About, or soon after, 1000 B.C., we find a considerable port

Transcriber's note: Some typographical errors in the printed work have been

corrected: they are listed at the end of the text.

Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).

Page numbers enclosed by curly braces (example: {25}) have been

incorporated to facilitate the use of the Index.

Images of the original plates are available through Internet Archive. See

https://archive.org/details/palographynote00quarrich

* * * * *

PALÆOGRAPHY

NOTES UPON THE

HISTORY OF WRITING

AND THE

MEDIEVAL ART OF ILLUMINATION

BY

BERNARD QUARITCH

Extended from a Lecture, delivered at a Conversazione of the Sette

of Odd Volumes, at the Galleries of the Royal Institute of

Painters in Water Colours, 12th December, 1893

London

_PRIVATELY PRINTED_

1894

_This Volume is_

Dedicated to my excellent friend

BROTHER ALEXANDER T. HOLLINGSWORTH,

_ARTIFICER, and PRESIDENT OF_

The Odd Volumes, 1893-94,

_AND TO_

THE BRETHREN OF THE SETTE

WITH WHICH

I have been united since 1878 in O. V. bond,

BY

_BERNARD QUARITCH_,

_Librarian to the Sette_.

London, 15 Piccadilly, _March 31st, 1894_.

{1}_Foreword_

Of the books which preceded the invention of Printing, a much larger

quantity is still extant than the world in general would suppose, but they

are nevertheless so widely scattered and so seldom immediately accessible,

that only a very long experience will enable any one to speak or to write

about them in other than a blundering fashion. So many qualifications are

required, that it may seem presumptuous in me to treat upon a matter

bristling with difficulties and uncertainties. The brief but admirable

outline of its history which Mr. Maunde Thompson has lately published is

likely to mislead the inexperienced into a belief that a science defined

with so much clearness and apparent ease may as easily be mastered. No one

knows better than that accomplished scholar how hard it would be to supply

sure and definite criteria for the guidance of palæographical students in

all the branches of their fascinating pursuit. My excuse must be that the

observations which appear in the present opusculum may be useful to some

who are unable for various reasons to give the necessary fulness of

{2}study to Mr. Thompson's work, and who, while loving manuscripts as well

as I do, have not had so large an experience. I may venture to justify

myself by a personal anecdote. The author of the "Stones of Venice" once

said that he was surprised by my apparently exact knowledge of the

commercial value of manuscripts; and my reply was that, as I had for twenty

years been the buyer of, or the underbidder for, all the fine examples

which had appeared in the public auctions, there was no great reason for

his wonder.

The following sketch will consist of a number of cursory remarks upon the

calligraphy and the ornamentation of medieval manuscripts; preceded by an

historical sketch, arranged in chronological paragraphs, of the beginnings

and the gradual diffusion of the art of writing throughout the world.

_The Beginnings of Writing_

Palæography is the branch of science which deals with ancient writing

([Greek: palaia graphê]). As the Greek word for writing comprises a great

deal more than the work of pen and ink, palæographical study would be

imperfect if it did not take into consideration the ancient inscriptions

upon stone and metal which are usually left to numismatists and other

archæologists. In a small treatise like the present, no such ambitious and

comprehensive treatment is intended. The object is mainly to summarise the

results of other men's labour, and to give a general idea of what is known

at the present day about the diffusion of the art of writing and the

methods of producing books before the sixteenth century.

The name for _book_ in various ancient languages is indicative of the

earliest stage in the history of writing. The English word itself appears

in its oldest written form in the Gothic Scriptures of the fourth century,

in which _boka_ = writing, and _bokos_ = things written = books. This is

{3}believed to be derived from the name of the tree we call _beech_ and the

Germans _buche_, because it is supposed that the bark or wood of that tree

was used for cutting runes upon. Similar to this is the Latin _liber_,

which originally meant the inner bark of a tree, and afterwards came to

mean book, because leaves were made from that inner bark for the purpose of

writing. _Diphthera_, in ancient Ionic-Greek, was equivalent to book,

because it meant a polished skin (like parchment or leather) used for

writing upon before the Greeks adopted papyrus (_byblos_, _biblos_) from

the Egyptians. Then the name for papyrus became the name for a book, and

has been retained in modern speech in the word Bible. The word _diphthera_

passed into use among the Persians about five hundred years before Christ,

as the material was borrowed by them from the Ionians for the use of the

scribes who kept the royal records, and it still remains in the speech of

the modern Persians as _defter_ = book. The Hebrew word _sepher_ =

engraving, and is therefore used to designate a book; and the same sense

underlies the Arabic word _Kitab_. Writing was a scratching or incising of

symbols representing sounds (or ideas) upon stone or metal, upon wood, or

bark, or leaves (folia), dressed leather, parchment, papyrus, wax tablets,

and paper.

The form in which the sheets (of skin, parchment, bark, papyrus, or paper)

were gathered, may have been rolls in which they were united to form a

single page, or a square combination of successive leaves united only at

one side. The former was of course the earlier mode, but the latter was

also in use at a remote date. Greek and Roman scribes had evidently begun

to prefer the square fashion during the early days of the Roman empire; and

we may take it to have become the prevalent custom in the fourth century.

Black ink has always been in use for writing, red and blue ink are of

comparatively recent date. The use of gold ink, which was of course so

costly that it could never be otherwise than rare, originated probably when

the empire was as {4}yet unshaken by barbarian inroads; it was, however,

not extinct in Rome during the sixth and seventh centuries, and was

relatively not uncommon at the magnificent court of Byzantium. Late

examples were produced in Gaul for the Frankish princes in the ninth

century; and in these the simple splendour of the Roman style was

embellished with ornamentation chiefly drawn from Irish and Anglo-Saxon

models.

Although people knew how to write and to read more than five thousand years

ago, "a reading public," as we understand the term, came into existence for

the first time in Greece in the fifth century B.C., and again in Rome in

the first century B.C. By this it is meant that there were people who

bought books for the pleasure of reading them, as distinguished from the

class which produced or used books as an official necessity. The

requirements of that reading public among the Greeks, led to the disuse of

skins for the purpose of writing, since only a cheaper and more plentiful

material could satisfy the demand. Egyptian papyrus being both cheap and

plentiful, it was adopted and remained in use for over a thousand years

among the people who spoke Greek and Latin. Books upon vellum or

parchment--_charta pergamena_, an improved form of the old skins--were only

produced occasionally, as luxuries, between the second century B.C. and the

fifth century of our era. At this latter period, the reading public was

extinguished in the revolutions of barbarian conquest, and the cheap

material ceased to be necessary. In the absence of a popular demand for

books, and when only persons of exceptional learning, churchmen, statesmen,

and monks, experienced the need of reading and writing, the supply of

vellum was sufficient, and this dearer material was relatively economical

because of its durability. A reading public can hardly be said to have come

into renewed existence till the fifteenth century, and then once more

vellum was superseded by the cheaper material of paper. Paper, from linen

or rags, had been made in the {5}Saracenic east for several centuries, but

was little used in Europe till the thirteenth century, and was not

fabricated in the west to any considerable extent until the fourteenth

century.

_Writing in Egypt 5000 B.C._

The origin of writing, that is of the art of transmitting information by

means of symbols representing speech, is, like the origin of every other

invention, obscure and uncertain. It is not the proud Aryan, nor his elder

brother the Semite, who can claim the honour of the invention. It belongs

neither to Japhet nor to Shem (convenient eponyms) but to the despised Ham,

with whom they are unwilling to acknowledge kinship. Four thousand years

before Christ (the very period at which, in Milton's opinion, Adam and Eve

were banished from Paradise) the people of the Nile Valley formed a rich

and powerful monarchy, with an old civilisation, and possessed the arts of

painting, sculpture, architecture, and writing. Their writing was chiefly

upon stone monuments, and recorded the deeds of their Kings or the

greatness of their Gods. They also wrote upon leaves of papyrus the forms

of prayer and eulogy which were buried with their dead. Among the surviving

written productions of that great monarchy is a work containing the Moral

Precepts of Ptah-Hotep. Written in the language of Khem (old Egypt), and in

the hieratic character, upon papyrus, it is "the oldest book in the world."

The period of its composition is more ancient than the date of the writing,

which, by internal evidence, has been proved to be over 2000 B.C. It is now

in the Bibliothèque Nationale, and is known by the name of the Papyrus

Prisse. As there can be no question that hieroglyphic writing (engraving)

upon stone was considerably anterior to the evolution of the cursive

hieratic written with pen and ink upon papyrus; and as there is a

hieroglyphic inscription on stone in the Ashmolean Museum {6}which is

assigned to 4000 B.C.--we must infer that the real age of Egyptian writing

is beyond our ken. It must be at the least six thousand years old; and

there are numerous examples in lapidar inscriptions which represent the

millennium preceding the date of the Prisse Papyrus. With this book,

written several centuries before Moses dwelt in the land of Egypt, a sketch

of the history of writing may modestly begin. It must not be imagined that

the dates of Egyptian and Babylonian documents are based upon enthusiastic

conjecture, or upon unaided calculation of the years assigned to the lives

and reigns of monarchs in their newly discovered and deciphered records.

Josephus and Eusebius have preserved fragments of older historical writers,

among them portions of the lost Chronicles of Berossus the Chaldæan and

Manetho the Egyptian, whose works were written in Greek in the fourth and

third centuries before Christ. In former days, when scholars were nurtured

upon the Christian chronology which counted the birth of Christ as A.M.

4004, or A.M. 5870, according as the Hebrew Bible or the Septuagint was

adopted as the authority for dates, it was the custom to deride as fabulous

the immense lists of Chaldean and Egyptian dynasties, which spoiled the

story of Genesis; but the hieroglyphic and the cuneiform monuments have

yielded up their long-buried testimony to justify the discredited

chroniclers. Nothing in romance is more wonderful than the story of the

work of interpretation, by which old Egypt and old Assyria have been

brought forward into the light of authentic history. Two generations of

acute and patient scholars working contemporaneously in England, France,

Germany, and Italy, have contrived, without dictionary, without grammar,

without even a key to the mysterious letters, to decipher and to read the

stony records of those ancient empires. Their first labour was to

distinguish the symbols, and to assign to them a phonetic value, then to

compare the resultant words with the vocabulary of known languages supposed

to be akin to the old {7}ones. In the case of the hieroglyphics, the Coptic

language alone offered its aid, this being the tongue of Egypt as written

and spoken in the first ten centuries of our era, genuine Egyptian indeed,

but necessarily differing enormously from its earliest phases thousands of

years back. As to the cuneiform inscriptions, the various Semitic tongues

furnished means of comparison for Assyrian texts, the Persian and "Zend"

for old Persic and Median, and certain cuneiform vocabularies were

discovered which rendered it possible to understand a third language, the

most ancient of them all, which had been utterly unknown even by name. From

the time of Christ, perhaps even before it, down to sixty years ago, the

languages and monuments of Egypt and Chaldæa had never been looked upon by

the eye of intelligence. The mystery of ages is a mystery no more.

_Writing in Chaldæa, 4000 B.C._

The age of Chaldæan writing (engraving) is not far behind that of the

Egyptian hieroglyphics. It is said that an inscription of the first Sargon,

King of Akkad (in the square or angular character out of which the

wedge-shaped or cuneiform letters were evolved), carries the record back to

3800 B.C. Even if we take a large latitude in discounting the chronology,

there still remains a certainty that the cuneiform character of Babylonia

was used over the greater part of Western Asia from at least 2500 B.C., and

in Persia and its tributaries down to 300 B.C. While, of the Egyptian

writing, we have remains exhibiting all the stages of development, namely

(1) the hieroglyphic, (2) the hieratic, (3) the demotic, (4) the Coptic in

Greek letters; of the cuneiform script we have only the two phases which

may be roughly said to correspond to the Egyptian hieratic and demotic, or

more exactly to two stages of the hieratic. We cannot reconstruct the

original Chaldæan hieroglyphics which must have preceded the Chaldæan

hieratic and {8}cuneiform; nor do we know (at present) of any truly cursive

hand developed from the wedge-letters. Among the relics of the Assyrians is

a great number of stone tablets of small size, containing reports to the

monarch from provincial governors. One of them, now in the British Museum,

is supposed, from a phrase which occurs in it, to show that the stone

tablets were simply copies made for preservation in the archives, while the

actually transmitted originals were written on papyrus. If that were the

practice, and there is inherent probability in the suggestion, there would

assuredly have been a great quantity of papyrus used throughout the

Assyrian empire; yet not a fragment of that material has been discovered.

In the absence of some positive evidence, we can but suppose it likely that

the Assyrians used papyrus (or skins) for writing on, as well as the

Egyptians, but applied it only to temporary purposes, trusting rather to

granite and brick, than to paper or to leather, whatever was intended for

enduring record.

_Progress of the Art, B.C. 2500-1500_

At about 2500 B.C. all the civilisation of the world was confined to the

regions bordering the whole length of the Red Sea, and extending northwards

to Armenia. In the South was Egypt, a powerful monarchy dominant at times

from Ethiopia to Asia Minor, and in the North the Chaldee kingdom of Akkad

dominant over Mesopotamia and the frontier lands. The country of Egypt was

named by its people Keme or Kheme, and their language was called the speech

of Keme (out of which the Hebrews made Ham). The name of Ai-Gupt was given

to the Delta by its Semitic neighbours and inhabitants, while they called

the whole country Mizr (Mizraim) or Misr. The former name has prevailed in

European use, as well as furnished the words Copt and Coptic, although this

is questionable. The Kheme language was written both in hieroglyphic and in

hieratic {9}characters at the year 2500 B.C. The former were the ancient

picture-symbols, which were arranged in vertical columns and read from top

to bottom and from left to right. This practice was retained to the end,

notwithstanding that the Egyptians had been long in contemporaneous

possession of the cursive hieratic characters, written in horizontal lines

from right to left, just as Hebrew and Arabic. The hieratic character was

simply an abridgment of the hieroglyphic, a reduction of the pictorial to

conventional forms.

The two scripts endured side by side till Christianity supervened, and then

the modified Greek alphabet which we call the Coptic came into existence.

The demotic script, a still more cursive reduction of the hieratic, had

come into use probably a thousand years B.C., but it was only used for

private mercantile transactions, and it died out on the establishment of

the Coptic. Examples of both hieroglyphic and demotic writing are given in

the plates accompanying this sketch.

The Akkadian Chaldee language (to be distinguished from the later Semitic

Syro-Chaldee) has, like the Egyptian Khemi, no immediate affinities with

any other important form of speech. They are both of an older type and

stock than the oldest known members of the Aryan and Semitic families. The

Akkadian is called Turanian, as showing undoubted resemblances to the Turki

and Mongol languages of the lands lying north and east of Persia, which

were named by the Persians Turan, as distinguished from Iran. The place of

the Khemi in philology is not so easily defined. It does not seem that any

other language than that of Egypt was ever written in the Egyptian script.

The case is somewhat different with the Chaldee characters. They were

adopted in varying modes for writing Semitic and Aryan languages, as well

as the native Akkadian. This resulted from the blending of populations by

successive conquests. The Akkadian-Chaldees ruled in Mesopotamia till 1500

B.C., when they went down before the Semites from Northern Arabia. {10}A

branch of these Semites had already for a considerable time occupied the

eastern side of Mesopotamia and were in possession of the region round

Nineveh, at the time when their Arabian kindred swept away the old dynasty

that had had its chief seat in Babylonia.

At or about 1300 B.C., the Ninevite Assyrians or Syro-Chaldæans united the

whole of Mesopotamia by conquest, and completed the downfall of the

Akkadian Chaldæans who were thenceforward reduced to servitude. Even the

later uprisings in Babylonia were only the work of princes of Assyrian

blood. The date mentioned is another standpoint in the history of writing.

The Semite Assyrians were now the chief users of the cuneiform script. At

Babylon they seem to have retained it in the same form into which it had

developed in the hands of the Akkad people. At Nineveh, it had undergone a

modification; the combinations of the symbols being considerably altered,

so that one may speak of Babylonian characters and of Assyrian characters

as being two scripts, although they look identical.

_The Semitic Alphabet about 1700 B.C._

This is (in chronological sequence) the place at which mention should be

made of the Greek myth that alphabetical letters were introduced into

Boeotia by Cadmus the Phoenician. It has always been accepted as

substantially true, even by those who knew that Cadmus in Semitic speech

meant simply The Ancient, or The Eastern; and has usually been assigned to

about 1500 B.C. The story requires some modification, and the date is

probably a good deal out of reckoning. Here it is only referred to as

showing the early use of letters by the Phoenicians. There are really no

extant monuments to prove the anteriority of the Semite alphabet to that of

the Greeks, but there can be no question as to the fact. The names of the

Greek letters are manifestly borrowed from a Semitic speech, and the Cadmus

story is in {11}itself a sufficient acknowledgment of the secondary

position of the Hellenes. It is generally held that the Phoenicians derived

their alphabet by means of a selection from the phonetic symbols of the

Egyptian hieratic script. Whether the process was due to the Phoenicians

themselves, is not so clearly asserted. Mr. Maunde Thompson, following

Lenormant and the Vicomte de Rougé, seems to consider that it gradually

took place in Egypt after the Arabs had conquered the country, and when the

Hyksos or Shepherd Kings had established their dynasty (2000 B.C.). During

the five hundred years of their rule there must have been a large Semitic

immigration, and it is not unlikely that the Semitic alphabet was then

derived from the Egyptian for the use of the Syrians and Arabs who dwelt in

Lower Egypt. There is, on the other hand, a modern theory that the Semitic

alphabet was not evolved in this way, but from the hieratic Babylonian

writing. It is true that similarities may be found between them, and it is

also demonstrable that the Greek names of the alphabet were drawn from the

speech, not of Phoenicia or Palestine, but of Aram or Semitic Chaldæa.

Nothing is certain as to the origin of the Semitic alphabet,

notwithstanding the elaborate comparative tables produced by Rougé and

others, beyond the fact that several letters resemble Egyptian (and

Chaldæo-Assyrian) symbols having sometimes the same phonetic value. The

names given to their characters by the Semites are undoubtedly descriptive

of their apparent iconism, and the initial sound of each name is the power

of the letter. This, on the face of it, would imply that the Aramaic

alphabet was an original invention. The Greeks who first received it, must

have been those of Asia Minor, not those of Hellas; and the first

transmitters were neither Arabs, nor Jews, nor Phoenicians, but Babylonian

Aramæans in contact with Cilicia and Cappadocia. The names of the letters,

as sounded by the Syrians of Palestine (Phoenicians, Israelites, Jews),

were: _Aleph_, _Beth_, _Gimel_, _Daleth_, _He_, _Vau_, _Zain_ (_Zai_),

_Hheth_ (_Kheth_), _Teth_, _Yod_, {12}_Caph_, _Lamed_, _Mem_

(_maim_=_waters_), _Nun_, _Samekh_, _Ain_ (_Oin_), _Pe_, _Tsade_, _Koph_,

_Resh_ (=_head_), _Shin_, _Tau_.

We have no actual knowledge of the Chaldæo-Aramaic sounds of these names,

but we know that the Eastern Syrians would probably have written them

thus:--

_Alpha_, _Beta_, _Gamla_, _Dalta_, _He_, _Vau_, _Zaita_, _Hheta_, _Teta_,

_Yoda_, _Kappa_, _Lamda_, _Mu_ (=_water_), _Nun_ (_Nu_), _Samkha_

(_Simkha_=_Sigma_), _Oin_ (_Oi?_), _Pe_, _Tsada_, _Koppa_, _Rash_

(_Ro?_=_face_), _Shen_, _Tau_.

Leaving aside for the present any consideration of the changes and

additions in the Greek alphabet, we may assume that it passed from

Babylonia through Cilicia to the Phrygians and Lydians; and that, whatever

intercourse may have taken place between the European Greeks and the

Phoenicians then or afterwards, the Ionians of Asia Minor had already

formulated the Hellenic alphabet before it reached the Thebans. As it seems

to be nearly certain that the Phrygians possessed it in the tenth century

before Christ, the Aramæans must have had it much earlier, and we may

credit them with the use of writing as far back as 1300-1200 B.C. It is

very unlikely that the Western Syrians were far behind, but the oldest

monuments extant go no higher than the tenth century, and are probably

surpassed in antiquity by some of the Sabæan (Himyarite or Homerite)

inscriptions of Southern Arabia. The Himyari alphabet, which is the direct

ancestor of the modern Abyssinian, introduces some novel forms, and has

less resemblance to the Aramaic original than any of the others. Most of

the letters are, however, ultimately traceable to the Aramaic, although the

date must have been remote, to judge from the large divergences in shape

which had had time to develop themselves before the type was fixed.

About, or soon after, 1000 B.C., we find a considerable portion of the

earth's surface occupied by people knowing how to write; namely, Egypt,

Nubia, Abyssinia, Arabia, the whole of Asia Minor, Syria, Babylonia,

Assyria, Armenia, {13}and China. Abyssinia and Armenia are included because

into the one country Egyptian and Himyaritic characters had been imported,

and into the other a form of Babylonian. China is placed in the list, far

below her pretensions, because we do not really know the age of the

character in which Chinese books preserve the inscriptions of Yu. It

appears derivable from the dissertations of M. Terrien, whose sagacious

learning has attracted many scholars, that the earliest history recorded in

Chinese annals is not geographically Chinese; but that it represents the

legends and traditions which were carried into China by the ancestors of

the race. A connexion has been found to subsist between those traditions

and the early history of Babylonia, which leads to the inference that the

Akkadian people of 3800 B.C. and the ancestors of the Chinese were at one

time united. Assuming that the theory is justifiable, we may treat the

Chinese in China as having inherited the art of writing, however strangely

altered in form. It is probably true that they used the letters out of

which their present characters descended, in the country they now inhabit,

at more than 1000 B.C.

_The Alphabet in European Greece, 800 B.C._

The European Greeks are not included in the preceding paragraph, simply

because there are no means of proving that they had the use of letters in

the tenth century B.C. The probability, however, is that they were not far

behind their brethren in Asia Minor. The variations in the forms of some of

the letters of the Greek alphabet which are found in inscriptions at

different places both in Asia Minor and in Greece, are attributable to

local fashions and to the fact that the script was not built up all at once

from a single model. It is here that the tradition about Cadmus has its

chief significance; for there can be little doubt that the alphabet of

Tyre, not quite identical with its elder Aramaic {14}sister, had some

immediate influence in modifying the forms borrowed by the Boeotians from

the Ionians. The older Greek alphabet has been already mentioned. It was

found after a while to be both insufficient and more than sufficient. The

Tsade (ts) and Koppa (q) were not needed in Greek, and were only retained

formally as numerals. As most Greek organs could only give the same sound

(s) to both the _simkha_ and the _shen_ (which they called _sigma_ and

_san_), one of the two names was superfluous. So they kept the symbol for

_shen_ as an _s_, but transferred to it the name of the _simkha_. The

symbol of the latter they retained in its place, but sounded it as ks, and

called it _Ksi_, a name which did not badly suit the original Semitic sound

of the letter which was like _hs_ rather than _s_. The unaspirated _He_

they called _mere E_ (_E psilon_); to the aspirated Heta, they left its

name, but regarded it as _aspirated E_. Its original Semitic value as an

aspirate (adaptable to any vowel) was not wholly lost sight of, and this

idea of its power survived the stage at which H had become nothing more

than _ê_ or _ee_. The necessity of making aspirated letters led to the

prefixing or over-writing of the _H_, at first in its full size, then (so

as to avoid confusion with Eta) in small, then in half shape, thus |-. This

custom produced its complement in the shape of -|, to mark the soft

breathing; until in the eleventh century of our era, the two breathings

were worn down into semicircular form, thus ( , ). Another rejected symbol

was the _vau_, formed like the letter F and sounded like our V. It dropped

out of usage, and they forgot its name, although it had been considerably

used by the old poets, in connexion with whom it is usually named

_digamma_, because of its resemblance to a double gamma, or one gamma

superimposed on another. It was found necessary to have a character for

_u_, and advantageous to use single symbols for double letters frequently

occurring, such as _ph_, _kh_, _ps_ and _oo_ (long o). The old Eastern form

of _vau_ supplied the _u_; in fact, having dropped the letter as a

consonant out of its sixth place in {15}the alphabet, they put it in its

vowel-character at the end. The symbol of the discarded _koppa_ was used

for the _Ph_, which was not equivalent in sound to our _ph_, but must have

resembled the German _pf_. The discarded _tsada_ (a trident) was used to

represent, in some places _ps_, in others _kh_, but finally the symbol fell

into two distinct forms, by being written upright as + ([psi]) and leaning

sidewise as × ([chi]). By the time of Herodotus the Greek alphabet may be

considered as having reached exactly its present form in capital letters.

The cursive hand which must have existed at all times of Greek writing was

simply a rapid deformation of the capitals, and consequently did not attain

to any uniformly distinctive character till much later. The general use of

minuscules in any such uniform type is always referred to the eighth

century after Christ, but really there is no essential change of form

between the cursive letters a hundred years before Christ and those of a

thousand years after Christ. The chief difference is in the greater freedom

and fluency of the late letters, an air of practised familiarity which is

lacking in the earlier cursive.

_Writing in Italy from 700 to 100 B.C._

The Greeks and the Phoenicians had a similar aptitude for establishing

colonies abroad to that which the English have shown during the past three

centuries. Thus the coast line of the Mediterranean from Tripoli to

Morocco, and from Sicily and Southern Italy to Spain and Gaul, was dotted

with Punic and Greek settlements created for purely commercial purposes,

but gaining an independent importance as time went on. The chief seat of

Phoenician domination was at Carthage; of Greek nationality at Syracuse,

Cumæ (near Naples), and Marseilles. The age at which those colonies

acquired political greatness may be roughly set down as in the fourth

century before Christ, but it is sufficient for our purpose to know that

they had been founded considerably {16}earlier; and that the art of writing

had been carried westward as far back at least as the seventh or eighth

century B.C. It was virtually the one alphabet, applied by various races to

their various languages, which was used at Carthage and Cadiz, at

Marseilles and in Sicily and Italy, in the seventh century B.C. Italy was

occupied by several distinct sets of people. The Umbrians, Latins, and

Oscans occupied all the middle of the peninsula; the Pelasgic tribes who

were in the heel and toe of the geographical boot were nearly Grecised; the

Etruscans held Tuscany, and Celts occupied Lombardy. Mommsen thought that

the Greek alphabet had reached the Italians more than 1300 years before

Christ; but a more modest estimate will be safer. It was probably about

seven hundred years B.C. when the Etrurians received their alphabet from

the Greeks; and there is no reason for thinking, as Mommsen implies, that

their first contact with Greek letters had been elsewhere than in Italy.

The alphabet reached them no doubt from Cumæ, as it did the Latins, and

there was sufficient variation in the practice of the Greek colonies in

Italy to account for the differences which mark Etruscan, Umbrian, and

Latin writing.

_Roman Writing._

The usual date of the founding of Rome is undoubtedly correct or nearly so.

It was about the middle of the eighth century B.C., and the rapid

enlargement of the new Latin town on the Tiber, produced by the influx of

settlers into a trade emporium with waterway, must have led to an early use

of writing. This indicates something like 700 B.C. for the period of the

extension of that art over the whole of Italy. The custom of writing from

right to left and left to right in alternate lines was retained for several

centuries among the various Italic peoples, but the Latins seem to have

been the first to adopt the Greek modification by which {17}the letters

took their permanent shape from the left-right sequence. In several Greek

towns, the old [GAMMA] was replaced by a C (the result of a cursive mode of

writing), and the triangular [DELTA] had its second and third lines

represented by a single curve. The [PI] was still a [Symbol: P not

connected in the middle], and the P had a little stroke added to it

([Symbol: R with short tail]) for the sake of distinction. The Sigma was

commonly written [Symbol: reverse tilted Z] instead of [Symbol: reverse 3]

([SIGMA]). The Latins omitted of course such letters as they found

superfluous (_z_, _th_, _k_, _ph_, _ch_, _ps_, and _oo_), but were

naturally bound to retain letters already becoming superfluous to the

Greeks (F, Q). The third letter of the alphabet was used for both K and G;

but later, when the need of some differentiation became felt, the useless Z

was replaced by a second C to which a tail was added ([Symbol: C with

diagonal tail]). The Eta (or Heta) was made to retain its earliest function

as a strong breathing (H), although the Greeks were treating it as no more

than EE. The Greek confusion between the symbols for _ks_, _ps_, and _ch_,

affected the Latins so far that one of the three letters, _i.e._ X, was

taken to represent the only sound of the three which their language needed,

namely _ks_; and this being an afterthought, it was put at the end of the

alphabet. Thus in the second century B.C. the Romans had their alphabet

completely formed in the capital shapes, and with the phonetic values,

which it thenceforward retained. The letters were A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H,

I, L, M, N, O, P, Q, R, S, T, V, X, the F being sounded probably as our V

and F, the V as our U and W. It was long afterwards that the F was

restricted to the sound of English F, and V as a consonant took the sound

of English V (instead of W.) The Q was a more guttural letter than the C

originally, but afterwards lost its distinctiveness of utterance. When it

became fashionable to learn and quote Greek, in the time of Cicero and

after, the letters [KAPPA], [UPSILON], and [ZETA] were reinserted in the

Latin alphabet for form's sake, as K, Y, Z. It was not till the sixteenth

century that, in the northern countries of Europe, the letter J was evolved

from the black letter form {18}of I ([Symbol: blackletter I]) and the

letter V split into U and V. As for the W, it was needed only by Germanic

people, and was consequently a late intruder into the modern Roman

alphabet.

_Indian Writing about 300 B.C._

To return to the East, the first examples of native Indian writing appeared

in the rock-inscribed decrees of Asoka, found in various places over the

north of India, from the Indus to the Ganges, and even in the Dekkan; which

can be dated between 250 and 230 B.C. The language is Prakrit or Pali, the

characters (although at first sight they seem an independent script) were

derived like so many others from the Semitic system, and the nearest of the

parallel types is the alphabet of the Himyarite inscriptions. The Sabæan

monarchy which ruled over Southern Arabia a thousand years B.C. had had

large commercial relations with India, and it was probably from that source

that the people of Bombay and the North-West acquired the art of writing,

how long before Asoka it would be difficult to learn. Out of the simple

forms of Asoka's alphabet all the modern scripts of Indian native writing

descended, including the artificial and elaborate Nagari alphabet which is

one of the latest of them.

_Writing in Central Asia from 300 B.C._

In the kingdom of Bactria, the coins of the kings who from about 150 B.C.

followed the older Greek princes, bear inscriptions in Indian Prakrit, but

not written in the same character as was used by Asoka. The two scripts

differ so much in appearance not only from all others, but also between

themselves, that one does not easily recognise the fact that they both must

have been of Himyaritic origin. They are very different from the Pehlvi

which was used by Parthian sovereigns in the second century after Christ,

and by the Sassanide kings in the fourth. The {19}Pehlvi had been evolved

from the later Aramean, and must have been in use in Persia before the time

of Alexander; but the existing specimens are all subsequent to the

beginning of the Christian era. And as for the script which is called Zend,

and which is used for writing the Zoroastrian books of the most ancient

Persian language, there is nothing to prove that it is not of much later

invention than the Pehlvi.

_Oriental Letters after the beginning of the Christian Era_

_Samaria._--The writing of Palestine was probably identical originally with

that of the Phoenicians, and the Samaritan script, which is still in use

for biblical purposes, has retained to the present day a considerable

resemblance with that of Tyre and Sidon. The expatriation and partial

repatriation of the Jews and Israelites during the seventh and sixth

centuries B.C., had the effect of leaving only a small remnant in the north

of the land who preserved their ancient writing. From that time to this

some of the descendants of the Samarians have continued to write their

Pentateuch (which for them is the whole of the Bible) in the ancient

characters of the Hebrew language (a specimen is found on plate 4). All the

rest of the Jews, in whatever part of the world they may have been, have

retained the square character (with its various Rabbinical modifications)

which they learned in Chaldæa in the seventh century B.C. But the Hebrew

language never returned to the Holy Land. Hebrew, as spoken among the

Samaritans, underwent the same Aramaisation as the language of the Judæans,

and from three or four centuries B.C. down to the eighth century of our

era, the language of all Syria was Syriac with local dialects, and Greek in

the great cities. The usual character in which Syriac was written has

already been mentioned, but the Samaritans wrote even their semi-Syriac

speech in the old {20}characters of their Bible; and there is a really

Samaritan Pentateuch--different from the Hebrew Pentateuch in Samaritan

letters--which corresponds in Samaritan literature to the Chaldee Targums

of the Jews. None of the Hebraeo-Aramaic dialects long survived in Syria

the conquest of the Arabs. Syriac still lived on in Western Persia and in

Mongolia, and in India for a time, but only survived as a dead liturgical

language. Chaldæo-Hebraic made its way westwards to Morocco, Italy, Spain

and Gaul. The faithful in Samaria, now nearly extinct, clung to their

Pentateuch and their religion through all vicissitudes, and have never

ceased to write the Bible in the Hebrew script of ancient Palestine.

_Arabia._--Arabian writing before the time of Mohammad is only known to us

under the name of Haurani and Nabathæan in the North, of Himyaritic in the

South. None of these scripts resembles the Islamic characters called

distinctively Arabic. The Gospel-script (Estrangelo) of the Syrians is the

nearest of all the Aramaic hands to that used by the earliest Mohammadans,

which (from its special cultivation in the town of Cufa) is called Cufic.

But even here, the resemblance is not so close as to make it improbable

that there was a link between them in some lost script of pre-Christian

days. The Cufic writing which prevailed for three centuries as the mode of

writing the Koran cannot strictly be shown to be the mother of the Naskhi

which replaced it and has flourished for a thousand years. It is clearly

older than the Naskhi in its forms, but the Naskhi has been proved to have

existed contemporaneously with the Cufic almost from the beginning of

Mohammadanism. After the third century of the Hijra, the Cufic was only

retained for ornamentation and head-lines. By that time the Arab conquests

had created a vast Mohammadan empire; the Syrians, the Persians, and the

Egyptians were obliged to give up their old scripts, and to accept that of

their conquerors. Arabic writing occupied not only all {21}the seats in

which Phoenician letters had been used fifteen centuries before, but even a

far larger area. The writing and the language were used and known from

Seville to the frontiers of India. Soon after, India likewise fell a prey;

and Arabic letters have been used there ever since by the Mohammadan

population. The elegant script called Talik, which was peculiar to the

Persians (but has been borrowed in India), was developed in the fourteenth

century. It differs little, except in gracefulness, from the typical

Naskhi.

_India and the further East._--The characters in which the Pracrit

inscriptions of Northern India were engraved on stone, in the third century

B.C., descended, with considerable modifications of form, to the various

tribes of Hindus who developed the modern languages of India, now called

Hindi, Gujarati, Mahratti, Panjabi, Bengali. All these languages are akin,

their differences being produced by segregation and by local contact with

aboriginal or foreign populations. Their character two thousand years ago

(before local diversities were perpetuated in names) is described by the

term Prakrit (=Natural) as distinguished from the title given to another

form of the language, namely Sanskrit (=Artificial) which is believed to

represent a far more ancient stage of Indian speech. In this artificial

language the earliest traditions and literature of the Hindo-Aryan race are

preserved, but it is supposed to have died out of speech (if ever it was

spoken) several centuries before the Christian era. However that may be, we

have no monument or record to show that it was written till the tenth

century after Christ, and the Sanscrit alphabet is undeniably not more than

eight or nine centuries old, having been artificially elaborated from the

much simpler script of Asoka's time.

The graphic systems of Southern India, Ceylon, Thibet, Burma, and Siam were

all derived from the script of Aryan India after Budhism had begun to

spread.

{22}In North-Eastern Asia, the Mongolian script (and out of it, the

Manchurian) were formed from the writing of the Nestorian Christians who

carried their Syriac books to the frontiers of China.

_Spain and Gaul under the Romans_

It has been already said that Punic settlements were made in Spain probably

as far back as the seventh century B.C. To the Phoenicians or Carthaginians

we may ascribe the introduction of letters and their application to coins

and inscriptions, not only in the Punic language of the men who held Cadiz,

Carthagena, and Barcelona, but also in the Iberian and Celtiberian language

of native princes. Strabo says that the Turdetani (of the present

Andalusia) boasted the possession of historical and poetical books of

immense age in their own language; but when he was writing, about the time

of the birth of Christ, they were all Romanised and unable to speak any

other tongue than Latin. There exists, however, a great quantity of coins

struck in Spain between 400 B.C. and the time of Augustus. There are three

varieties (omitting those of Greek colonies in Aragon), namely, those in

Punic language and Punic letters, those with Iberian names in Punic

letters, and those with Celtiberian names in modified Punic letters. The

later Iberian and Celtiberian have sometimes Latin inscriptions added to

the native ones. In the first century after Christ, the whole of Spain was

virtually Romanised. The Transalpine Gauls retained their own speech longer

than the Spaniards did theirs, because the conquest was later; but the

people of Cisalpine Gaul were Romanised even earlier than the Spaniards.

The independence of Marseilles as a Greek republic came to an end in the

first century of the Roman empire, and the Greek language probably died out

in a few generations. Then, no doubt, Roman letters took the place of the

Greek, which, as Cæsar said, were used by the Gauls in his time.

Henceforward, till the fifth century, Spain and {23}Gaul were simply

outlying provinces of the empire, without anything in literature or

calligraphy to distinguish their people from the Romanised Italians. It was

not till the sixth century, when the Gothic kingdom had become a stable

institution, that anything like a local fashion of calligraphy began to

develop itself in Spain. Gaul was similarly affected by the influx first of

the Visigoths, then of the Franks.

_Influence of the Bible upon writing_

The events which led to the compilation of the Gospels were of the greatest

moment in the history of writing. The educational influence of the

Bible--apart entirely from its claims to supernatural importance--in

spreading the use of letters and creating schools for the study of reading

and writing, has been incalculable. The historical and religious traditions

of the Jews would probably have had but little effect upon the world, if

the result of the various wars by which Syria was so often desolated had

not been to expatriate the chosen people of the Lord. A large Jewish

population occupied Northern Egypt at the time when Alexander's conquests

revolutionised the old world. The establishment of Greek dynasties in that

country and in Syria speedily Hellenised the upper classes and the citizens

in both; and the linguistic subjugation of the Jews in Egypt was even more

complete than that of their old masters. Their peculiar condition

facilitated a change; for while they possessed the sacred book of the Law

of their forefathers in a language that had been dead for centuries, they

had only translations in the language of the country of their former exile

(Chaldæa); and though they had the commercial qualification of

bilingualism, their Chaldee and their Egyptian were probably equally weak.

Two generations were enough to Hellenise them, and seventy years after

Alexander's death, the Bible was introduced to the knowledge of the Greek

world in an edition destined to render the old Hebrew {24}scripture

intelligible to Egyptian and Syrian Jews. This fortunate circumstance drew

a number of people into the Elohistic fold who would never otherwise have

been found there; and had no small influence in bringing about the social

and moral revolution which signalised the beginning of our era.

Palæography Notes upon the History of Writing and the Medieval Art of Illumination · 第 1 / 8 段