Ke makaram 1
Rayam makaram 2
Uddulam makaram 3
Panam makaram 4
Mulam makaram 5
Thipanam makaram 6
Maram makaram 7
Thamam makaram 8
Navaram makaram 9
Galam makaram 10
A common saying is that, if you commence at galam, it will be settled
at mulam, or, in plain language, begin at ten varahams, and the
bargain will be closed at five. When one man says to another "Dotu"
or "Dotra," it means strike the bargain. If a Komati is the purchaser,
and another says to him "Dot ko," it means take it.
The Komatis are a highly organised caste. In each place where they
are settled there is a Pedda Setti, who, among the Kalinga Komatis,
is known as Puri Setti or Senapathi. Among the latter, there is
also a headman for several villages, who is styled Kularaju or
Vaisyaraju. Each Pedda Setti is assisted by a Mummadi Setti, who
assembles the castemen for the settlement of important questions,
by fines, excommunication, etc. There is further a caste guru
Bhaskaracharya, whose duties are more religious than social. Komatis
have recourse to the established Courts of Justice only as a last
resort. They are consulted by other castes in the settlement of their
disputes, and it must be said to their credit that their decisions
are usually sound, and bear ample testimony to the confidence which
is placed in them.
The Komatis are, broadly speaking, divided into two great sections,
called Gavara and Kalinga. The former live as far north of Vizianagram,
and are then replaced by the latter. The Gavaras or Gauras are said to
be so called because, by following the caste goddess Kanyakamma into
the fire-pits, they maintained the gauravam or social status of the
caste. According to another version, they are so called because they
revere Gauri (Parvati), the consort of Siva, whose incarnation was the
goddess Kanyakamma. The Kalinga Komatis are those who live in the old
Kalinga or Kling country, which extended roughly from Vizagapatam to
Orissa. They are forbidden to settle beyond Ramatirtham, a place of
pilgrimage close to Vizianagram. The story goes that their ancestors
lived at Padmanabham, the hill close to Bimlipatam, well known from
the battle which took place close to it in 1794, and there sustained
great losses. Hence the place was deserted, and has ever since been
regarded as inauspicious. The Komatis have since that time not resided
at any place from which the hill can be seen. In fact, they make their
first appearance at Chipurupalli, and increase in numbers as we go
north-eastward. The Kalinga Komatis believe themselves to be Gavara
Komatis, who became separated from the main stock owing to their
emigration from their original home. Their meat-eating habit has,
they say, widened the breach which separates the two divisions.
While the Kalinga Komatis form a fairly compact division by themselves,
the Gavaras have become more and more sub-divided. Their sub-divisions
are either territorial, occupational, or religious in character. Thus
there are Penukonda and Veginadu Komatis, of whom the former belong to
the town of Penukonda in the Godavari district, and the latter to the
Vegi or Vengi country, the former name of part of the modern Kistna
district. Again, there are Trinikas or Traivarnikas (third caste
people), who are invariably Vaishnavas, and to which section a good
many of the Komatis in the city of Madras belong. Lingadhari Komatis
are found mostly in the Vizagapatam, Godavari, Guntur and Kistna
districts. They wear the lingam in a gold or silver casket. Besides
these, there are the Siva, Vaishnava, and Madhva Komatis, of which
the last are mostly found in the Bellary district. Of occupational
sub-divisions, the following may be noted:-- Nune (oil); Nethi (ghi,
clarified butter); Dudi (cotton); Uppu (salt); Gone (gunny-bag);
Gantha (torn cloth). Lastly, there are other divisions, of which the
origin dates back to the time of Kanyakamma, the caste goddess. Thus,
there are those who entered the fire-pits with Kanyakamma, and those
who did not. The former are known as Vegina, and the latter as Beri,
which is said to be a corruption of Bedari, meaning those who fled
through fear. All Gavara Komatis are said to be descended from those
who entered the fire-pits. The majority of the Komatis of the Sandur
State, in the Bellary district, belong to the Kallankanadavaru section,
which is said to be descended from those who sat on the stone (kallu)
mantapa outside the Penukonda Kanyakamma temple, when the question
whether to enter the fire-pits or not was being discussed by the
caste elders.
The mutual relations between the various sub-divisions vary
much. Broadly speaking, Gavaras and Kalingas do not intermarry,
and the objection to intermarriage is due to several causes. The
former, according to the caste Purana, gave their lives to their
goddess, while the latter did not. Moreover, the former do not
partake of animal food and spirituous drinks, whereas the latter
do. Lingadharis and ordinary Saivites intermarry, as also do Saivites
and Madhvas. Gavaras and Traivarnikas occasionally intermarry, but such
marriages are looked down upon. The Traivarnikas, like the Kalingas,
eat animal food. The occupational sub-divisions neither intermarry
nor interdine. Socially, the Gavaras are held in the highest esteem,
while the Beris are regarded as the lowest in the social scale.
The sub-divisions are split up into septs, which are of a strictly
exogamous character. That these originated in totemistic belief
seems to be supported by what remains of these beliefs at the
present day. All the sub-divisions contain such septs, which are
very numerous, the names of as many as a hundred and twenty having
been collected. The tendency for a long time past has been to reduce
the number to a hundred and two, to represent the number of families
which followed Kanyakamma to the fire-pits. It would be tedious to
enumerate the names of all these septs, from which the following,
with the corresponding totems, are selected:--
Munikula Agasi (Sesbania grandiflora).
Amalaka or Usiri Amalaka or Usiri (Phyllanthus Emblica).
Anupa or Anupala Anupala (Dolichos Lablab).
Tulasi or Tulashishta. Tulasi (Ocimum sanctum).
Chinta, Chintya, or
Varachinta. Chinta (Tamarindus indica).
Vakkala Vakkalu (Areca Catechu).
Puchcha Puchcha (Citrullus Colocynthis).
Padma-sista Padma (red lotus).
Kamala Kamalam (white lotus).
Aranta Arati (Musa sapientum: plantain).
Thotakula Thotakura (Amarantus, sp.).
Uthakula Uththareni (Achyranthes aspera).
Mandu Mamadikaya (Mangifera indica).
Dikshama Drakshapandu (grapes).
Venkola Vankaya (Solanum Melongena: brinjal).
Sauna Samanthi (Chrysanthemum indicum).
Gosila, Sathya Gosila, and Uthama Gosila. Cow.
Asthi Elephant.
Enupa Buffalo.
Ghonta Horse.
Ananta Cobra.
Bhramada or Bhramara Bee.
Arka or Surya Sun.
Chandra, Chandra Sishta, Suchandra, or Vannavamsam. Moon.
It may be observed that the totems are variously termed gotram,
vamsam, and kulam. The first of these is in imitation of the Brahman
gotras. Vamsam is the bams of the Agency tracts of Ganjam, Vizagapatam,
and the Godavari districts. The name means bamboo, and denotes a
family, whose branches are as countless as those of a bamboo. Kulam
is used as the equivalent of group or family. The totem objects are
revered in the usual way, and no secret is made of the reverence
shown to them. In regard to plant totems, it is stated that, if the
totem objects are not strictly treated as tabu, delinquents will be
born as insects for seven generations. But an exception is allowed. A
person who wishes to eat the forbidden plant may do so by annually
performing the funeral ceremonies of the totem ancestor at Gaya,
the great Hindu place of pilgrimage where obsequial ceremonies to
ancestors are performed.
In recent times, the Komatis have claimed to be the Vaisyas mentioned
in the Vedic Purusha-sukta. Accordingly, the totems have been arranged
under the different Brahmanical gotras, whose pravaras have been
appropriated. Thus, Munikula and four others are grouped under Madgalya
Rishi gotra, whose pravara is given for all the five. Similarly,
Vakkala kula and another kula come under Vayavya Rishi; Ghonta kula
under Goupaka Rishi; Arati, Arisishta and a few others under Atri
Rishi; Anupa kula under Agasthya Rishi, and so on. It is said that the
totem names are secret names (sanketa namamulu) given by Kanyakamma,
in order that the bearers thereof may be distinguished from those who
did not take up her cause. All sub-divisions of the caste, however,
have these septs in common.
In the northern parts of the Madras Presidency, the sept is further
sub-divided into sections called intiperulu (house names). These are
either named after some distinguished ancestor, or the place where
the family once lived before emigrating to their present abode. These
intiperulu are purely exogamous.
A Komati can claim his maternal uncle's daughter in marriage, in
accordance with the custom of menarikam. The rigidity with which
this right is exercised is testified by the sacred book of the
caste--the Kanyaka Purana. On their descent from heaven, it is said,
the Komatis settled in eighteen towns (ashta dasapuramulu), which
had been built by Visvakarma under the orders of Siva. These towns
are said to be situated in a tract of country sixty-four yojanas in
extent, and bounded on the east by the Gautami (Godavari), on the
south by the sea, on the west by the Gostani, and on the north by the
Ganges. Of these, Penukonda, in the modern Godavari district, was the
capital. In it are the temples of Nagariswaraswami (dedicated to Siva),
and Janardhanaswami (dedicated to Vishnu). Its Pedda Setti was Kusama
Sreshti, and his wife was Kusamamba. He performed Putra Kameshti
sacrifice, and was blessed with a son and daughter. The former was
named Virupaksha, and the latter Vasavambika (Vasavakanya, Kanyakamma,
or Kanyaka Parameswari). The girl was possessed of indescribable
beauty. Vishnu Vardhana, the son of Vijayarka of the lineage of the
moon, who had his capital at Rajamundry, while on a pleasure tour
round his dominions, halted at Penugonda, on learning that it was
ruled by Setti Rajas, who paid no tribute to him. Being informed of
his arrival by their boys, the caste elders, headed by Kusuma Setti,
welcomed him, and took him in procession through the town. Then
the women of the place waved arathi before him. Among them was the
beautiful Vasavambika, with whom the king instantly fell in love. He
proposed to her father that he should give her in marriage to himself,
and in return obtain the gift of half of his kingdom. Kusuma Sreshti
protested, and said that the sastras were against such a union. The
king, through his minister, threatened that he would plunder his town,
take him prisoner, and, with the riches of the place, carry off his
daughter, and marry her. The Setti chief and his compatriots prayed
for time to think over the matter, and retired. The chief then called a
meeting of the castemen, at which it was decided that they should make
a false promise to the king that they would give the girl in marriage
to him, and send him off with a dinner, to return to Penugonda for
the marriage after the lapse of a couple of months. Meanwhile, the
boys of the town assembled, and resolved that the dinner ought not
to be given. They informed their elders of this resolution, and were
commissioned to induce the king to leave the town without it. This
they did, with the ambiguous promise that, if they did not give
the girl in marriage to him, they would kill themselves. On this,
the king went off towards his capital, and Kusuma Setti called a
caste meeting of the eighteen towns, at which various proposals were
made. One proposed that the girl should not be given in marriage,
and that, if the king came to claim her hand, he should be driven
off. Another proposed that they should give the girl to the king,
and save themselves from ruin. Others suggested that it would be best
to marry the king to a substituted girl, to secrete the coveted girl,
or to bribe the ministers to induce the king to abandon his intention
of marrying her. The last of these proposals was adopted, and a few
elders were sent to Rajamundry, to negotiate the affair. They first
argued that, though they promised to give the girl in marriage, the
promise was made through fear of the king's anger, and they could not
give the girl in contravention of the rule of menarikam. The king,
in his fury, ordered that the troops should immediately besiege the
eighteen towns, imprison the inhabitants in dark dungeons, and carry
off the girl in a palanquin. On this, the envoys heavily bribed the
ministers, and begged them not to march the army on their towns. But
the king would not yield, and sent his troops on Penugonda. The envoys
returned home, and narrated their sad tale. A further meeting of the
castemen was called at the instance of Bhaskaracharya, the caste guru,
and it was resolved that all who wished to maintain the caste rule of
menarikam should prepare to kill themselves in burning fire-pits. The
majority fled rather than comply with the resolution. Those,
however, who determined to sacrifice themselves in the fire-pits
were 102 gotras in number, and they assembled in council, and asked
Kusuma Sreshti to induce his daughter (who was only seven years old)
to die with them. To this she consented, and showed herself in her
true form of Paramesvari, the wife of Siva. On this, the Setti chief
returned to his castemen, who asked him to get 103 fire-pits ready in
the western portion of the town before the arrival of the king. These
were accordingly dug, and decorated with festoons and plantain trunks
at the four corners. Then the heads of the 102 gotras assembled,
with their wives, in the courtyard of the temple of Nagaresvaraswami,
where Vasavambika was symbolically married to the god. The headmen
then tied on vira kankanams (heroes' wrist-threads), and marched in
a body, with Vasavambika, to the fire-pits. There they gave counsel
to their children that they should not ask voli (bride-price) for the
marriage of their daughters, or communicate their secrets to females,
or allow karnams (village accountants), rulers, unbelievers, or those
universally abused into their homes. They further counselled them to
give their daughters in marriage to the sons of their paternal aunts,
even though they should be black-skinned, plain, blind of one eye,
senseless, or of vicious habits, and though their horoscopes did not
agree, and the omens were inauspicious. They were warned that, if
they failed in so doing, they would lose their riches, and misfortune
would fall on their families. Moreover, full power was given to the
castemen to excommunicate the delinquents, and put them outside the
town limits. If the transgressors subsequently repented, they were,
after the lapse of six months, to be sent to Kasi (Benares), bathe
in the Ganges, and return to their home. There they were to openly
express their regret for their past conduct, fast the whole day,
feed Brahmans, and present them with three hundred cows, and hear
the Mahabharatha during the night. On the following day, they were
again to fast, present two hundred cows to Brahmans and feast them,
and hear the Ramayana during the night. On the third day, they were
once more to fast, present a hundred cows, and hear the Bhagavatam
during the night. On the fourth day, they were again to feast
Brahmans, and worship Nagaresvaraswami of Penugonda, and thus purge
themselves from the sin of contravening the rule of menarikam. But
they were not bound to follow the rule, if the paternal aunt's son
was totally blind, deaf, insane, stricken with disease, a eunuch,
thief, idiot, leper, dwarf, or immoral, or if an old man or younger
than the girl. The children were further advised to respect, at the
time of their marriage, the families whose heads went as envoys to the
king at Rajamundry, and the boys who made false promises to the king,
and induced him to withdraw to his capital. The heads of the families
then made various gifts to Brahmans, and asked Vasavambika to enter
the pit. In her true form of Paramesvari, she blessed those gotras
which had resolved to follow her, and announced that those who had
fled would be nameless and without caste. She then declared that,
immediately Vishnu Vardhana entered Penugonda, his head would fall
severed from his neck. Finally, she invoked Brahma not to create
thenceforth beautiful girls in the caste in which she was born, and
prayed that in future they should be short of stature, with gaping
mouth, disproportionate legs, broad ears, crooked hands, red hair,
sunken eyes, dilated eye-balls, insane looks, broad noses and wide
nostrils, hairy body, black skin, and protruding teeth. She then jumped
into her pit, and immediately afterwards the heads of the 102 gotras,
with their wives, fell into their respective pits, and were reduced
to ashes. On the morrow, Vishnu Vardhana started on his journey from
Rajamundry to Penugonda. Brahmans portended evil, and a voice from
heaven said that he would lose his life. An evil spirit obstructed him,
and it rained blood. Lightning struck men, and numerous other signs
of impending evil occurred. Arrived at Penugonda, Vishnu Vardhana
was informed that the castemen and Vasavambika had been burnt in the
fire-pits. Stunned by the news, he fell from his elephant, and his
head was severed from his body, and broke into a thousand pieces. His
broken head and body were carried by his followers to Rajamundry,
and cremated by his son Raja Raja Narendra. Then the latter pacified
the citizens of Penugonda, and appointed Virupaksha, the son of Kusuma
Sreshti, Pedda Setti of the towns. The 102 families performed funeral
rites for their dead parents, visited Kasi and Ramesvaram, and built
a temple in honour of Vasavambika at Penugonda, in which they placed
an image in her name, and worshipped it ever afterwards.
Popular versions of the story here related from the Purana are told all
over Southern India, where Komatis live. One of the most singular of
these is narrated by Bishop Whitehead. [139] "The story," he writes,
"goes that, in ancient days, there was a bitter hatred between the
Komatis, who claim to belong to the Vaisya caste, and the Mlechas
or barbarians. When the Komatis were getting worsted in the struggle
for supremacy, they requested Parvati, the wife of Siva, to come and
deliver them. It so happened that about that time Parvati was incarnate
as a girl of the Komati caste, who was exceedingly beautiful. The
Mlechas demanded that she should be given in marriage to one of their
own people, and the refusal of the Komatis led to severe fighting,
in which the Komatis, owing to the presence of the avatar of Siva
among them, were completely victorious, and almost exterminated
their enemies. After their victory, the Komatis entertained doubts
as to the chastity of the girl, and compelled her to purify herself
by passing through fire. This she did, and disappeared in the fire,
resuming her real shape as Parvati, and taking her place beside Siva
in heaven. Her last words were a command to the Komatis to worship her,
if they wished their caste to prosper."
It is impossible to identify with certainty the Vishnu Vardhana of the
Purana. There are as many as eleven individuals of that name known
in Eastern Chalukyan history. The Purana refers to Vishnu Vardhana,
the son of Vijayarka, who had his capital at Rajamundry. His son,
according to the same authority, was Raja Raja Narendra. According
to the Mackenzie manuscripts, the town of Rajamundry was founded by a
king named Vijayaditya Mahendra, who has not been identified. Dr. Fleet
is of opinion that Vishnu Vardhana VI, who ruled between 918 and 925
A.D., was the first to occupy, and re-name it. He, therefore, called
himself Rajamahendra. Amma II, who ruled between 945 and 970 A.D.,
bore the same title. His brother and successor was Danarnaya (970--73
A.D.). Passing over the hiatus of thirty years, when the country was
in the hands of the Cholas, we come to the reign of Saktivarman, the
eldest son of Danarnaya. If we are to believe the Kanyaka Purana, then
we must identify this Saktivarman with its Vijayarka. Saktivarman's
successor, according to inscriptions, was Vimaladitya, who must be
identified with the Vishnu Vardhana of the Purana. Vimaladitya's
son, according to inscriptions, was Raja Raja I, surnamed Vishnu
Vardhana VIII. He has been identified with the Raja Raja Narendra
of current tradition in the Telugu country, to whom Nannayya Bhatta
dedicated his translation of the Mahabharatha. He must also be the
Raja Raja Narendra of the Purana. If that is so, we must set down
the cardinal incidents mentioned in it to the first quarter of the
11th century A.D. The actual spots where the principal events of
the tragedy were enacted are still pointed out at Penugonda. Thus,
the garden in which king Vishnu Vardhana halted is said to be the
site on which the hamlet of Vanampalli (meaning village of gardens)
stands at present. The spot where the huge fire-pit for Kanyakamma
was dug is pointed out as having been in field Nos. 63/3 and 63/4 to
the north of the now non-existent Nagarasamudram tank. The 102 other
pits were, it is said, in the fields round the bund (embankment)
of this tank. The tank is now under cultivation, but faint traces
of the bund are said to be still visible. It is about two furlongs
to the north-west of the temple of Nagaresvaraswami. It is locally
believed that Kanyakamma's fire-pit was, on the morning following her
tragic end, found to contain, among the ashes, a golden likeness of
herself, which was placed by the side of the image of Nagareswara,
to whom she had been married. Long afterwards, the golden image was
removed, and one in stone substituted for it, in accordance, it is
said, with the direction of Kanyakamma, who appeared to one of the
townsmen in a dream.
The temple of Nagaresvaraswami has several inscriptions on slabs,
built into its prakara, and elsewhere. One of these is on the gateway
inside the prakara walls. It opens with a glowing description of
the powers of Nagaresvaraswami in giving blessings and gifts, and
refers to Penugonda as one of the eighteen towns built by Visvakarma,
and presented by Siva to the Komatis as a place of residence. The
object of the inscription appears to be to record the restoration by
one Kothalinga, a Komati whose genealogy is given, of the great town
(Penugonda), which had been burnt to ashes by a Gajapathi king. He is
also stated to have made grants of tanks, wells, and pleasure gardens,
for the benefit of Nagaresvaraswami, for whose daily offerings and the
celebration of festivals he provided by the grants of the villages
of Mummadi, Ninagepudi, Varanasi, Kalkaveru, and Mathampudi, all
included in the town of Penugonda. Various inscriptions show that,
from so early a time as 1488 A.D., if not from still earlier times,
the temple had become popular with the Komatis, and got intertwined
with the statements now found in the Purana. Rai Bahadur V. Venkayya,
Government Epigraphist, writes to say that the Teki plates found in
the Ramachandrapuram taluk of the Godavari district, and published by
Dr. E. Hultzsch, [140] may refer to some Komatis. The edict contained
in it was, according to Dr. Hultzsch, probably issued about 1086 A.D.,
and records the grant of certain honorary privileges on the descendants
of a family of merchants belonging to the Teliki family.
That about the end of the 14th century A.D., the story of Kanyakamma
was popular is obvious from the Telugu version of the Markandeya
Purana, which was composed by the poet Marana, the disciple of Tikkana,
the part author of the Telugu Bharata. In this Purana, the following
episode, which bears a close resemblance to the story narrated in
the Kanyaka Purana, is introduced. A king, named Vrushadha, while on
a hunting expedition, killed a cow, mistaking it for a "bison." He
was cursed by Bhabhravya, the son of a Rishi, who was in charge of
it, and in consequence became a Sudra, by name Anaghakara. He had
seven sons, a descendant of one of whom was Nabhaga, who fell in love
with a Komati girl, and asked her parents to give her in marriage to
him. The Komatis replied much in the same manner as Kusuma Sreshti
and his friends did to the ministers of Vishnu Vardhana in the Kanyaka
Purana. Their answer will be found in canto VII, 223, of the Markandeya
Purana, which contains the earliest authentic literary reference
to the name Komati. In effect they said "Thou art the ruler of the
whole of this universe, Oh! King; we are but poor Komatis living by
service. Say, then, how can we contract such a marriage?" The king
was further dissuaded by his father and the Brahmans. But all to no
purpose. He carried off the girl, and married her in the rakshasa
form (by forcible abduction), and, in consequence, in accordance
with the law of Manu, became a Komati. He then performed penance,
and again became a Kshatriya. It would seem that this episode, which
is not found in the Sanskrit Markandeya Purana, is undoubtedly based
on the incident recorded in the Kanyaka Purana.
There remain only three arguments to adduce in support of the
suggestion that the chief event narrated in the Kanyaka Purana is
worthy of credence. In the marriage ceremonies as performed by the
Komatis, some prominence is given to certain of the incidents alleged
to have taken place in setting at naught the demands of king Vishnu
Vardhana. Such, for instance, is the respect shown to the bala
nagaram boys, which is referred to later on. Secondly, there are
certain castes which beg only from Komatis, in return for services
rendered during this critical period of their history. These are the
Mailaris and Viramushtis. The former still carry round the villages
an image of Kanyakamma, sing her story, and beg alms of devotees. The
Viramushtis are wrestlers, who, by acrobatic performances, delayed,
by previous arrangement, the second advance of Vishnu Vardhana,
before the Komatis committed themselves to the flames. Allied to these
castes are the Bukka Komatis. Originally, it is explained, the Bukkas
belonged to the Komati caste. When Kanyakamma threw herself into the
fire-pit, they, instead of following her example, presented bukka
powder, saffron, and kunkumum prepared by them to her. She directed
that they should live apart from the faithful Komatis, and live by
selling the articles which they offered to her. The Kalinga Komatis
also have a beggar caste attached to them, called Jakkali-vandlu, who
have nothing to do with the Gavara Komati beggar castes. Thirdly,
if we may place any faith in the stories told by other castes,
e.g., the Jains of South Arcot, the Tottiyans, Kappiliyans, and
Beri Chettis, the persecution of their subjects by their kings,
in the manner indicated in the Kanyaka Purana, seems to have been
widely practiced all over the country. And the method adopted by the
Komatis to evade the king, and maintain the menarikam rule, has its
counterpart in the popular ballad known as Lakshmammapata, still sung
all over the Northern Circars, which gives a graphic description of
the murder of his wife by a husband, who would not agree to giving
their daughter away from his own sister's son. Even now, the sentiment
on this subject is so strong that a man who goes against the rule of
menarikam, not only among the Komatis, but among all castes observing
it, is looked down on. It is usually described as bending the twig
from its natural course, and, as the twig would waste away and die in
consequence, so would parties to such marriages not prosper. In 1839,
according to the Asiatic Journal, a case was taken before the Supreme
Court of Madras, in which the plaintiff brought an action against his
uncle for giving his daughter away in marriage, without making him
an offer of her hand. The Judges were anxious that the matter should
be settled out of Court, but the parties disagreed so entirely that
nothing less than a public trial would satisfy them. It has not been
possible to trace the decision of the Court.
The Komatis have for a long time been alleged to be connected with
the Madigas in a variety of ways. "The Komatis," Mr. F. R. Hemingway
writes, "do not as a rule deny the fact of this connection. The
Madigas are, indeed, apparently under the protection of the Komatis,
apply to them for help when in trouble, and obtain loans and other
assistance. Some Komatis explain the connection with the Madigas by a
story that either Vishnu Vardhana, or his successor Rajaraja Narendra
persecuted the Komatis, and that they had to fly for refuge to the
Madigas. The Madigas took them in, and hid them, and they say that
the present favour shown to that caste is only in gratitude for the
kindness shown to themselves in the past. The Komatis themselves do
not admit the title Mid-day Madigas (applied to them by other castes),
but explain it by a story that long ago a Komati killed and ate a
cow-buffalo, which was really no cow-buffalo, but the wife of a great
sage who had transformed her into that shape in order that she might
be safe when he was in contemplation. The saint accordingly cursed the
caste, and said that they should be Mid-day Madigas for ever more." It
is possible that the connection between the Komatis and Madigas was
originally such as that of the Kammalans, Ambattans, and other castes,
with Paraiyans, Vettiyans, and other depressed classes, and that, in
later times, weird stories were invented by fertile brains to explain
them away. One of these undoubtedly is that which makes the Komatis
the descendants of the issue of a plain Brahman and a handsome Madiga
woman. It is said that their children managed a sweetmeat bazar,
which the Brahman kept in a much frequented forest, and, in his
absence, pointed with a stick (kol) to the plates, and thereby told
their prices, without polluting the articles with the touch. Hence
arose the name Kolmutti (those who pointed with the stick), which
became softened down to Komutti. Another story runs to the effect
that the Madiga woman, when she was pregnant with her first child,
was gored by a cow, and gave birth to it in the cow-shed. Hence arises
the name Go-mutti, or cow-gored. In days gone by, it was incumbent
on the Komatis to bear the marriage expenses of the Madiga families
attached to their village, much in the same way that the Chakkiliyan
is treated in the Madura district by the Tottiyan caste in return for
the services he renders when a Tottiyan girl is under pollution on
reaching maturity. In later times, this custom dwindled in some places
[141] to the payment of the expenses of the marriage of two Madigas,
and even this was abandoned in favour of inviting the Madigas to
their weddings. In the city of Madras, it would appear to have been
customary, in the eighteenth century, for the Komatis to get the
mangalyam or sathamanam (marriage badge) blessed by an aged Madiga
before it was tied on the bride's neck. Further, it would appear to
have then been customary to give the sacred fire, used at marriages for
the performance of homam, to a Madiga, and receive it back from him.
These, and similar customs, traces of which still exist in some
places (e.g., North Arcot), show that the Madiga has some claim on
the Komatis. What that claim is is not clear. However, it is reported
that, if the Madiga is not satisfied, he can effectually put a stop
to a marriage by coming to the house at which it is to be celebrated,
chopping away the plantain trunks which decorate the marriage booth,
and carrying them off. Similarly, Kammalans invite Vettiyans (or
Paraiyans) to their marriage, and, if this is not done, there is
the same right to cut down the plantain trunks. It would seem that
the right thus exercised has reference to the right to the soil
on which the booth stands. The cutting away of the plantain shows
that their right to stand there is not recognised. The invitation
to the Madiga or Vettiyan would thus refer to the recognition
by the Komatis and Kammalans to the lordship of the soil held in
bygone days by these now depressed castes. Writing in 1869 and 1879,
respectively, Sir Walter Elliot and Major J. S. F. Mackenzie of the
Mysore Commission refer [142] to the presentation of betel and nuts
by the Komatis to the Madigas, thereby inviting them to be present at
their marriages. Dr. G. Oppert also refers to the same custom. [143]
Having risen in the social scale, the Komatis would naturally wish to
give this invitation covertly. Major Mackenzie says that the Komatis
in Mysore, in order to covertly invite the Madigas to the wedding,
went to the back of their houses at a time when they were not likely to
be seen, and whispered into an iron vessel, such as is commonly used
for measuring grain, an invitation in the following words:--"In the
house of the small ones (i.e., Komatis) a marriage is going to take
place. The members of the big house (i.e., Madigas) are to come." The
Madigas look on such a secret invitation as an insult, and would, if
they saw the inviters, handle them roughly. It is noted, in the Madras
Census Report, 1901, that "now-a-days the presentation (of betel leaf
and nuts) is sometimes veiled by the Komati concerned sending his shoes
to be mended by the Madiga a few days before the wedding, deferring
payment till the wedding day, and then handing the Madiga the leaf
and nut with the amount of his bill." According to another account,
the Komati of set purpose unbinds the toe-ring of his native shoes
(cherupu), and summons the Madiga, whose function it is to make and
repair these articles of attire. The Madiga quietly accepts the job,
and is paid more amply than is perhaps necessary in the shape of
pan-supari, flowers, and money. On the acceptance by the Madiga of
the betel and nuts, the Komati asks "Cherinda, cherinda"? i.e., has
it reached you, and the Madiga replies "Cherindi, cherindi", i.e., it
has reached. Until he replies thus, the mangalyam cannot, it is said,
be tied on the bride's neck. In the Bellary district, betel leaf and
nuts are usually left at night behind the Madiga's house, in token
of the invitation to the wedding. In the Godavari district, according
to Mr. Hemingway, the Komati gives an order for a Madiga for palmyra
leaf baskets before the marriage, and presents him with betel and nut
when he brings the baskets. Still another account says that some of
the Komatis, just before a marriage, leave in the backyard of Madiga
houses a few pice and betel close to the cattle-pen, and that it is
whispered that some Komatis use chuckler's (leather-worker's) tools,
made in silver, for worship. It is also reported that chuckler's work
is pretended to be gone through by some Komatis, after the completion
of the marriage ceremonies, in the backyard of the house at dead
of night, in the presence of caste-people only, and by preference
under a danimma chettu (Punica Granatum: pomegranate). This is known
as kulacharam, kuladharmam, or gotra puja (custom of the caste, or
worship of the gotras). The figure of a cow is made of flour, and
into its stomach they put a mixture of turmeric, lime, and water,
called wokali. This, it has been suggested, is meant to represent
blood. After the cow has been worshipped in due form, it is cut up
with instruments made of flour, and intended to represent those used
by cobblers. To each family is secretly sent that portion of the cow,
which, according to custom, they are entitled to receive. Thus, the
Kommala-varu receive the horns, the Gontula the neck, the Karakapala
the hands and temples, the Thonti the hump, the Danta the teeth, the
Veligollu the white nails, and so on. Major Mackenzie testified to the
performance of this ceremony by the caste in Mysore in 1879, and it
is recorded from different parts of the Madras Presidency. The flour,
which is thus distributed, is known as nepasani mudda or nepasani
unta. The ceremony is still performed in the city of Madras, on the
night of the fifth day if the marriage lasts over seven days, or on
the night of the third day if it lasts over five days. If the wedding
ceremonies are completed in one day, the ceremony is performed even
during the day time. The following details are performed. A brass
vessel (kalasam) and a cocoanut are set up in the house, and the
bride and bridegroom's parties arrange themselves on each side of
it. The vessel is decorated, and the cocoanut is made to represent
the face of a woman, with eyes, nose, mouth, etc., and adorned with
jewelry, flowers, anilin and turmeric powder marks. A young man of the
bridegroom's party worships the feet of all present. The flour cow is
then made, cut up, and distributed. Cocoanuts are broken, and camphor
is set on fire, and waved before the vessel. Mr. Muhammad Ibrahim
states that families are known by the names of the various organs of
the cow in the Godavari district. There is, he says, a story to the
effect that some Komatis killed a cow-buffalo, which went about as
such by day, but became transformed into a beautiful woman under the
miraculous influence of a pious Brahman. As a redemption for their
sin, these Komatis were ordered by the Brahman to take their names
after the various parts of the animal, and as, by killing the animal,
they proved worse than Madigas, they were ordered to show respect to
these people. In the Kumbum taluk of the Kurnool district, a flour
buffalo is substituted for the cow. In the Markapur taluk of the same
district, two elephants are made of mud, and the bride and bridegroom
sit beside them. Presentations of cloths and jewels are then made
to them. The officiating purohit (priest) worships the elephants,
and the bride and bridegroom go round them.
Two further points of connection between the Komatis and Madigas are
referred to by Major Mackenzie. "I find," he writes, "that it is the
custom to obtain the fire for burning Kama, the Indian Cupid, at the
end of the Holi feast from a Madiga's house. The Madigas do not object
to giving the fire, in fact they are paid for it." This appears to be
a purely local custom, and no trace of its existence has been found
in various parts of the Madras Presidency. The other point refers to
the identification of the goddess Matangi of the Madigas with the
Komati goddess Kanyaka Amma. "I cannot," Major Mackenzie writes,
"discover the connection between two such different castes as the
Komatis and Madigas, who belong to different divisions. The Komatis
belong to the 10 pana division, while the Madigas are members of
the 9 pana. [144] One reason has been suggested. The caste goddess
of the Komatis is the virgin Kannika Amma, who destroyed herself
rather than marry a prince, because he was of another caste. She
is usually represented by a vessel full of water, and, before the
marriage ceremonies are commenced, she is brought in state from the
temple, and placed in the seat of honour in the house. The Madigas
claim Kannika as their goddess, worship her under the name of Matangi
and object to the Komatis taking their goddess." The Komatis stoutly
deny that there is any connection between Matangi and Kanyaka Amma,
and it would seem that they are independent goddesses.
Marriage is always infant. A Brahman purohit officiates. Each purohit
has a number of houses attached to his circle, and his sons usually
divide the circle among themselves on partition, like any other
property. Polygamy is permitted, but only if the first wife produces
no offspring. The taking of a second wife is assented to by the first
wife, who, in some cases, believes that, as the result of the second
marriage, she herself will beget children. Two forms of marriage
ceremonial are recognised, one called puranoktha, according to long
established custom, and the other called vedoktha, which follows the
Vedic ritual of Brahmans. In Madras, on the first day of a marriage,
the contracting couple have an oil bath, and the bridegroom goes
through the upanayana (sacred thread investiture) ceremony. He then
pretends to go off to Kasi (Benares), and is met by the bride's party,
who take him to the bride's house, where the mangalyam is tied by the
bridegroom before the homam (sacrificial fire). On the second day,
homam is continued, and a caste dinner is given. On the third day,
the gotra puja is performed. On the fourth day, homam is repeated,
and, on the following day, the pair are seated on a swing, and rocked
to and fro. Presents, called katnam, are made to the bridegroom,
but no voli (bride-price) is paid. In the mofussil, [145] where the
puranoktha form of ceremonial is more common, ancestors are invoked
on the first day. On the second day, the ashtavarga is observed,
and the bride and bridegroom worship eight of the principal gods
of the Hindu Pantheon. On this day, the pandal (marriage booth)
is erected. On the third day, the mangalyam is tied, sometimes by
the officiating Brahman purohit, and sometimes by the bridegroom. On
the fourth day, the Brahmans of the place are honoured, and, on the
following day, in most places, a festival is held in honour of the
goddess Kanyaka Parameswari. The bride and bridegroom's mothers go to
a tank (pond) or river with copper vessels, and bring back water at
the head of a procession. The vessels are placed in a special pandal,
and worshipped with flowers, anilin and turmeric powders. Finally,
cocoanuts are broken before them. On the next day, or on the same
day if the marriage ceremonies conclude thereon, the festival in
honour of the Balanagaram boys, or those who helped the Komatis of
Penugonda in their trouble with Vishnu Vardhana, is held. Five boys
and girls are bathed, decked with jewelry, and taken in procession
to the local temple, whence they are conducted to the bride's house,
where they are fed. On the following day, the ceremony called thotlu
puja is performed. A doll is placed in a cradle connected with two
poles, and rocked to and fro. The bridegroom gives the doll into the
hands of the bride, saying that he has to go on a commercial trip. The
bride hands it back to him, with the remark that she has to attend to
her kitchen work. On the following day, the bridal couple are taken
in procession, and, in the Bellary district, a further day is devoted
to the surgi ceremony. The bride and bridegroom bathe together, go to
the local temple, and return. Then five girls bathe, the five posts of
the marriage pandal are worshipped, and the kankanams (wrist-threads)
are removed from the wrists of the newly-married couple.
Kalinga Komatis, who live in the northern part of Ganjam, and have
forgotten their mother-tongue, have practically adopted the Oriya
customs, as they have to depend mainly on Oriya Brahmans. At their
marriages, however, they use the Telugu bottu or sathamanam.
Widow remarriage is not permitted among any sections of the caste,
which is very strict in the observance of this rule. Except among
the Saivites, a widow is not compelled to have her head shaved,
or give up wearing jewelry, or the use of betel. In the south
of the Madras Presidency, if a little girl becomes a widow, her
mangalyam is not removed, and her head is not shaved till she reaches
maturity. Vaishnava widows always retain their hair.
Concerning a form of marriage between the living and the dead,
performed by members of this caste if a man and woman have been living
together, and the man dies, Mr. Hutchinson writes as follows. [146]
"The sad intelligence of her man's death is communicated to her
neighbours, a guru or priest is summoned, and the ceremony takes
place. According to a writer who once witnessed such a proceeding,
the dead body of the man was placed against the outer wall of the
verandah of the house in a sitting posture, attired like a bridegroom,
and the face and hands besmeared with turmeric. The woman was clothed
like a bride, and adorned with the usual tinsel ornament over the
face, which, as well as the arms, was daubed over with yellow. She
sat opposite the dead body, and spoke to it in light unmeaning words,
and then chewed bits of dry cocoanuts, and squirted them on the face
of the dead man. This continued for hours, and not till near sunset
was the ceremony brought to a close. Then the head of the corpse was
bathed, and covered with a cloth of silk, the face rubbed over with
some red powder, and betel leaves placed in the mouth. Now she might
consider herself married, and the funeral procession started." This
refers to the Vira Saiva or Lingayat Komatis of the Northern Circars.
In the Northern Circars, and part of the Ceded Districts, the
Vedoktha form of marriage now prevails, and its usage is spreading
into the southern districts of Mysore. Further, the Komatis perform
most of their ceremonies in the same form. This, it is contended, is
a latter day development by some of the more conservative members of
the caste, but it is stated by those who follow it that it is allowed
to them by the Hindu sastras (law books), as they are Vaisyas. During
recent years, the latter view has obtained a great impetus through
the writings and influence of several of the more prominent members
of the caste, between whom and their opponents a war of pamphlets
has taken place. It is not possible here to go into details of the
dispute, but the main point seems to be as follows. On the one hand,
it is denied that there are any true Vaisyas in the Kaliyuga (iron
age). And so, though the Komatis are accorded the status of Vaisyas in
recognition of their being traders, yet they cannot follow the Vedic
form of ceremonial, which is the exclusive right of Brahmans; and,
even if they ever followed it, they forfeited it after the break-up
of the caste on the death of Kanyakamma. On the other hand, it is
stated that the Komatis are Dwijas (twice born), and that they are
consequently entitled to follow the Vedic ritual, and that those who
forfeited the Vedic rights are those who did not follow Kanyakamma
to the fire-pits, and do not therefore belong to the 102 gotras. The
dispute is an old standing one, and nearly a century ago was taken
for adjudication as far as the Judicial Committee of the Privy
Council. The question whether the Komatis are entitled to perform
their subah and asubah (auspicious, like marriage, and inauspicious,
like death) ceremonies according to the Vedic form, was raised by the
Brahmans of Masulipatam in 1817, and adjudicated upon. [147] Disputes
had occurred between the Brahmans and Komatis for a long time, and
disturbances constantly took place. The Magistrate of Masulipatam
prohibited the Komatis from performing one of the ceremonies, until
they had established their right to do so in a Civil Court. The
appellants thereon sued the defendants in damages for impediments
made against their attending to the rites prescribed by the Vedas,
and prayed for permission to perform them in conformity with the
Vedas. The defendants denied the right of the Komatis to perform,
and the fact of their ever having performed the ceremonies appointed
by the Vedas. They admitted the intervention of the Magistrate, and
stated that "upwards of two thousand years ago, the Komatis adopted
the customs of the Soodra caste, and some of them became Byri Komatis,
and Bookha caste people, etc. The rest of them, amounting to a hundred
and two gotras, fabricated false gotrams for themselves, and called
themselves Nagaram Komatis. They fabricated a book called Canniaca
Puranam, named the Bashcara Puntulu Varu their priest, conformed to
that book, performed the sign of the upanayana ceremony in a loose
manner, and in the language of the Puranas; at the time of marriage,
made marriage ceremony in seven days contrary to the custom of all
castes whatever, erected prolu posts, made lumps of dough with flour,
and got the same divided among them according to their spurious
gotrams, at midnight fetched the pot of water called arivany, and
observed the ceremonies for ten days on the occurrence of a birth,
and fifteen days on the occurrence of a death. In this manner, the
forefathers of the plaintiffs, the other merchants, and the plaintiffs
themselves, had got all ceremonies conducted for upwards of two
thousand years past." They cited instances, in which the plaintiffs,
or some of them, had failed in previous attempts to sustain the right
now claimed, and objected to the form of the plaint as not sufficiently
setting forth the particulars and nature of the obstruction for which
the plaintiffs claimed compensation. The plaintiffs, in their reply,
did not negative or rebut the specific statements of the defendants,
but insisted generally on their right to the performance of the
ceremonies in question. The point at issue being not clear from the
pleadings, the parties were questioned in open Court as to the precise
object of the action, and the ground on which it was maintained. The
plaintiffs stated that their object was the establishment of their
right to have the whole of the subha and asubha ceremonies performed
in their houses by Brahmans in the language of the Vedas, and that
they claimed this right on the ground of the Sastras. On this,
the Zilla Judge framed a hypothetical statement of facts and law
based on the defendant's answer for the opinion of the Pandit of the
Court, and, upon his opinion, declared the plaintiffs entitled to
have the ceremonies performed for them by Brahmans. Upon appeal, the
Provincial Court for the northern division remitted the suit to the
Zilla Court to take evidence, and, upon such opinions of the Pandits
which the Provincial Court took upon the same statement as the Zilla,
they affirmed the decree, but without costs. The Pandits consulted
by them were those of the Provincial Courts of the northern, centre,
southern and western divisions. They all agreed that "the Brahmans
ought not to perform the ceremonies in the language of the Vadas for
the Vaisyas." Three of them further added that, in their opinion,
the Judges ought to pass a decision, awarding that the Komatis are to
continue to perform religious rites according to the rules laid down
in the book called Puranam (i.e., in the Puranoktha form), as are at
present observed by the corrupt or degenerate Vaisyas or Komatis and
others. On appeal, the Sudder Dewani Adawlut reversed the decisions
of the lower Courts, "having maturely weighed the evidence produced,
and considered the unbiassed and concurring opinions of the four law
officers of the Provincial Courts." On further appeal to the Privy
Council, Lord Brougham, in delivering judgment, observed that "the
plaintiffs, not having, in their opinion, alleged any case of injury
done to them by the defendants upon which they were entitled to go into
evidence, and not having therefore established any case for damages in
their suit against the defendants, no question remained but of a mere
declaration of a right to perform certain religious ceremonies; that,
if the Courts had jurisdiction to proceed to the determination of that
question in this suit (upon which their Lordships guard themselves in
their judgment), the plaintiffs have not produced sufficient evidence
to establish such a right; that, under these circumstances, all the
decrees therefore ought to be reversed, and the plaint dismissed
(the reversal of the Sudder Court amounts in fact to a dismissal of
the plaint); but it is not, as it ought to be, a dismissal without
costs; and that this decision should be without prejudice to the
existence or non-existence of the right claimed by the appellants,
in any other suit, in which such a question may be properly raised."
The Komatis wear the sacred thread, and utter the Gayatri and other
sacred mantras. A number of them, at Adoni in the Bellary district,
refused to be measured by me in the afternoon, as they would not
have time to bathe, and remove the pollution by evening. In Telugu
dictionaries, the Komatis are given the alternative names of Mudava
Kolamuvaru (those of the third caste), Vaisyalu, and Nallanayya
Todabiddalu (those who were begotten from the thighs of Vishnu). As
already stated, there are among the Komatis ordinary Saivites, who daub
themselves with ashes; Lingayats or Vira Saivas, who wear the linga
in a silver casket; Ramanuja Vaishnavites; Chaitanya Vaishnavas, who
are confined to the Kalinga section; and Madhvas, who put on the sect
marks of Madhva Brahmans. The Traivarnikas are a special class among
the Vaishnavas. They imitate the Vaishnava Brahmans more closely than
the rest. They, and their females, tie their cloths like Brahmans,
and the men shave moustaches. Unlike the Saivites and Lingayats,
they eat flesh and fish, and drink spirituous liquors. They will
eat in the houses of Satanis, whereas other Komatis do not eat
in any but Brahman houses. But it may be observed that Velamas,
Balijas, Kammalans, Ambattans, Vannans, and many other castes,
will take neither water nor food from Komatis. This, however, does
not prevent them from purchasing the cakes prepared in ghi or oil,
which the Komatis sell in petty shops.
Writing early in the nineteenth century, Buchanan refers [148]
to a dispute at Gubbi in the Mysore State between the Komatis and
Banajigas, which arose from the former building a temple to their
goddess Kanyakamma. Purnia, the Prime-minister, divided the town by
a wall, thus separating the two parties. The Komatis claimed that
it had been the custom for all parties to live together, and that
it would be an infringement of the rules of caste for them to be
forced into a separate quarter. The chief of the Komatis entered
the town in procession, on horseback with an umbrella held over his
head. This assumption of rank was regarded by the Banajigas with
the utmost indignation. To such a pitch did the quarrel reach that,
at the time of Buchanan's visit, there was a rumour current as to
the necessity of killing a jack-ass in the street, which would cause
the immediate desolation of the place. "There is," he writes, "not
a Hindu in Karnata, that would remain another night in it, unless by
compulsion. Even the adversaries of the party would think themselves
bound in honour to fly. This singular custom seems to be one of the
resources upon which the natives have fallen to resist arbitrary
oppression, and may be had recourse to whenever the Government
infringes, or is considered to have infringed upon the custom of any
caste. It is of no avail against any other kind of oppression."
A brief reference may be made to the part which the Komatis took, in
bygone days, in the faction fights known as right and left-hand caste
disputes. Some of the South Indian castes, including the Komatis,
belong to the former, and others to the latter. Those belonging to
the left-hand would not let those belonging to the right-hand pass
through their streets with their marriage and other processions. The
right-hand section was equally jealous of the left. The Komatis, who
were among the early settlers in the town of Madras in the seventeenth
century, were involved in faction disputes on two recorded occasions,
once, in 1652 A.D., during the Governorship of Aaron Baker, and
later on during that of William Pitt, [149] in 1707. When a wedding
procession of members of one section passed through the streets of
the other section, Pitt summoned twelve of the heads of each section,
and locked them up in a room together, until the dispute should be
adjusted. An agreement was speedily arrived at, according to which
the right-hand settled on the west side of the town, now known as
Pedda Naikan Pettah, and the left-hand on the east side, in what is
at present called Mutialu Pettah. The Komatis accordingly are now
mainly found in the western part of the city of Madras.
All over the country, the Komatis venerate the deified virgin
Kannika Parameswari, to whom, in most places, they have erected
temples. One of these, at Tadpatri in the Anantapur district, which
was in course of construction in 1904, is of more than ordinary
interest. It was being built at the expense of the local Komatis,
who had raised a subscription among themselves for the purpose. The
design was original, and even arches entered into its construction. The
sculpture, with which it is decorated, is quite excellent in design
and finish. Much of it is copied from the two beautiful temples,
which have existed at the place since the days of the Vijianagar
dynasty. Other notable temples are those at Penukonda, Vizianagram
in Vizagapatam, and Berhampur in Ganjam. Fines collected from erring
castemen in the Godavari, Guntur and Kistna districts, are still sent
to the temple at Penukonda. The Komatis worship various goddesses,
in addition to Kanyaka Parameswari. Those who live in Vizagapatam
"relax their faith in favour of the celebrated Muhammadan saint, who
lies buried by the Durga on the top of the hill which overlooks the
harbour. Every vessel, passing the harbour inwards and outwards,
salutes him by hoisting and lowering its flag three times. He
is considered all potent over the elements in the Bay of Bengal,
and many a silver dhoney (boat) is presented at his shrine by Hindu
ship-owners after a successful voyage. We remember a suit between a
Komati, the owner of a dhoney, and his Muhammadan captain, who was
also the super-cargo, for settlement of accounts. In a storm off
the coast of Arakan, the skipper stated that he had vowed a mudupu
or purse of rupees to the Durga, and had duly presented it on his
return. This sum, among other sets-off, he charged to the owner of
the vessel, the plaintiff, whose sole contention was that the vow had
never been discharged; the propriety of conciliating the old Fakir in
a hurricane he submissively allowed." Even now, the Komatis, though
no longer boat-owners, revere the saint, and make vows to him for
the success of civil suits, and recovery from all sorts of maladies.
The Komatis employ Brahmans for the performance of their ceremonial
rites, and recognise a Brahman as their guru. He is commonly called
Bhaskaracharya, after the individual of that name who lived at
Penukonda prior to the sixteenth century A.D., and translated the
Sanskrit Kanyaka Purana into a Telugu poem. He made certain regulations
for the daily conduct of the Komatis, and made the 102 gotras submit
to them. A copy of an inscription on a copper plate, in the possession
of one Kotta Appaya, the Archaka or priest of the Nagareswaraswami
temple at Penukonda, is given in the Mackenzie manuscripts. It records
a grant (of unknown date) to Bhaskaracharya, the guru of the Vaisyas,
by the 102 gotrams, according to which each family agreed for ever
afterwards to give half a rupee for every marriage, and a quarter
of a rupee for each year. Such doles are common even at the present
day to his successors. These, like the original Bhaskaracharya,
who is considered to be an incarnation of Brahma, are house-holders,
and not Sanyasis (religious ascetics). There are several of them, in
different parts of the country, one for example being at Penukonda,
and another near Hospet, who makes periodical tours in state, with
drums, silver maces, and belted peons, and is received with every
mark of respect. He settles disputes, levies fines, and collects
subscriptions towards the upkeep of his mutt (religious institution),
which is also supported by inam (rent-free) lands.
The Komati dead, except children and Lingayats, are cremated,
Lingayat Komatis, like other Lingayats, bury their dead in a sitting
posture. The death ceremonies among the Gavaras closely resemble
those of Brahmans. The period of death pollution is sixteen days,
during which sweets are taboo.
The Komatis are best known as merchants, grocers, and money-lenders. In
the city of Madras, they are the principal vendors of all sorts of
imported articles. The row of shops in the China bazar, between
Pachaiyappa's College and Popham's Broadway, is almost entirely
maintained by them. Many Komatis are cloth merchants, and Traivarnikas
are almost entirely engaged in the glassware trade. In the Northern
Circars, some earn a living as petty dealers in opium and ganja
(Indian hemp). In the Ganjam, Vizagapatam and Godavari districts they
are found in the hills, acting as middle-men between the hill tribes
and the people of the plains. Most of the Komatis are literate, and
this helps them in their dealings with their constituents. They are
proverbially shrewd, industrious, and thrifty, and are often rich. If
a Komati fails in business, his compatriots will come to his rescue,
and give him a fresh start. Organised charity is well known among
them. Each temple of Kanyaka Parameswari is a centre for charity. In
the city of Madras the Kanyaka Parameswari charities, among other
good objects, promote the development of female education. In 1905,
the Komatis established a Southern India Vysia Association, with the
object of encouraging "the intellectual, moral, religious, social,
industrial and commercial advancement of the Vysia community." Among
the means employed for so doing, are the helping of deserving students
with scholarships for the prosecution of the study of the English and
vernacular languages, and organised relief of poor and distressed
members of the community by founding orphanages, and so forth. The
affairs of the association are managed by an executive committee made
up of prominent members of the caste, including merchants, lawyers,
and contractors.
Many stories and proverbs have reference to the wealth, ready wit,
thrift, and other qualities of the Komatis. [150] Of these, the
following are selected from a large repertoire:--
The Blind Komati and Vishnu.
A blind Komati prayed to Vishnu for the restoration of his eyesight,
and at last the god appeared before him, and asked him what he
wanted. "Oh! God," he replied, "I want to see from above the seventh
storey of my mansion my great-grandsons playing in the streets,
and eating their cakes from golden vessels."
Vishnu was so astonished at the request of the blind man, which
combined riches, issue, and the restoration of his eyesight in one
demand, that he granted all his desires.
The Komati and the Thief.
An old Komati observed a thief at dead of night lurking under a
pomegranate tree, and cried out to his wife to bring him a low
stool. On this he seated himself in front of the thief, and bawled
out for hot water, which his wife brought him. Pretending that he was
suffering from severe tooth-ache, he gargled the water, and spat it
out continuously at the wondering thief. This went on till daybreak,
when he called out his neighbours, who captured the thief, and handed
him over to the police.
The Komati and his Cakes.
A Komati was on his way to the weekly market, with his plate of
cakes to sell there. A couple of thieves met him when he was half
way there, and, after giving him a severe thrashing, walked off
with the cakes. The discomfited Komati, on his way back home with
the empty plate, was met by another Komati going to market with his
cakes. The latter asked how the demand for cakes was at the market,
and the former replied "Why go to the market, when half-way people
come and demand your cakes?" and passed on. The unsuspecting Komati
went on, and, like the other, was the recipient of a sound thrashing
at the hands of the thieves.
The Komati and the Scorpion.
A number of Komatis went one day to a temple. One of them put one of
his fingers into the navel of the image of Vinayakan (the elephant
god) at the gateway, when a scorpion, which was inside it, stung
him. Putting his finger to his nose, the Komati remarked "What a fine
smell! I have never experienced the like." This induced another man to
put his finger in, and he too was stung, and made similar pretence. All
of them were thus stung in succession, and then consoled each other.
The Komati and the Milk Tax.
Once upon a time, a great king levied a tax upon milk, and all his
subjects were sorely tried by it. The Komatis, who kept cows, found
the tax specially inconvenient. They, therefore, bribed the minister,
and mustered in strength before the king, to whom they spoke concerning
the oppressive nature of the tax. The king asked what their profit
from the milk was. "A pie for a pie" said they to a man, and the king,
thinking that persons who profit only a pie ought not to be troubled,
forthwith passed orders for the abolition of the tax.
The Komati and the Pandyan King.
Once upon a time, a Pandyan King had a silver vessel of enormous size
made for the use of the palace, and superstitiously believed that its
first contents should not be of an ordinary kind. So he ordered his
minister to publish abroad that all his subjects were to put into the
vessel a chembu-full of milk from each house. The frugal Komatis,
hearing of this, thought, each to himself, that, as the king had
ordered such a large quantity, and others would bring milk, it would
suffice if they took a chembu-full of water, as a little water poured
into such a large quantity of milk would not change its colour, and it
would not be known that they only contributed water. All the Komatis
accordingly each brought a chembu-full of water, and none of them told
the others of the trick he was about to play. But it so happened that
the Komatis were the first to enter the palace, while they thought
that the people of other castes had come and gone. The vessel was
placed behind a screen, so that no one might cast the evil eye on it,
and the Komatis were let in one by one. This they did in all haste,
and left with great joy at the success of their trick. Thus there was
nothing but water in the vessel. Now it had been arranged that the king
was to be the first person to see the contents of his new vessel, and
he was thunderstruck to find that it contained only water. He ordered
his minister to punish the Komatis severely. But the ready-witted
Komatis came forward, and said "Oh! gracious King, appease thy anger,
and kindly listen to what we have to say. We each brought a chembu-full
of water, to find out how much the precious vessel will hold. Now that
we have taken the measurement, we will forthwith fetch the quantity of
milk required." The king was exceedingly pleased, and sent them away.
A story is told to the effect that, when a Komati was asked to identify
a horse about which a Muhammadan and Hindu were quarrelling, he said
that the fore-part looked like the Muhammadan's, and the hind-part
like the Hindu's. Another story is told of a Komati, who when asked by
a Judge what he knew about a fight between two men, deposed that he
saw them standing in front of each other and speaking in angry tones
when a dust-storm arose. He shut his eyes, and the sound of blows
reached his ears, but he could not say which of the men beat the other.