CHAPTER IX

WOMEN AND PRIMITIVE INDUSTRY

I have referred in an earlier chapter to a letter from Mr. H. G.

Wells, sent to me after the publication of my book, _The Truth about

Woman_. Now, there is one sentence in this letter that I wish to quote

here, because it brings home just what it is my purpose in this

chapter to show--that the mother-age was a civilisation owing its

institutions, and its early victories over nature, rather to the

genius of woman than to that of man. Mr. Wells does not, indeed, say

this. He rejects the mother-age, and in questioning my acceptance of

it as a stage in the past histories of societies, he writes: "The

primitive matriarchate never was anything more than mother at the

washing-tub and father looking miserable."

It seems to me that here, in his own inimitable way, Mr. Wells (though

I think quite unconsciously) sums up the past labour-history of woman

and man. His statement has very far-reaching considerations. It forces

us to accept the active utility of primitive woman in the community--a

utility more developed and practical than that of man. This was really

the basis of women's position of power. The constructive quality of

the female mind, at a time when the male attention and energy were

fixed chiefly on the destructive activities of warfare, was liberated

for use and invention. Women were the seekers, slowly increasing their

efficiency.

Very much the same account of the primitive sexual division in work

was given by an Australian Kurnai to Messrs. Fison and Howitt, in a

sentence that has been quoted very frequently: "A man hunts, spears

fish, fights and sits about, all the rest is woman's work." This may

be accepted as a fair statement of how work is divided between the two

sexes among primitive peoples. Now, what I wish to make plain is that

it was an arrangement in which the advantage was really on the side of

the woman rather than on that of the man. I would refer the reader

back to what has been said on this subject in Chapter III, where I

summed up the conditions acting on the women in the hypothetical first

stage of the primordial family. We saw that the males were chiefly

concerned with the absorbing duties of sex and fighting rivals, and

also hunting for game. The women's interest, on the other hand, was

bent on domestic activities--in caring for their children and

developing the food supplies immediately around them. From the

hearth-home, or shelter, as the start of settled life, and with their

intelligence sharpened by the keen chisel of necessity, women carried

on their work as the organisers and directors of industrial

occupations. Very slowly did they make each far-reaching discovery;

seeds cast into the ground sprouted and gave the first start of

agriculture. The plant world gave women the best returns for the

efforts they made, and they began to store up food. Contrivance

followed contrivance, each one making it possible for women to do

more. Certain animals, possibly brought back by the hunters from the

forests, were kept and tamed. Presently the use of fire was

discovered--we know not how--but women became the guardians of this

source of life. And now, instead of caves or tree-shelters, there were

huts and tents and houses, and of these, too, women were frequently

the builders. The home from the first was of greater importance to the

women; it was the place where the errant males rejoined their wives

and children, and hence the women became the owners of the homes and

the heads of households. For as yet the men were occupied in fighting.

The clumsy and the stupid among them were killed soonest; the fine

hand, the quick eye--these prevailed age by age. Tools and weapons

were doubtless fashioned by these fighters, but for destruction; the

male's attention was directed mainly by his own desires. And may we

not accept that among the most pressing activities of women was the

need to tame man and make him social, so that he could endure the

rights of others than himself?

So through the long generations the life of human societies continued.

Those activities, due to female influence, developing and opening up

new ways in all directions, until we have that early civilisation,

which I have called the mother-age.

All the world over, even to this day, this separation in the labour

activities of the two sexes can be traced. Destructive work, demanding

a special development of strength, with corresponding periods of rest,

falls to men; and contrasted with this violent and intermittent male

force we find, with the same uniformity, that the work of women is

domestic and constructive, being connected with the care of children

and all the various industries which radiate from the home--work

demanding a different kind of strength, more enduring, more

continuous, but at a lower tension.

Bonwick's account of the work of Tasmanian women may be taken as

typical--

"In addition to the necessary duty of looking after the

children, the women had to provide all the food for the

household excepting that derived from the chase of the

kangaroo. They climbed up hills for the opossum" (a very

difficult task, requiring great strength and also skill),

"delved in the ground for yams, native bread, and nutritious

roots, groped about the rocks for shellfish, dived beneath

the sea for oysters, and fished for the finny tribe. In

addition to this, they carried, on their frequent tramps,

the household stuffs in native baskets of their own

manufacture."[144]

[144] _Daily Life and Origin of the Tasmanians_, p. 55.

Among the Indians of Guiana the men's work is to hunt, and to cut down

the trees when the cassava is to be planted. When the men have felled

the trees and cleaned the ground, the women plant the cassava and

undertake all the subsequent operations; agriculture is entirely in

their hands. They are little, if at all, weaker than the men, and they

work all day while the men are often in their hammocks smoking; but

there is no cruelty or oppression exercised by the men towards the

women.[145]

[145] Everard im Thurn, _Among the Indians of Guiana_.

In Africa we meet with much the same conditions of labour. "The work

is done chiefly by the women, this is universal; they hoe the fields,

sow the seed, and reap the harvest. To them, too, falls all the labour

of house-building, grinding corn, brewing beer, cooking, washing, and

caring for almost all the material interests of the community. The men

tend the cattle, hunt, go to war; they also spend much time sitting in

council over the conduct of affairs."[146]

[146] Macdonald, "East Central African Customs," _Journal

Anthropological Institute_, Feb. 1890, p. 342.

I may note the interesting account of Prof. Haddon[147] of the work of

the Western Tribes of the Torres Straits--

[147] _Journal Anthropological Institute_, Feb. 1890, p. 342.

"The men fished, fought, built houses, did a little

gardening, made fish-lines, fish-hooks, spears, and other

implements, constructed dance-masks and head-dresses, and

all the paraphernalia for the various ceremonies and dances.

They performed all the rites and dances, and in addition did

a good deal of strutting up and down, loafing and 'yarning.'

The women cooked and prepared the food, did most of the

gardening, collected shell-fish, and speared fish on the

reefs, made petticoats, baskets and mats."

Similar examples might be almost indefinitely multiplied. Among the

Andamanese, while the men go into the jungle to hunt pigs, the women

fetch drinking water and firewood, catch shell-fish, make fishing nets

and baskets, spin thread, and cook the food ready for the return of

the men.[148] The Moki women of America have fifty ways of preparing

corn for food. They make all the preparations necessary for these

varied dishes, involving the arts of the stonecutter, the carrier, the

mason, the miller and the cook.[149] In New Caledonia "girls work in

the plantations, boys learn to fight."[150]

[148] Owen, _Transactions of the Ethnological Society_, New

Series, Vol. II, p. 36.

[149] Mason, _Woman's Share in Primitive Culture_, p. 143.

[150] Turner, _Nineteen Years in Polynesia_, p. 424.

We should, however, fall into a popular error concerning the division

of labour in savagery, if we consider that all women's work is

regarded as degrading to men and all men's work is tabooed to women.

The duties of war and the chase are the chief occupation of men, yet

in all parts of the world women have fought at need, and sometimes

habitually, both to assist their men and also against them. Thus

Buckley, who lived for many years among the Australian tribes, relates

that when the tribe he lived with was attacked by a hostile party, the

men "raised a war-cry; on hearing this the women threw off their rugs

and, each armed with a short club, flew to the assistance of their

husbands and brothers."[151] In Central Australia the men occasionally

beat the women through jealousy, but on such occasions it is by no

means rare for the women, single handed, to beat the men

severely.[152] Again, men carry on, as a rule, the negotiations on

tribal concerns, but in such matters exceptions are very numerous.

Among the Australian Dieyerie, Curr states that the women act as

ambassadors to arrange treaties, and invariably succeed in their

mission.[153] The same conditions are found among the American

Indians. Men are the hunters and fishers, but women also hunt and

fish. Among the Yahgan of Tierra del Fuego fishing is left entirely to

the women,[154] and this is not at all unusual. Mrs. Allison states of

the Similkameen Indians of British Columbia that formerly "the women

were nearly as good hunters as the men," but being sensitive to the

ridicule of the white settlers, they have given up hunting.[155] In

hunting trips, the help of women is often not to be despised.

Warburton Pike writes thus: "I saw what an advantage it is to take

women on a hunting trip. If we killed anything, we had only to cut up

and _cache_ the meat, and the women would carry it. On returning to

camp we could throw ourselves down on a pile of caribou skins and

smoke our pipes in comfort, but the women's work was never

finished."[156] This account is very suggestive. The man undergoes the

fatigue of hunting, and when he has thrown the game at the woman's

feet his part is done; it is her duty to carry it and to cook it, as

well as to make the vessels in which the food is placed. The skins and

the refuse are hers to utilise, and all the industries connected with

clothing are chiefly in her hands.[157] Hearne, in his delightful old

narrative, speaks of the assistance of women on hunting expeditions--

"For when all the men are heavy laden they can neither hunt

nor travel to any considerable distance; and in case they

meet with any success in hunting, who is to carry the

produce of their labour?"

[151] _Life and Adventures of William Buckley_, p. 43.

[152] _Journal Anthropological Institute_, Aug. 1890, p. 61.

[153] _Australian Races_, cited by Ellis, _Man and Woman_, p.

9 _note_.

[154] Haydes et Deniker, _Mission Scientifique de Cape Horn_,

tome vii, 1891.

[155] _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, Feb. 1892,

p. 307.

[156] Warburton Pike, _Barren Grounds_, p. 75.

[157] Havelock Ellis, _Man and Woman_, p. 5.

He adds with a charming frankness--

"Women were made for labour; one of them can carry or haul

as much as two men can do. They also pitch our tents, make

and mend our clothing, keep us warm at night, and, in fact,

there is no such thing as travelling any considerable

distance, or any length of time, in this country without

their assistance."[158]

[158] _A Journey from Prince of Wales's Fort to the Northern

Ocean_, p. 55.

Numerous other examples might be added which illustrate how women take

part in the destructive work of men; conversely we find not a few

cases of the co-operation of men in the women's activities. The world

over, women are usually the weavers and spinners; but with the Navajo

and in some of the Pueblos the men are among the best weavers.[159]

Among the Indians of Guiana the men are specially skilful in

basket-weaving, and here also they as well as the women spin and

weave.[160] More curious is the custom in East Africa where all the

sewing for their own and the women's garments is done by the men, and

very well done. Sewing is here so entirely recognised as men's work

that a wife may obtain a divorce if she "can show a neglected rend in

her petticoat."[161]

[159] Mason, _op. cit._, p. 10.

[160] Im Thurn, _Among the Indians of British Guiana_.

[161] Macdonald, _Journal Anthropological Institute_, Aug.

1892.

It is a common mistake, arising from insufficient knowledge, to

suppose that savage women are specially subject to oppression. Their

life is hard as we look at it, but not as they look at it. We have

still much to learn on these matters. An even greater error is the

view that these women are a source of weakness to the male members of

their families. The very reverse is the truth. Primitive women are

strong in body and capable in work. Fison and Howitt, in discussing

this question, state of the Australian women, "In times of peace, they

are the hardest workers and the most useful members of the community."

And in times of war, "they are perfectly capable of taking care of

themselves at all times, and so far from being an encumbrance on the

warriors, they will fight, if need be, as bravely as the men, and with

even greater ferocity."[162] This is no exceptional case. The strength

of savage women is proved by reports from widely different races, of

which all testify to their physical capability and aptness for labour.

Schellong,[163] who has carefully studied the Papuans of the German

protectorate of New Guinea, from the anthropological point of view,

"considers that the women are more strongly built than the men." Nor

does heavy work appear to damage the health or beauty of the women,

but the contrary. Thus among the Andombies on the Congo, to give one

instance, the women, though working very hard as carriers, and as

labourers in general, lead an entirely happy existence; they are often

stronger than the men and more finely developed: some of them, we are

told, have really splendid figures. And Parke, speaking of the

Manyuema of the Arruwimi in the same region, says that "they are fine

animals, and the women very handsome; they carry loads as heavy as

those of the men and do it quite as well."[164] Again, McGee[165]

comments on the extraordinary capacity of quite aged women for heavy

labour. He tells of "a withered crone, weighing apparently not more

than 80 to 90 lb. who carried a _kilio_ containing a stone mortar 196

lb. in weight for more than half a mile on a sandy road without any

perceptible exhaustion. The proportion of the active aged is much

larger than among civilised people."

[162] _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, pp. 133, 147.

[163] Cited by Ellis, _Man and Woman_, p. 4.

[164] H. H. Johnston, _The Kilimanjaro Expedition_; Parke,

_Experiences in Equatorial Africa_. These examples are cited

by Ellis.

[165] "The Beginnings of Agriculture," _American

Anthropologist_, Oct. 1895, p. 37.

I may pause to note some of the numerous industries of which women

were the originators. First of all, woman is the food-giver; all the

labours relating to the preparation of food, and to the utilisation of

the side products of foodstuffs are usually found in the hands of

women. Women are everywhere the primitive agriculturists. They beat

out the seeds from plants; dig for roots and tubers, strain the

poisonous juices from the cassava and make bread from the residue; and

it was under their attention that a southern grass was first developed

into what we know as Indian corn.[166] The removal of poisonous matter

from tapioca by means of hot water is also the discovery of savage

women.[167] All the evolution of primitive agriculture may be traced

to women's industry. Power tells of the Yokia women in Central

California who employ neither plough nor hoe, but cultivate the ground

by digging the earth deep and rubbing it fine with their hands, and by

this means they get an excellent yield.[168] Women have everywhere

been the first potters; vessels were needed for use in cooking, to

carry and to hold water, and to store the supplies of food. For the

same reason baskets were woven. Women invented and exercised in common

multifarious household occupations and industries. Curing food,

tanning the hides of animals, spinning, weaving, dyeing--all are

carried on by women. The domestication of animals is usually in

women's hands. They are also the primitive architects; the hut, in

widely different parts of the world--among Kaffirs, Fuegians,

Polynesians, Kamtschatdals--is built by women. We have seen that the

communal houses of the American Indians are mainly erected by the

women. Women were frequently, though not always, the primitive

doctors. Among the Kurds, for instance, all the medical knowledge is

in the hands of the women, who are the hereditary _hakims_.[169] Women

seem to have prepared the first intoxicating liquors. The Quissama

women in Angola climb the gigantic palm trees to obtain

palm-beer.[170] In the ancient legends of the North, women are clearly

represented as the discoverers of ale.[171]

[166] Thomas, _Sex and Society_, p. 136.

[167] Mason, _op. cit._ p. 24.

[168] _Cont. North American Ethnology_, Vol. III, p. 167.

[169] Mrs. Bishop, _Journeys in Persia and Kurdistan_, cited

by H. Ellis, _op. cit._, p. 6.

[170] _Jour. Anthrop. Inst._, Vol. I, p. 190.

[171] "Magic Songs of the Finns," _Folk-lore_, Mar. 1892.

It would be easy to go on almost indefinitely multiplying examples of

the industries of primitive women. There can be no doubt at all that

their work is exacting and incessant; it is also inventive in its

variety and its ready application to the practical needs of life. If a

catalogue of the primitive forms of labour were made, each woman would

be found doing at least half-a-dozen things while a man did one. We

may accept the statement of Prof. Mason that in the early history of

mankind "women were the industrial, elaborative, conservative half of

society. All the peaceful arts of to-day were once women's peculiar

province. Along the lines of industrialism she was pioneer, inventor,

author, originator."[172]

[172] _American Antiquarian_, Jan. 1899.

There is another matter that must be noted. The primitive division of

labour between the sexes was not in any sense an arrangement dictated

by men, nor did they impose the women's tasks upon them. The view that

the women are forced to work by the laziness of the men, and that

their heavy and incessant labour is a proof of their degraded position

is entirely out of focus. Quite the reverse is the truth. Evidence is

not wanting of the great advantage arising to women from their close

connection with labour. It was largely their control over the food

supply and their position as actual producers which gave them so much

influence, and even authority in the mother-age. In this connection I

may quote the statement of Miss Werner about the African women as

representing the true conditions--

"I cannot say that, so far as my own observations went, the

women's lot seemed to be a specially hard one. In fact, they

are too important an element in the community not to be

treated with consideration. The fact that they do most of

the heavy field-work does not imply that they are a

down-trodden sex. On the contrary, it gives them a

considerable pull, as a man will think twice before

endangering his food supply."[173]

[173] "Our Subject Races," _The Reformer_, April 1897, p. 43.

Mr. Horatio Hale, a well-known American anthropologist likewise

observes--

"The common opinion that women among savage tribes in

general are treated with harshness, and regarded as slaves,

or at least as inferiors, is, like many common opinions,

based on error, originating in too large and indiscriminate

deduction from narrow premises.... The wife of a Samoan

landowner or Navajo shepherd has no occasion, so far as her

position in her family or among her people, to envy the wife

of a German peasant."[174]

[174] _Journal Anthropological Institute_, May 1892, p. 427,

cited by H. Ellis.

Certainly savage women do not count their work as any degradation.

There is really an equal division of labour between the sexes, though

the work of the men is accomplished more fitfully than that of the

women. The militant activities of fighting and hunting are essential

in primitive life. The women know this, and they do their share--the

industrial share, willingly, without question, and without compulsion.

It is entirely absurd in this work-connection to regard men as the

oppressors of women. Rather the advantage is on the women's side. For

one thing, just because they are accustomed to hard labour all their

lives, they are little, if any, weaker than men. Primitive women are

strong in body, and capable in work. The powers they enjoy as well as

their manifold activities are the result of their position as mothers,

this function being to them a source of strength and not a plea of

weakness.

"They who are accustomed to the ways of civilised women

only," remarks Mr. Fison, "can hardly believe what savage

women are capable of, even when they may well be supposed to

be at their weakest. For instance, an Australian tribe on

the march scarcely take the trouble to halt for so slight a

performance as childbirth. The newly born infant is wrapped

in skins, the march is resumed, and the mother trudges on

with the rest. Moreover, as is well known, among many tribes

elsewhere it is the father who is put to bed, while the

mother goes about her work as if nothing had happened."[175]

[175] _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_, p. 358.

Another important advantage arising to women, through their

identification with the early industrial process, was their position

as the first property owners. They were almost the sole creators of

ownership in land, and held in this respect a position of great power.

This explains the fact that in the transactions of the North American

tribes with the Colonial Government many deeds of assignment bear

female signatures.[176] A form of divorce used by a husband in ancient

Arabia was: "Begone, for I will no longer drive thy flocks to

pasture."[177] In almost all cases the household goods belonged to

the woman. The stores of roots and berries laid up for a time of

scarcity were the property of the wife, and the husband would not

touch them without her permission. In many cases such property was

very extensive. Among the Menomini Indians, for instance, a woman of

good circumstances would own as many as 1200 to 1500 birch-bark

vessels.[178] In the New Mexico Pueblos what comes from the outside of

the house as soon as it is inside is put under the immediate control

of the women. Bandelier, in his report of his tour in Mexico, tells us

that "his host at Cochiti, New Mexico, could not sell an ear of corn

or a string of chili without the consent of his fourteen-year-old

daughter, Ignacia, who kept house for her widowed father."[179]

[176] Ratzel, _History of Mankind_, Vol. II, p. 130.

[177] Robertson Smith, _Kinship and Marriage in Early

Arabia_, p. 65.

[178] Hoffman, "The Menomini Indians," _Fourteenth Report of

the Bureau of American Ethnology_, p. 288.

[179] Papers of the _Archæological Institute of America_,

Vol. II, p. 138.

I must now bring this brief chapter to a close. But first I would give

one further example. It is an account of the Pelew matrons' work in

the taro fields. Here the richest and most influential women count it

their privilege to labour, and it will be remembered that these women

are called "mothers of the land." They are politically and socially

superior to the men; and their position is dependent largely on their

close connection with the staple industry of the island.

"The richest woman in the village looks with pride on her

taro patch, and although she has female followers enough to

allow her merely to superintend the work without taking part

in it, she nevertheless prefers to lay aside her fine apron,

and to betake herself to the field, merely clad in a small

apron that barely hides her nakedness, with a little mat on

her back to protect her from the burning heat of the sun,

and with a shade of banana leaves for her eyes. There,

dripping with sweat in the burning sun, and coated with mud

to the hips and over the elbows, she toils to set the

younger women a good example. Moreover, as in every other

occupation, the _Kalitho_, the gods must be invoked, and who

could be better fitted for the discharge of so important a

duty than 'the Mother of the House.'"

Here is a picture of labour that may well make women pause to think.

The Position of Woman in Primitive Society: A Study of the Matriarchy · 第 6 / 9 章