arrangement, which virtually established a strictly limited
monarchy, just at the moment of his success. It is perhaps
explained by his failing health. A disease had attacked his face,
which changed into a form of leprosy, and during the remainder
of his life he was subject to attacks of epilepsy. It was not
unnatural that he should wish to withdraw somewhat from public
affairs. Under these circumstances, it is not quite clear how far
he is to be credited with the remaining events of his reign. But
the prudence and state-craft exhibited in them, which could hardly
have been expected from so young a man as Prince Henry, and the
more vigorous opposition which he subsequently made to the demands
of the Commons, would seem to show that he was still practically
ruler. This restoration of vigour is marked by his refusal, towards
the close of his reign, to grant any extension of the right of
liberty of speech, and by the humble tone adopted by the Parliament
in the thirteenth year of his reign, when he was entreated to
declare that he was not offended, and that he regarded them as his
loyal subjects.
[Sidenote: Henry’s foreign policy. Marriages.]
Having secured his position at home, though not, as has been
seen, without some sacrifices, the King’s attention was chiefly
directed towards securing the permanence of his dynasty by foreign
matrimonial alliances, and to obtaining a strong position abroad
by interfering in French politics. His two sisters were already
respectively Queens of Castile and Portugal. He had himself
married, in 1403, a Princess of Navarre. As a husband for his
eldest daughter he procured Louis, Count Palatine, the son and heir
of Rupert, King of the Romans; while his younger daughter married
Eric, who had consolidated a great Scandinavian monarchy in the
North.
[Sidenote: Policy in France. 1410.]
[Sidenote: Success of his policy.]
In France he made his weight felt by alternately siding with one or
other of the great parties which divided that kingdom. His natural
connection would have been the Burgundians; and he first attached
himself so far to that party as to send a considerable army to
their assistance. A battle fought near St. Cloud (1411), in which
the Armagnacs (as the friends of Orleans were now called) were
worsted, for the time rendered the Duke of Burgundy the master of
France. Henry chose this opportunity to change sides, and entered
into an arrangement with the defeated princes, by which he was
secured the full possession of Guienne. He intended at the same
time to have led an army into France, and to have imitated the
career of Edward III. The national danger produced a temporary
friendship between the French parties, and Burgundy, at a meeting
held at Auxerre, succeeded in persuading the Armagnacs to annul
their arrangement with the English. Henry’s health prevented him
from leading the expedition, as he intended; but an army, under the
Duke of Clarence, his second son, laid waste Maine and Touraine,
and was only stopped by the payment of a large sum of money. After
this Clarence withdrew to complete the conquest of Guienne. Thus,
though unable to fulfil his ambitious project of invasion, Henry
had contrived to make his position abroad very different from what
it was at the beginning of his reign, when the French could refuse
him the royal title, and paralyze his home policy by a threat of
invasion.
[Sidenote: His alliance with the Church.]
[Sidenote: Persecuting statute. 1401.]
[Sidenote: Views of the nation with regard to the Church.]
From one point of view, as a usurper founding a new dynasty, he had
now been quite successful. As a preserver of society, he probably
regarded himself as not less so. Though the son of John of Gaunt,
the favourer of Wicliffe, and not averse in his youth to the
doctrines of that teacher, he had seen that Lollardism pointed,
not only to ecclesiastical, but to political changes. From the
beginning of the reign he had determined that the preservation of
the Church in all its privileges and possessions was the surest
means of checking the rising democracy. He had therefore been
always its staunch supporter. In pursuance of this policy, in the
second year of his reign, he had given his assent to a persecuting
statute, formed, it seems probable, on the petition of the clergy,
without the participation of the Commons. This statute, which is
known under the title of “De Hæretico comburendo,” forbade teaching
and preaching without the license of a bishop, to whom also was
given the right of condemning heretical books and writings, while
the State undertook to carry out the bishop’s sentence. Should any
person thus condemned continue in his heresy, he was to be regarded
as relapsed, and handed over to the civil arm, to be publicly
burned. The first victim of this statute was William Sautré, at
one time parish priest of Lynn, and involved in the treason of
Kent and Huntingdon. On his persisting in the errors with which he
was charged, the new law was carried into effect. The persecution
once begun did not cease without more victims, and produced the
effect, so common in cases of persecution, of driving the Lollards
into further extremes of fanaticism. The germ of socialism which
no doubt existed in the Lollard doctrine, and which showed itself
in the constant demand for the abolition of the wealth of the
clergy, alarmed the barons, and made them strong supporters of
orthodoxy. The Commons, on the other hand, although they appear
to have differed in feeling at different parts of the reign, were
on the whole willing enough, while supporting orthodoxy of faith,
to countenance the secularization of Church property. Indeed,
they went so far in this direction, that in the year 1410, in
answer to the reiterated request of the King for a settled yearly
subsidy for his life, they pointed out to him the advisability of
appropriating some of the ecclesiastical revenues, which would
be enough, they said, to supply him with 15 earls, 1500 knights,
and 6200 men-at-arms for military service. They begged also that
those condemned for heresy might be withdrawn from the bishop’s
jurisdiction, and tried by secular courts.[85]
[Sidenote: Henry’s jealousy of the Prince of Wales.]
[Sidenote: Henry’s death.]
The popularity of the Prince of Wales, his position as head of his
father’s Council, not unnaturally gave the King some uneasiness
in his last years. It seems not improbable that, having been once
put at the head of the Council, he virtually performed many of the
duties of the Government. Documents are extant in which he seems
to be regarded as the King’s representative. Moreover, the course
of events seems to show certain changes of policy which can be
explained in this way. It is evident from his after policy, that
he was much attached to the Burgundian party in France. We may
therefore credit him with the assistance sent to them, which proved
so useful to them at the Battle of St. Cloud, especially as the
force was commanded by his friend, Sir John Oldcastle. The sudden
change of foreign policy coincides in time with the King’s altered
tone in replying to the petitions of the Commons. These changes
may very probably mark a determination on the part of the King to
re-establish his authority, too much weakened by the position and
popularity of the Prince. The stories of the Prince’s wild life
in London are mentioned by writers who are almost contemporary,
yet do not seem to agree well with what is certainly known of his
industry in public business. They, as well as the strange travesty
of Oldcastle, a good soldier and stern religious enthusiast,
into Shakspeare’s jovial knight, Sir John Falstaff, are perhaps
based on the malicious view taken by the orthodox of Oldcastle’s
religious tendencies. It is well known that one of the charges
alleged against all enthusiastic religionists is immorality. Prince
Henry’s subsequent prosecution and punishment of Oldcastle would be
represented as the discharge of his old favourites. The aspiring
and dangerous character of the Prince, in the eyes of his father,
is represented by the story which describes him as having taken
the crown from his father’s bedside during one of his fits, and
placed it on his own head; and having answered to the remorseful
observations of the King as to the unjust manner in which he had
gained it, that he “was prepared to guard it against the world in
arms.” It is at all events certain that coolness existed between
father and son at the close of the reign. The French expedition was
intrusted, not to the Prince of Wales, but to the Duke of Clarence,
and for the last year and a half Prince Henry was removed from his
position as President of the Council. The disease which had so long
tormented Henry came to a fatal termination on the 20th of March
1413.
HENRY V.
1413-1422.
Born 1388 = Catherine of France.
|
Henry VI.
CONTEMPORARY PRINCES.
_Scotland._ | _France._ | _Germany._ | _Spain._
| | |
James I., 1405. | Charles VI., 1380. | Sigismund, 1410. | John II., 1406.
POPES.--John XXII., 1410. Martin V., 1417.
_Archbishops._ | _Chancellors._
|
Thomas Arundel, 1397. | Cardinal Beaufort, 1413.
Henry Chicheley, 1414. | Thomas Longley, 1417.
[Sidenote: Fortunate opening of his reign. 1413.]
The position of Henry V. on coming to the throne contrasts sharply
with that of his predecessor. Henry IV., with disputed title,
and in the midst of excited passions of faction, in which he had
himself taken a prominent share, had to work out for himself the
establishment of his dynasty and the restoration of political
order. His son entered into the fruits of his labour. He had but
to continue his father’s policy. The dynasty seemed secure, the
apparatus of government was in good working order, and the new
King, already practised in the work of government, brought with him
that popularity which brilliant qualities, a handsome person, and
the vigour of youth, are sure to secure. The painstaking prudence
of the late King, overshadowed as it was by his ill-health and
gloomy character, was forgotten, and the hopes of the nation were
fixed upon the fortunate youth whose faults as yet had been but
those which are easily pardoned as the natural wildness incident to
his age.
[Sidenote: General amnesty and release of prisoners.]
The young King seemed to please himself with the idea that his
peaceful accession was to complete the healing of faction in the
country, and to begin a period of glory and happiness. He made
but few changes in the ministry of his father, but both Thomas
Arundel, the Archbishop, and Sir William Gascoigne were removed
from their offices. It is possible that they may have been the
advisers of the late King during that period when he was at enmity
with his son. Already, before his coronation, of their own free
will the nobles did him homage; and his Parliament granted him
without difficulty the tax on wool for four years. To complete the
general harmony, he published an amnesty, dismissed many political
prisoners, and the greater part of his Scottish captives, and
entered into negotiations for the liberty of the Scotch King.
He even went so far as to reinstate both the Earl of March, the
real claimant to the throne, and Henry Percy, son of Hotspur, his
father’s persistent enemy, in their property and position. The body
of Richard II. was removed from Langley, and honourably interred in
Westminster. The past was, as it were, to be forgotten, and Henry
would rule as the popular and accepted King of all parties.
[Sidenote: Signs of slumbering discontent.]
[Sidenote: The Lollards. 1414.]
In the midst of this show of security and peace there were,
however, visible signs that his father’s work was not yet
completed. The royal favour shown to the Church and to the orthodox
party during the last reign, and the persecution which had fallen
upon heresy, had not by any means destroyed the Lollards. The
same policy had still to be pursued. The religious, it might be
called the bigoted, tendency of the house of Lancaster was very
strong in the young King. He had been one of the chief petitioners
against heresy in 1406, and had shared in and superintended
some of the religious executions; especially is mentioned that
of John Badby, in 1410. The Prince had interrupted this man’s
execution, and attempted the conversion of the half-burnt
sufferer; finding him firm, however, he allowed the execution
to be completed. This tendency induced him to enter into close
alliance with the Church, and throughout his reign to adopt the
language of religious enthusiasm, pretending to regard himself
as the appointed instrument of God’s vengeance on the sins of
the French. He thus became the willing agent of the clergy in
completing their persecution of the sectarians, and listened
readily to the exaggerated reports for which the conduct of the
Lollards afforded some ground. The head of this party was now Sir
John Oldcastle, who sat as a Peer in right of his wife under the
title of Lord Cobham. His castle of Cowling, in Kent, afforded
shelter to their persecuted teachers, while his high character and
old friendship with the King made his influence important. The
Archbishop determined to attack this man, at first pretending that
he desired his conversion only. He placed in Henry’s hands an
heretical book which had been found in an illuminator’s shop, and
which belonged to Oldcastle. Henry tried first of all to argue with
Oldcastle (who, however, denied having read the book), but could
not convert him. The duties of friendship being now fulfilled, the
Church was allowed to take the matter in hand. The heretic appeared
several times before his judges, but firmly refused to depart from
his points, that the Pope was Antichrist, and that in the Lord’s
Supper, though the body of Christ might be present, yet the bread
was bread. This firmness produced the only possible result, and he
was condemned to be burnt; but in the interval allowed him before
the completion of his sentence, he managed to escape.[86]
The attack upon their chief roused the Lollards, and they are
said to have entered into a general conspiracy for surprising
and mastering the King and his brothers at Eltham, during the
festivities of Christmas. Henry had early news of a meeting which
was to be held on the 7th of January 1414, in St. Giles’ Fields.
It is quite unproved how far the intentions of the conspirators
really reached. Henry, with the Church behind him, was ready to
believe anything. He feared, perhaps, an insurrection similar
to Wat Tyler’s. Causing, therefore, the gates of the city to be
closed, he spread armed men round the place of meeting, and as the
Lollards approached, singly or in small bodies, they were seized.
The news that the King’s forces were abroad soon spread, and
prevented any great number from falling into his hands. A jury was
hastily summoned to declare that Oldcastle had treasonable plans,
and a price was set on his head. The same jury then proceeded to
try the thirty-nine prisoners, all of whom were either hanged or
burnt. This event was followed by a still stricter proscription of
heretical preachers and books. Chicheley, who succeeded Arundel as
Archbishop this year, followed in his predecessor’s steps, and a
statute was passed by which all judges and municipal authorities
were bidden to apprehend and try Lollards, while conviction of
heresy entailed confiscation of goods.
[Sidenote: Henry’s reasons for the impolitic French war.]
Henry prided himself on having won his first victory in the cause
of the Church; but his naturally ambitious character led him to
desire triumphs of another kind. It seems indeed as if a strange
combination of motives impelled him to take the false step which
gave the character to his reign, and plunged the country into a
lengthy and ultimately disastrous war with France. His father is
said to have urged him, with mistaken worldly wisdom, to withdraw
the minds of his subjects from dangerous topics by filling them
with thoughts of military glory. The Church, frightened by the
suggestions of confiscation in the last reign, urged him to pursue
the same course. The natural but mistaken admiration for military
glory induced him to listen readily to their advice, while the
wickedness and misery exhibited by the French nation at once
afforded him an admirable opportunity, and may have suggested to
his fanatical mind, that it was his duty to punish such vice, and
to reduce such turbulence into order. Experience proved, as it
often has proved, the mistake, nay, the wickedness, of averting
domestic dangers by the wanton pursuit of warlike success.
Meanwhile, at first, and during the whole of this King’s short
life, the step seemed perfectly successful. The reign, as a period
of English history, is almost devoid of interest. The attention of
the nation was centred in a French war.
[Sidenote: Expulsion of the Burgundians from Paris.]
[Sidenote: Attempt at national government.]
Since the Duke of Clarence had secured Guienne the state of France
had become only more deplorable. The Treaty of Auxerre produced
no real union between the factions. There was a certain show of
national action under the pressure of a threatened invasion from
England; the King and the Great Council of France sat in Paris;
the States General were summoned, and under the influence of the
University certain reforms introduced. But the death of Henry IV.
prevented for the time all danger of invasion; and the cause of
union being removed, the factions again separated. The Duke de
Guienne, the French King’s eldest son, and representative of the
crown during his father’s fits of madness, was devoted to the
wildest licentiousness, and disliked his gloomy father-in-law,
John of Burgundy. He began to intrigue for the restoration of the
Orleanist Princes. The ruffianly populace of Paris, headed by the
guild of butchers, and led by Caboche, a skinner, were devotedly
attached to the Burgundians. A fierce and murderous uproar arose;
but its violence was such, that the better class of citizens were
aroused, expelled the Cabochiens, who fled to the Duke of Burgundy,
and readmitted the Armagnacs, as the Orleanists were now called.
The counter-revolution was complete, the Armagnacs got possession
of the government, attacked the Burgundian Duke, and drove him
before them, till they were checked at Arras. A temporary truce was
then patched up; but the Duke of Guienne soon after contrived for
a moment to banish both parties from the capital, and to establish
a sort of national government.
[Sidenote: Henry’s double diplomacy and outrageous claims.]
It was at this time that Henry V. began to meddle in French
affairs. Already, during the retreat to Arras, Burgundy had opened
negotiations with him, and these, in his anger against the Duke
of Guienne, he now pressed still more warmly. Meanwhile, Henry
negotiated also with the central authority in Paris. By this double
negotiation, which included a plan for the marriage of Henry, on
the one hand, with Catherine of France, and on the other, with
Catherine of Burgundy, Henry made Burgundy neutral, while he
pressed claims on the unfortunate French monarch of so outrageous a
description, that he must have intended by securing their rejection
to give himself a plausible ground for war. His first demand was
nothing less than the cession of the whole French monarchy. When
this was refused, his ambassadors restricted their demand to all
the countries ceded to Edward III. by the Peace of Brétigny, as
well as Normandy, the coast of Picardy, Anjou, Maine and Touraine,
the suzerainty of Brittany and Flanders, 1,600,000 crowns, as
the residue of King John’s ransom, with the hand of the Princess
Catherine, and a dowry of 2,000,000 crowns. The Duke of Berri, the
King’s uncle, was at that time the chief member of the government.
He naturally refused Henry’s enormous demands, but offered all the
districts of Aquitaine to the south of the Charente, and 600,000
crowns as dowry for the Princess.
[Sidenote: His preparations.]
All this while, Henry continued his preparations, raised troops,
borrowed ships from Holland and Zeeland, and summoned in April a
great council of Peers.[87] He there declared his intention of
seeking his rights in France, appointed his brother John, Duke of
Bedford, Lieutenant of the kingdom, and fixed the conditions of
the contracts which he made with nobles for supplying him with
soldiers.[88] He arranged also the manner in which the spoil was
to be divided, and other details for the supply of the army. The
devotion of the Church was to supply him with the means of meeting
these vast expenses. Archbishop Chicheley and the Churchmen,
fearing, no doubt, the democratic tendencies of the Commons, were
willing to make some sacrifice. They agreed that no foreigners
should hold benefices, and thus allowed the King to use the incomes
of all the priories of the foreign orders of the kingdom to the
number of 122. The proceeds of this transaction, increased by
loans from foreigners, the pawning of his jewels, and the pledging
of the tax on wool, supplied him with finances. An embassy from
France, with still larger offers, including Limousin, and a dowry
of 800,000 crowns, produced no improvement in the relations between
the two countries.
[Sidenote: He lands in France. 1415.]
Before Charles VI. could reply to the despatch of his ambassador,
announcing the rejection of these terms, on the 3rd of August, the
English army, of about 6000 men-at-arms and 24,000 archers, was
already embarked. On the 14th of August it landed at the mouth of
the Seine, where Havre de Grace now is. No steps were taken to
prevent the disembarkation. The kingdom was in a state of fearful
misery and disorder. The conduct of the war was given to the
Armagnacs, Charles d’Albret was appointed constable; the Duke of
Burgundy therefore held aloof, and the English had, in fact, only
one half of the country against them.
[Sidenote: Conspiracy of Cambridge.]
An event had occurred before the English embarkation which, by
proving to the King that his position was not so secure as he
thought, may have made him still more determined in his present
course. He was engaged at Southampton preparing his expedition,
when a conspiracy was discovered, in which the King’s cousin
Richard, brother of the Duke of York, and lately created Earl of
Cambridge, and one of his most trusted counsellors, Henry Scrope
of Masham, were implicated. They were accused of an intention to
take Edmund, Earl of March, with them into Wales, to crown him
there, and declare him rightful King, if Richard were really dead.
They had also summoned from Scotland Thomas of Trumpington, the
false Richard. The Earl of Cambridge had married Ann of Mortimer,
the sister of the Earl of March. We have here the beginning of
that close union between the supporters of the legitimate line and
the House of York, which again appears in the Wars of the Roses.
Cambridge and Scrope were both executed.
[Sidenote: Capture of Harfleur.]
The first place to be attacked was Harfleur; it was bravely
defended by the garrison under the Sire d’Estouteville. The
inhabitants were told by the Court to take courage and trust to
the King, but no help was sent them, though 14,000 or 15,000 men
were within reach. On the 22nd of September they were compelled to
capitulate. The conquered town was treated as Calais had been; the
wealthier inhabitants were put to ransom, the goods seized, the
people given their choice of leaving the city or becoming English.
But this success had been hardly earned, the losses both by
sickness and in fighting had been great. A large number of invalids
had to be sent back to England. With little more than half his
army Henry could venture no further into France. He determined
to march along the coast to Calais. The strictest discipline was
maintained in the little band, and the King strove to foster in
it a religious and enthusiastic spirit; pillage was punished with
death; rations only were demanded from the inhabitants.