present state of our affairs, which, although not in so good a posture
as they were two months ago, are by no means in so bad a way, as the
emissaries of the British court will undoubtedly represent them. If
the great land and sea force, with which we have been attacked, be
compared with the feeble state, in which the commencement of this war
found us with respect to military stores of all kinds, soldiers'
clothing, navy and regular force; and if the infinite art be
considered, with which Great Britain has endeavored to prevent our
getting these necessaries from foreign parts, which has in part
prevailed, the wonder will rather be, that our enemies have made so
little progress, than that they have made so much.
All views of accommodation with Great Britain, except on principles of
peace as independent States, and in a manner perfectly consistent with
the treaties our commissioners may make with foreign States, being
totally at an end, since the declaration of independence and the
embassy to the court of France, Congress have directed the raising of
ninetyfour battalions of infantry, with some cavalry; thirteen
frigates from twentyfour to thirtysix guns are already launched and
fitting, and two ships of the line, with five more frigates, are
ordered to be put on the stocks. We hear the levies are going on well
in the different States. Until the new army is collected, the militia
must curb the enemy's progress. The very considerable force that Great
Britain has already in North America, the possibility of recruiting it
here within their own quarters by force and fraud together, added to
the reinforcements that may be sent from Europe, and the difficulty of
finding funds in the present depressed state of American commerce, all
conspire to prove incontestibly, that if France desires to preclude
the possibility of North America being ever reunited with Great
Britain, now is the favorable moment for establishing the glory,
strength, and commercial greatness of the former kingdom, by the ruin
of her ancient rival. A decided part now taken by the Court of
Versailles, and a vigorous engagement in the war in union with North
America, would with ease sacrifice the fleet and army of Great
Britain, at this time chiefly collected about New York. The inevitable
consequence would be, the quick reduction of the British Islands in
the West Indies, already barred of defence by the removal of their
troops to this continent.
For reasons here assigned, gentlemen, you will readily discern how all
important it is to the security of American independence, that France
should enter the war as soon as may be; and how necessary it is, if it
be possible, to procure from her the line of battle ships, you were
desired, in your instructions, to obtain for us, the speedy arrival of
which here, in the present state of things, might decide the contest
at one stroke.
We shall pay proper attention to what Mr Deane writes concerning Dr
Williamson and Mr Hopkins, and we think, that the ill treatment this
country and Mr Deane have received from these men, strongly suggests
the necessity of reserve with persons coming to France as Americans,
and friends to America, about whom the most irrefragable proofs have
not removed all doubt.[25]
The British recall of their Mediterranean passes is an object of great
consequence, and may require much intercession with the Court of
France to prevent the mischiefs, that may be derived to American
commerce therefrom, but this subject has been already touched upon in
your instructions on the sixth article of the treaty, proposed to be
made with France. As all affairs relative to the conduct of commerce
and remittance pass through another department, we beg leave to refer
you to the Secret Committee and Mr Thomas Morris, their agent in
France, for every information on those subjects. The neighborhood of
Philadelphia having, by the enemy's movements, become the seat of war,
it was judged proper that Congress should adjourn to this town, where
the public business may be attended to with the undisturbed
deliberation that its importance demands. The Congress was accordingly
opened here on the 20th inst.
As it is more than probable, that the conference with Lord Howe, on
Staten Island, may be misrepresented to the injury of these States, we
do ourselves the pleasure to enclose you an authenticated account of
the whole business, which the possibility of Dr Franklin's not
arriving renders proper. This step was taken to unmask his lordship
and evince to the world, that he did not possess powers, which, for
the purpose of delusion and division, had been suggested.
Mr Deane's proposition of a loan is accepted by Congress, and they
have desired two millions sterling to be obtained if possible. The
necessity of keeping up the credit of our paper currency, and the
variety of important uses that may be made of this money, have induced
Congress to go so far as six per cent, but the interest is heavy, and
it is hoped, that you may be able to do the business on much easier
terms. The resolves of Congress on this subject are enclosed, and your
earliest attention to them is desired, that we may know, as soon as
possible, the event of this application. Another resolve enclosed will
show you, that Congress approve of armed vessels being fitted out by
you on Continental account, provided the Court of France dislike not
the measure, and blank commissions for this purpose will be sent you
by the next opportunity. Private ships of war, or privateers, cannot
be admitted where you are, because the securities, necessary in such
cases to prevent irregular practices, cannot be given by the owners
and commanders of such privateers. Another resolve of Congress, which
we have the honor to enclose you, directs the conduct to be pursued
with regard to Portugal.[26]
We have nothing further to add at present, but to request, that you
will omit no good opportunity of informing us, how you succeed in your
mission, what events take place in Europe, by which these States may
be effected, and that you contrive to send to us in regular succession
some of the best London, French, and Dutch newspapers, with any
valuable political publications, that may concern North America.
We have the honor to be, with great respect and esteem, Gentlemen,
your most obedient and very humble servants,
B. HARRISON,
R. H. LEE,
J. WITHERSPOON,
W. HOOPER.
_P. S._ The American captures of British vessels at sea have not been
less numerous, or less valuable, than before Dr Franklin left us. The
value of these captures have been estimated at two millions.
FOOTNOTES:
[24] For the instructions to the Commissioners, and the plan of a
treaty, which they were directed to lay before the French Ministry,
see _Secret Journals of Congress_, Vol. II. pp. 7, 27, 38.
[25] Mr Deane had found Dr Williamson and Mr Hopkins in Paris, and
from circumstances, which he does not mention, he suspected them to be
in the interest of England. Nothing ever occurred, however, to prove
that this suspicion was well founded. On the contrary, Dr Williamson
was afterwards a member of Congress, and equally distinguished for his
patriotism and ability.
[26] For the resolves alluded to in this letter, and also for general
instructions to the commissioners, on various important topics, see
the _Secret Journals of Congress, on Foreign Affairs_, for Oct. 22,
Dec. 23d and 29th, Vol. II. pp. 34, 35, 37.
* * * * *
ROBERT MORRIS TO THE COMMISSIONERS.
Philadelphia, 21st December, 1776.
Gentlemen,
I am now the only member of Congress in this city, unless Mr Walton,
of Georgia, and Mr Clymer, my colleague, still remain, which I am not
sure of. I cannot pretend to give you a regular detail of our manifold
misfortunes, because my books and papers are all gone into the
country, as is my family. But these unfortunate events commenced with
the loss of Fort Washington, by the reduction of which, the enemy made
about two thousand seven hundred prisoners, and at this critical time,
they, by treachery, bribery, or accident, intercepted some despatches
from General Washington to Congress, also some of the General's
private letters, particularly one to Mr Rutledge, in which he had
fully laid open the unfortunate situation he was then involved in, by
the short enlistments of our army; for the times of most of them
expired on the 1st of December, and the rest on the 1st of January,
when the whole army would leave him, as they had undergone great
fatigue during the whole of the campaign; had suffered amazingly by
sickness and the approach of winter, added to an appearance of much
suffering for want of clothes.
All these things he stated fully, and the enemy became possessed of a
most authentic account of his real situation. They determined to take
advantage of it, and before General Washington had time to make any
new arrangements at Fort Lee, on the west side of the North River, to
which he had crossed, with about eight thousand men, a large body of
troops landed above, and another below him, so that he was near being
enclosed with a force vastly superior. In this situation, he had
nothing left for him, but to retire directly off the neck of land, on
which that fort stands, leaving behind him considerable baggage and
stores, with most of our large cannon and mortars. He retreated to
Hackensack, and was there in hopes of making a stand, until the
militia of the country should come to his assistance, but the
vigilance of the enemy did not give him time for this. They pursued,
and he retreated all the way through the Jerseys to Trenton, and from
thence they forced him across the Delaware, where he still remains, to
oppose their passage across the river.
Lord Cornwallis commanded the British forces in the Jerseys, until
they reached Brunswick, where General Howe joined them with
reinforcements, and determined to make his way to this city, without
further loss of time. You may be sure the militia of New Jersey and
this State were called upon to turn out, and defend their country in
this hour of distress. Alas, our internal enemies had, by various arts
and means, frightened many, disaffected others, and caused a general
languor to prevail over the minds of almost all men, not before
actually engaged in the war. Many are also exceedingly disaffected
with the constitutions formed for their respective States, so that
from one cause or other, no Jersey militia turned out to oppose the
march of an enemy through the heart of their country; and it was with
the utmost difficulty, that the associators of this city could be
prevailed on to march against them. At length, however, it has been
effected; they have been up with the General about two weeks, and the
example is likely to produce its effect in the country, as they are
now pretty generally on their march towards Trenton.
During General Washington's retreat through the Jerseys, he wrote for
General Lee, who was left to command on the east side of the North
River, with about ten to eleven thousand men, most of whose
enlistments are now expired, or near it. He obeyed the summons, and
brought with him about three thousand men; with whom he followed the
enemy's rear, but was obliged to make slow marches, as his people
were in great want of shoes, stockings, and other necessaries, which
he was obliged to collect from the tories in the neighborhood of his
route. After he had passed a place called Chatham, near Elizabethtown,
he lodged at a farm house. Some treacherous villain gave notice to the
enemy, and the General's ill fate, or some other cause I am not
acquainted with, delayed him there, until near 10 o'clock on Friday
morning, his army having marched, and their rear about three miles
from him, when he was surprised by about seventy light horse, who made
him prisoner, and bore him off in triumph. This is an event much to be
lamented. I sincerely pity Lee, and feel for the loss my country
sustains; his abilities had frequently been immensely useful; the want
of them will be severely felt.
The command of this party devolved on General Sullivan, who continued
his route, fell in with General Gates, with five hundred men,
returning from the Lakes, and both joined General Washington
yesterday. This junction is what we have long impatiently wished for,
but still I fear our force is not equal to the task before them, and
unless that task is performed, Philadelphia, nay, I may say
Pennsylvania, must fall. The task I mean, is to drive the enemy out of
New Jersey, for at present they occupy Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton,
Pennytown, Bordenton, Burlington, Morristown, Mount Holly, and
Haddonfield, having their main body about Princeton, and strong
detachments in all the other places, it is supposed with a design of
attacking this city, whenever they can cross the Delaware on the ice,
for they have only been kept from it, by our sending up the gondolas
and bringing off, or destroying, all the boats along the Jersey shore.
You will think the enemy are now in a situation for us to attack
their scattered parties, and cut them off. This we think too, and are
preparing to do it, but it will be a work of extreme difficulty to get
at them; they have excellent intelligence of all our motions; we can
hardly come at any certainty about theirs, for Lord Howe and General
Howe issued a proclamation on the 30th of November, offering pardon to
all, who should submit within sixty days, and subscribe a declaration,
that they will not hereafter bear arms against the king's troops, nor
encourage others to do it. This has had a wonderful effect, and all
Jersey, or far the greater part of it, is supposed to have made their
submission, and subscribed the declaration required; those who do so,
of course become our most inveterate enemies; they have the means of
conveying intelligence, and they avail themselves of it.
In this perplexing situation of things, the Congress were informed,
this day week, that an advanced party of Hessians and Highlanders had
taken possession of Burlington, that they were pushing for Cooper's
Ferry, opposite the city, and it was thought had the means of crossing
the river. There were no troops to oppose them; our whole force, both
by land and water, was above; it was therefore deemed unsafe for
Congress to remain here, and absolutely necessary that they should be
in a place of safety, where they could deliberate coolly and freely
without interruption, and last Saturday they adjourned to Baltimore,
where they are now sitting. This city was for ten days, the greatest
scene of distress that you can conceive; every body but Quakers were
removing their families and effects, and now it looks dismal and
melancholy. The Quakers and their families pretty generally remain;
the other inhabitants are principally sick soldiers, some few
effective ones under General Putnam, who is come here to throw up
lines, and prepare for the defence of the place, if General Washington
should be forced to retreat hither. You may be sure I have my full
share of trouble on this occasion, but having got my family and books
removed to a place of safety, my mind is more at ease, and my time is
now given up to the public, although I have many thousand pounds'
worth of effects here, without any prospect of saving them.
We are told the British troops are kept from plunder, but the Hessians
and other foreigners, looking upon that as the right of war, plunder
wherever they go, from both whigs and tories, without distinction, and
horrid devastations they have made on Long Island, New York Island,
White Plains, and New Jersey, being the only parts they have yet set
foot on. Should they get this fine city, they will be satiated, if the
ruin of thousands of worthy citizens can satisfy their avarice.
This is not the only part of the continent, that now feels the weight
of their resentment; General Clinton, with from three to six thousand
men, has invaded Rhode Island, and it is said, has taken possession of
it; whether he will make any attempt on the main, during this severe,
inclement season, I do not know, but if he does, I hope he may find
cause to repent it.
I must add to this gloomy picture one circumstance, more distressing
than all the rest, because it threatens instant and total ruin to the
American cause, unless some radical cure is applied, and that
speedily; I mean the depreciation of the continental currency. The
enormous pay of our army, the immense expenses at which they are
supplied with provisions, clothing, and other necessaries, and, in
short, the extravagance that has prevailed in most departments of the
public service, have called forth prodigious emissions of paper money,
both continental and colonial. Our internal enemies, who, alas, are
numerous and rich, have always been undermining its value by various
artifices, and now that our distresses are wrought to a pitch by the
success and near approach of the enemy, they speak plainer, and many
peremptorily refuse to take it at any rate. Those that do receive it,
do it with fear and trembling, and you may judge of its value, even
amongst those, when I tell you that £250 continental money, or 666-2/3
dollars is given for a bill of exchange of £100 sterling, sixteen
dollars for a half johannes, two paper dollars for one of silver,
three dollars for a pair of shoes, twelve dollars for a hat, and so
on; a common laborer asks two dollars a day for his work, and idles
half his time.
All this amounts to real depreciation of the money. The war must be
carried on at an expense proportioned to this value, which must
inevitably call for immense emissions, and, of course, still further
depreciations must ensue. This can only be prevented by borrowing in
the money now in circulation; the attempt is made, and I hope will
succeed by loan of lottery. The present troubles interrupt those
measures here, and as yet I am not informed how they go on in other
States, but something more is necessary; force must be inevitably
employed, and I dread to see that day. We have already calamities
sufficient for any country, and the measure will be full, when one
part of the American people is obliged to dragoon another, at the same
time that they are opposing a most powerful external foe.
For my part I see but two chances for relief; one is from you. If the
Court of France open their eyes to their own interest, and think the
commerce of North America will compensate them for the expense and
evil of a war with Britain, they may readily create a diversion, and
afford us succors that will change the fate of affairs; but they must
do it soon; our situation is critical, and does not admit of delay. I
do not mean by this, that instant submission must ensue, if they do
not directly afford us relief; but there is a great difference between
the benefits they will derive from a commercial connexion with this
country, in full health and vigor, and what they can possibly expect,
after it is exhausted by repeated efforts during the precarious
process of a tedious war, during which its cities will be destroyed,
the country ravaged, the inhabitants reduced in numbers, plundered of
their property, and unable to reap the luxuriant produce of the finest
soil in the world. Neither can they, after a tedious delay in
negotiation, expect that vigorous assistance from us in prosecuting
the war, that they may be assured of, if they join us in its infancy.
If they join us generously in the day of our distress, without
attempting undue advantages because we are so, they will find a
grateful people to promote their future glory and interest with
unabating zeal; and from my knowledge of the commerce of this country
with Europe, I dare assert, that whatever European power possesses the
preemption of it, must of consequence become the richest and most
potent in Europe. But should time be lost in tedious negotiations, and
succors be withheld, America must sue for peace from her oppressors.
Our people knew not the hardships and calamities of war, when they so
boldly dared Britain to arms; every man was then a bold patriot, felt
himself equal to the contest, and seemed to wish for an opportunity of
evincing his prowess; but now, when we are fairly engaged, when death
and ruin stare us in the face, and when nothing but the most intrepid
courage can rescue us from contempt and disgrace, sorry am I to say
it, many of those who were foremost in noise, shrink coward-like from
the danger, and are begging pardon without striking a blow. This,
however, is not general, but dejection of spirits is an epidemical
disease, and unless some fortunate event or other gives a turn to the
disorder, in time it may prevail throughout the community. No event
would give that turn so soon, as a declaration of war on the part of
France against Great Britain, and I am sure if they lose this golden
opportunity they will never have such another.
You will doubtless be surprised, that we have not made better progress
with our navy, because you are unacquainted with the many difficulties
and causes of delay that have encountered us. The want of seacoal for
our anchor smiths has been a great bar to our progress, the
disappointment in our first attempts to cast cannon has been another,
but above all, we have been hindered by the constant calling out of
our militia, in a manner that did not admit of the necessary tradesmen
being exempted. You will wonder at this; it would be a long story to
unfold the reasons, therefore suffice that it is so. Dr Franklin can
inform you of many particulars respecting the flying camp; therefore,
I shall give you the present state of our navy, according to the best
of my knowledge at this time.
The frigate in New Hampshire is a very fine ship, completed in every
particular, except the want of cannon, which was to have been cast in
Rhode Island, but the spirit of privateering has prevailed so
eminently there, that they have sacrificed every other pursuit to it,
both public and private, as I am informed; and we have ordered the
guns cast in Connecticut for that frigate to be sent to Portsmouth.
As soon as they arrive, the Raleigh will be manned, and sail on a
cruise.
At Boston they have also two fine frigates; the Boston of twentyfour
guns, I expect is at sea before this time, commanded by Captain
McNeil, a very clever officer; the other is nearly ready, commanded by
Captain Manly.
In Rhode Island were built the two worst frigates, as I have been
informed by those that have seen the whole; these two are completely
fitted, and were partly manned when we last heard from them, so that I
hope they are now at sea.
In Connecticut the frigate is said to be a fine ship, but she cannot
get to sea this winter for want of cordage and other stores. In New
York two very fine frigates are blocked up by the enemy, and hauled
into Esopus Creek for safety. At this place we have four very fine
ships, one of them the Randolph, Captain Biddle, of twentysix twelve
pounders, will, I hope, go to sea in company with this letter;
another, the Delaware, Captain Alexander, is getting ready, and I hope
will get out this winter; the other two want guns, anchors, and men.
At Baltimore is a fine frigate, now only waiting for an anchor and
men.
Besides these we have in service, the Alfred, Columbus, and Reprisal,
ships from sixteen to twentyfour guns, the brigantines Cabot, Camden,
Andrew Doria, and Lexington, of twelve to sixteen guns, the sloops
Providence, Hornet, Fly, Independence, Sachem, and schooners Wasp,
Mosquito, and Georgia Packet, all in actual service, and they have had
great success, in taking valuable prizes, as indeed have numbers of
privateers from all parts of America. We have besides two very fine
low galleys, built here, of ninety feet keel, but they are not yet
rigged; and it has lately been determined by Congress to build some
line of battle ships, and at all events to push forward, and pay the
utmost attention to an American navy. The greatest encouragement is
given to seamen, which ought to be made known throughout Europe. Their
pay in our navy is eight dollars per month, with the best chance for
prize money, that men ever had, and liberty of discharges after every
cruise if they choose it. In the merchant service they now get from
thirty to forty dollars per month; and this leads me to the state of
our commerce.