastings, were released, and

with strange and rash magnanimity, Stanley was given the office

of Constable of England, while Morton of Ely, an old Lancastrian,

whose influence he seems to have underrated, was sent to reside in

a castle in the West of England. He even caused the body of Henry

VI. to be removed from Chertsey Abbey to Windsor, as though the

breach between the families was healed. The King was crowned in

London, and then proceeded to make a progress through England. He

had every reason to think his position was a good one. The people

everywhere received him with a fair show of good-will. In York,

where he was a second time crowned, his reception was enthusiastic.

His foreign relations were also promising. It is true that the

recognition of France was somewhat brief and grudging; but with

the young Philip of Burgundy there was an amicable correspondence;

while Queen Isabella of Castile congratulated him heartily on

having removed the stain of his brother’s degrading marriage, and

desired a close alliance with him against France, the chief reason

perhaps of her show of affection.

[Sidenote: Weak points in it.]

[Sidenote: Disaffection in the South.]

But, though all at first seemed so promising, Richard soon learnt

that it was not for him to pass unopposed into the position of a

peaceful governor of a united England. The injury he had done the

memory of his late brother, the cold-heartedness with which he had

pushed aside the nephew of whom he was the guardian, and who with

his brother was kept in secret confinement in the Tower, revived

the old affection with which the South of England had regarded

Edward IV. Moreover, the Queen’s party was not destroyed, while

Richard’s own generosity had left at liberty supporters of the old

state of affairs. Consequently the whole South of England, from

Kent to Devonshire, showed signs of an intended insurrection.

[Sidenote: Death of the Princes.]

It was just at this moment, and perhaps in the hope of removing

those around whom disaffection might centre, that the King caused

the report to be spread that the young Princes had disappeared from

the Tower. It is needless to enter into a discussion as to their

fate. The picturesque story which represents them as smothered

beneath their bedclothes is the creation of the next age. Indeed,

the popular view of the events of this reign and of the character

of Richard is derived almost wholly from Sir Thomas More’s life

of him. All that contemporary writers mention is that the Princes

disappeared, and were probably killed. Comines, the French

historian, an excellent observer, says simply that Richard had the

Princes killed in the Tower. And the fact that all those who had

the charge of them, even down to Forest, the warden, were rewarded,

makes it almost impossible that this should not have been the case.

[Sidenote: Projected marriage of Elizabeth and Richmond.]

[Sidenote: Defection of Buckingham.]

The effect was not what Richard expected. The friends of his late

brother and of the Queen became still more anxious to preserve the

old stock, and, probably at the suggestion of Morton, a Lancastrian

who had found favour in Richard’s sight, the project of a marriage

between Edward’s daughter Elizabeth and the young Richmond began

to be discussed. The conspiracy soon proved to be very widespread,

and it must have been a terrible surprise to Richard to hear that

his chief friend and accomplice, Buckingham, had declared for the

house of Lancaster. That nobleman’s motives are not clear, but he

probably found that the party of the old nobility, of which he was

the leader, was no better off under Richard than it had been under

Edward. Like other men of a tyrannical turn of mind, Richard had

found his chief support in obsequious followers, and Ratcliffe,

Catesby, and Lovel were his real advisers and friends. The Duke,

therefore, an unprincipled and very ambitious man, thought he saw

his advantage in becoming a principal agent in the restoration of

the exiled house. It is probable, also, that the influence and

skill of Morton, with whom he had been in communication, may have

had something to do with it.

[Sidenote: Richmond’s first invasion.]

[Sidenote: Death of Buckingham and failure of the conspiracy.]

News was also brought to Richard that the young Richmond, who

after Tewkesbury had fled with his uncle to Brittany, and had

there become the centre of the Lancastrian party, was meditating

a descent on England. Richard displayed his usual energy. He

called on the men of York, on whom he could rely, to meet him at

Leicester; hastily wrote to the Archbishop of York to send him the

Great Seal, an unconstitutional act which Russell did not resist;

put a price on the head of Buckingham; and appointed, as though

sure of victory, a vice-constable to superintend any summary

executions that might be necessary. Meanwhile, Kent, Surrey,

Berkshire, Wiltshire, and Devon had risen, and Grey, Lord Dorset,

had declared for Henry Tudor in Exeter. It was the intention of

Buckingham, who was in Wales, to form a junction with the Southern

leaders. For this purpose it was necessary to cross the Severn.

But Sir Humphrey Stafford had broken the bridges, the floods were

out, and the river impassable. His Welsh followers deserted, and

Buckingham was obliged to fly. He sought a refuge with a dependant

of his own in Shropshire, of the name of Banister, by whom he

was betrayed. After vain entreaties for a personal interview

with Richard, and for a legal trial, he was summarily executed.

Richmond’s part of the conspiracy had been an equal failure. His

fleet had been scattered by a storm. He himself reached Plymouth,

but the news of the failure of Buckingham, and the appearance of

the King in the South, before whose approach all the gatherings of

the rebels dissolved, induced him to return to Brittany.

[Sidenote: Parliament and great confiscation. 1484.]

Again undisputed master of England, Richard summoned a

Parliament to meet him in January. As was usual when one party

was predominant, it proved to be devoted to the Government.

Richard’s special favourite, Catesby, was chosen for speaker,

and all Richard’s claims to the throne were declared to be just.

Nor was this all: the oath of allegiance was demanded from all

the adult population of England; and a huge bill of attainder

and confiscation, mentioning more than 500 names, was passed. As

the King was allowed to regrant the confiscated property, he was

enabled to fill the southern counties with northern proprietors

devoted to his cause; while with questionable wisdom, as it

afterwards appeared, he sought to purchase the fidelity of the

Stanleys, by giving to Lord Stanley, her present husband, the

property of the Countess Margaret of Richmond, who was included in

the bill of attainder.

[Sidenote: Continued schemes of Richmond.]

[Sidenote: Richard’s efforts to oppose him.]

[Sidenote: Attempts to win the Queen.]

[Sidenote: Death of the Prince of Wales. Lincoln declared heir.]

But though defeated in his first efforts, her son, Henry Tudor,

continued his preparations abroad. It was in vain that Richard, by

promising Francis of Brittany his assistance against France, and

by bribing the all-powerful minister Pierre Landais, succeeded in

procuring Henry’s dismissal from Brittany. He fled to the Court of

Charles VIII. of France, where he was well received, and where the

Lancastrian exiles gathered round him. Richard felt that all his

efforts were necessary to oppose this Prince. He collected troops,

demanded ships from the Cinque Ports, attempted a reconciliation

with the Queen Dowager, by allowing her with her daughters to leave

the sanctuary at Westminster, and contemplated a marriage between

his own son Edward and her eldest daughter Elizabeth, a marriage

which would have been the death blow to the Lancastrian party. He

succeeded moreover in procuring a three years’ truce with Scotland,

and the promise of a marriage between the Duke of Rothesay, the

heir to the Scotch crown, and his niece.[101] The most important

part of his plan was frustrated by the untimely death of his son,

which plunged him in the deepest grief. But he strove to supply

his place by nominating his nephew John de la Pole, the Earl of

Lincoln, his heir.

[Sidenote: General uneasiness in England. 1485.]

[Sidenote: His recourse to benevolences.]

Meanwhile the feeling of uneasiness increased. Lancastrian

emissaries moved to and fro through the country. Clifford and some

others of them were apprehended and put to death. But the evil was

too great to admit of a speedy remedy. Libels were freely scattered

through the country; among others the well-known couplet, “The rat,

the cat, and Lovel the dog, rule all England under the Hog,” a

plain allusion to his chief friends, Ratcliffe, Catesby and Lovel.

William Collingbourne, its author, was captured and put to death.

But libels increased in number, especially when there seemed to be

grounds for asserting that, though his wife was still living, he

was himself thinking of a subsequent marriage with the Princess

Elizabeth of York. The opportune illness and death of his wife,

and, it may be, the love[102] felt for him by the Princess, added

such an air of truth to the story, that, at the instigation of

his best friends, he was induced to make a public contradiction

of it before the Common Council in London. His finances, too,

were in disorder. Free-handed and ostentatious, he had speedily

spent the wealth which his brother’s avarice had accumulated; and

though he had himself caused a bill to be passed to put an end

to benevolences, he was reduced to have recourse to that illegal

method of taxation which the people in bitter jest termed the

raising of malevolences.

[Sidenote: Richmond lands at Milford.]

[Sidenote: Conduct of the Stanleys.]

[Sidenote: Battle of Bosworth. Aug. 22.]

He was however prepared, when Richmond, supported by the French,

made his second attempt upon England. But unfortunately for

Richard, treason was at work among his own followers, and the

Stanleys, without principle, without gratitude, and with a constant

eye to their own aggrandizement, were in secret alliance with

their young kinsman the Lancastrian Prince. At length the invasion

came. The place of landing, which had been kept a profound secret,

was Milford Haven: for the Tudor thought it prudent to enlist the

national prejudices of the Welsh in his favour. The Leopard of

England and the Dragon of Wales floated side by the side on his

standards. He advanced in safety to Shropshire; and the Welsh

leaders joined him, as well as the Talbots of Shrewsbury. Richard

had assembled his forces in the centre of England. Northumberland

brought him troops from the North, Howard from the South,

Brackenbury from London, Norfolk from the East. But it was very

doubtful what part the Stanleys would take; and it was through the

county where they were powerful, both as proprietors and as the

King’s governors, that Richmond had to pass. Lord Stanley demanded

leave to go to his county; but the King, whose suspicions had been

raised, insisted on his leaving his son Lord Strange as a hostage.

Pleading illness, Lord Stanley had refused to join Richard, and

with 5000 men retired before the invader, whom his brother Sir

William had now openly joined. In August the armies approached one

another in the neighbourhood of Atherstone. Richard then threw

aside all doubts. He ordered Lord Strange to be beheaded, and felt

that the struggle must be a final one. Lord Strange’s keepers,

however, thought it well to await the issue of the battle before

carrying out the command: and in the middle of the struggle, Lord

Stanley, who, afraid for his son’s life, had kept aloof with his

troops, suddenly joined Richmond. This turned the fortunes of the

day; and in spite of the greatest personal bravery, Richard’s army

was completely beaten, and himself killed.

[Sidenote: Richard’s character and laws.]

His character has been the subject of much discussion, nor is this

strange. Had he lived in times of greater security, he would have

been an able and admirable governor. Several of the enactments of

his reign attest his wisdom and his love of justice. He recognized

the evil of benevolences, and forbad them, although necessity drove

him to have recourse to them. His efforts were much directed to

the re-establishment of justice, to support which he had caused

a bill to be passed, to secure the respectability of jurymen, by

forbidding any but freeholders to the amount of 40s. from serving

in that capacity. He restrained the lawlessness of the barons by

the suppression of liveries; and while promising to uphold the

liberties of the Church, had shown that he would not allow any

interference with the civil power. He had also fostered the trade

of England by opening fresh markets for English wool both in Spain

and in Iceland. His personal character, too, was attractive. With

beautiful though peculiar features, he was liberal and at times

forgiving to the verge of folly. He had pardoned and extended

constant favour to the wives and families of his political victims.

In spite of his strange charge of adultery against her, he had been

always a dutiful and affectionate son to his mother. The gentle

side of his disposition is perhaps shown by his passionate love of

music. But the troublous times in which he lived called out all his

worst characteristics; and for political ends he had shown himself

scheming, cold, and cruel; while the tyrannical temperament, which

could brook no opposition, hurried him into deeds of violence which

were the proximate cause of his downfall.

* * * * *

[Sidenote: Political condition of the nation.]

It is necessary, as the border-land is thus reached between modern

civilization and that of the middle ages, to say a few words

on the political condition of the nation, which allowed of the

establishment of the personal monarchy of the Tudors, and of the

social state of the people from which modern forms of civilization

were to spring.

During the earlier part of the Lancastrian rule, Parliament, and

especially the House of Commons, had apparently continued to rise

in power. The Constitutional growth of the fourteenth century had

been continued. The Commons had secured the unquestioned right of

originating money bills, not to be altered by the House of Lords,

nor discussed in the presence of the King. They had secured the

right not only of recommending in petitions, but also of joining

as an equal estate of the realm in the passing of laws. They had

succeeded during the reign of Henry VI. in preventing any changes

in the form of their petitions (which had not unfrequently been

introduced when, after the session, the petition was enrolled),

by bringing in complete Statutes, called Bills, to be rejected or

accepted as a whole, instead of their old petitions. They had, in

several instances, practised unquestioned the right of impeachment,

and claimed, with some degree of success, the freedom of their

members from arrest, even during the recess of Parliament. But in

spite of this apparent advance, the real power of the Parliament

before the close of the Wars of the Roses had almost disappeared.

A statute in the eighth year of Henry VI. limited the franchise,

with regard to the election of knights of the shire, to freeholders

of lands or tenements to the value of forty shillings. This at

once gave an aristocratic tone to the House. In addition to this

it had become the fashion both of the nobility and of the Crown to

tamper with the elections. With the new restricted franchise, the

power of local magnates in the county elections was predominant,

while, as regards the boroughs, the sheriffs exercised a power

of summoning burgesses from such towns only as they pleased, and

it was not difficult for the Crown or ruling party to bring the

sheriffs under their influence. While the House of Commons thus

lost its independence, the old Upper House had been virtually

destroyed, and the new nobility was by its very nature dependent on

the Crown. Another most important element of freedom had likewise

disappeared. The great Churchmen, to whom the liberties of England

owe so much, had been victorious over their enemies the Lollards.

In the struggle they had lost their sympathy with the people. Their

desire for the spiritual welfare of the country had shrivelled to a

selfish eagerness for the preservation of orthodoxy. They had been

drawn into closer communication with Rome, and had begun to share

its interests. Cardinal Beaufort, in spite of all opposition, had

succeeded in retaining his Roman rank, and it had become habitual

that the Archbishop of Canterbury at least should bear the title

of Cardinal. Wealthy, worldly and self-seeking, the leaders of the

clergy were inclined to devote themselves to political life; and,

conscious of the alienation of the lower orders, and fearing for

their property, which had already excited the envy of the laity,

and which, while confiscation was reducing the nobles to beggary,

had remained almost untouched, they sought employment and safety in

becoming the devoted servants of the King.

At the same time that the practical efficiency of the Parliament

had been decreasing, the power of the King’s Council had been on

the increase. The limits of its rights, springing as it did from

the Concilium Ordinarium of the Plantagenet kings, had always been

questionable, and its encroachments, in meddling with the petitions

of the Lower House, and in issuing ordinances without the consent

of Parliament, which had yet the authority of temporary laws, had

been constantly objected to by the Commons. The long minority of

Henry VI., during which the chief direction of the Government had

been almost unavoidably in the hands of the Council, had tended

greatly to increase its power.

[Sidenote: Effects of the Wars of the Roses.]

A History of England, Period I. Mediæval Monarchy · 第 39 / 44 段