CHAPTER XVII.

PUBLIC ABHORRENCE AT THE CRIME--A GREAT OUT-POURING OF THE PEOPLE--

COSMOPOLITAN ASSEMBLAGE AT CENTRAL MUSIC HALL--A JUDGE'S VIGOROUS

SPEECH--CONGRESSMEN DENOUNCE THE CRIME--THE RIVAL DEMONSTRATIONS AT

CHELTENHAM BEACH AND OGDEN'S GROVE.

Greater honors could scarcely have been accorded the departed statesman,

patriot or warrior than were paid by the citizens of Chicago to the

memory of the man who had been removed from their midst by means and

methods so foul and dastardly.

Three thousand men and women--young people just budding into manhood and

womanhood, old folks with whitened locks and faltering step--crowded the

spacious Central Music Hall and its approaches on the night of June 28,

to express their detestation of the crime that had stained the fair fame

of the Garden City, to denounce the criminals and to demand of those

responsible for the execution of the law that no effort be spared to

bring the guilty to justice. It was one of the most cosmopolitan

assemblages that had ever been gathered under a roof in Chicago. There

were native Americans, British Americans and Irish Americans, Swedes and

Italians, Frenchmen and Germans. Members of the colored race were

scattered here and there through the vast audience, and even the Chinese

colony had its representatives in a couple of distinguished looking

Celestials, who, with characteristic modesty, occupied seats away back

in the rear.

THE PROMINENT CITIZENS PRESENT.

Equally striking and significant was the array of citizens that occupied

the stage. Back of W. H. Dyrenfurth, President of the Personal Rights

League, under the auspices of which the gathering had been called, and

who officiated as temporary chairman, sat men of such national and local

celebrity as Judge Prendergast, W. P. Rend, Robert Lindblom, of the

Board of Trade, Congressmen George G. Adams and Frank Lawler, Alderman

John Dalton and Representative Charles G. Dixon, the prominent labor

leader. In one of the boxes sat Herman Raster, the noted editor of the

_Staats Zeitung_, in another United States Commissioner Phil. A. Hoyne.

To the right and left could be seen scores of men of high social and

official position, side by side with divines of the Catholic,

Protestant, Methodist, Baptist, Presbyterian and other denominations.

Few of these could claim any personal acquaintance with the murdered

man, many more had known him scarce by name or even looked upon him in

the flesh, but one and all were animated by the same motives--those of

respect to his memory and a deep-rooted determination that the foul

crime should and must be avenged.

The decorations of the stage were modest and tasteful. Upon the rear

wall, under the organ loft, were draped two large American flags;

numerous baskets of flowers and plants tending to form an artistic

background; a large banner, bearing the emblematic figure of the Goddess

of Liberty, was suspended from the organ, and supported on one side by a

banner, with a figure of Columbia, holding the stars and stripes in one

hand, the other resting upon the national shield, with the American

eagle hovering at her feet. To the front of all, and upon which the

greatest interest centered, was a life-sized portrait of the victim of

his enemies, draped in mourning, and surmounted by miniature American

and Irish flags. Col. W. P. Rend, in the absence of Mayor Cregier, was

the presiding officer of the occasion, and presented letters, regretting

their inability to attend, from Right Rev. Bishop Cheney, and United

States Senators Charles H. Farwell and Shelby M. Cullom, who had

promised to be in attendance. Otto's beautiful chorus, "Gehet" (The

Prayer), having been rendered by a volunteer combined Swiss and German

chorus, a number of vigorous and remarkable speeches were made.

Congressman Frank Lawler spoke in this strain:

"A BLOT ON CHICAGO'S NAME."

"I am thankful for the privilege of giving my views upon what I

consider to be one of the most revolting and cowardly crimes ever

committed in this or any other community. Any person having the

heart of an American cannot but feel that the murder of Dr. Cronin

is a blot upon the good name of this great city, which can only be

wiped out by the arrest and swift punishment of the instigators and

their hirelings.

"The vast concourse that turned out to pay their respect to the

memory of Dr. Cronin when that sad and solemn demonstration

conveyed his remains to their last resting-place, gave an

unanswerable testimony to him who lived a Christian and patriotic

life, and it should convey to his enemies in no uncertain language

the fact that the people of Chicago knew Dr. Cronin to be an

Irish-American gentleman, faithful to his native as he was true to

his adopted country. This should be accepted by his traducers, and

they had better understand that the people of Chicago are slow to

anger, but when once aroused, they are just enough to vindicate him

who gave up his life while answering the call of distress--a martyr

to truth, honesty and charity. Dr. Cronin's traducers had better

beware, for Justice is jealous, and may lift the sword when she

finds that those who are not with her are against her.

"Thank God, we are unanimous in this opinion. I am proud of the

action of the Irish-American societies condemning the murder of Dr.

Cronin. Let us continue to act so that justice shall be dealt out

to every guilty person, no matter what his position may be. Let us

not condemn communities or peoples because bad men have shielded

their crimes behind their good name and well-earned reputation in

war and in peace. Let us not forget the people that did their share

at Bull Run, Antietam, Gettysburg, Winchester and in the

Shenandoah Valley, because a few assassins who belong to no race,

curse our civilization with their crimes. Let us not condemn the

race that gives us a Corcoran, a Meagher, a Smith, a Mulligan, a

Shields and a Sheridan, because that race is now bowed down with

the burden of a Coughlin, a Burke or a Sullivan, but let us pledge

our united fortunes, and, if it needs be, our lives, to the

vindication of law and order, no matter who may be guilty."

JUDGE PRENDERGAST'S VIGOROUS SPEECH.

Still more vigorous was the speech of Judge Richard Prendergast, one of

the leading Irish-Americans of the city; and who, although comparatively

a young man, was recognized as a brilliant ornament to the judicial

bench. His clear cut sentences awakened a responsive chord in the hearts

of his hearers, and at times during his speech the applause was

deafening. Among other things he said:

"Those who take part on the side of justice and against this

conspiracy, should be prepared to meet opposition and find spies on

all sides. I have no doubt that right in this meeting there are

tools and spies upon words and deeds. I believe there are members

of this great conspiracy in this hall to-night. Don't imagine that

your public meeting, guarded by tickets, will exclude spies and

assassins in thought, if not in deed. Even the organized power of

the State will have all it can do to keep them and their influences

from the jury box. This is strong language, but it is called for by

the occasion. At this time, no man who is asked to express himself

on the great topic of this foul murder can afford to be silent.

Sometimes persons are silent on the ground of expediency, but on

this occasion no man who is worthy of the name can be anything else

but an open, avowed enemy of this great conspiracy. It is time to

discuss secret societies, whether they are good or bad, when the

murderers of Dr. Cronin are at hand.

"Was Dr. Cronin a spy?" demanded the eloquent speaker, and from the

vast audience there came the reply, with a roar. "No."

"Was he known to be such before Le Caron testified?" again demanded

the judge, and again the thousands answered "No," while a cheer

went up that shook the building.

"This man carried his life in his hands, and did it for years,"

resumed the speaker. "The talk of his being a spy is sheer

nonsense; it matters not who makes the statement, whether directly

or by insinuation, he lies in his throat. A spy could not have

arrayed himself for years in hostility to all the sources of

disaster that has fallen upon the Irish cause. But that is simply

the Irish phase of the question, and as Americans every citizen

must rise high enough to declare that in view of American law, spy

or no spy, no man had a right to decree or to do his murder. A

peculiar feature of this conspiracy is that it had for its purpose

not only the destruction of Dr. Cronin's life, but the destruction

of his character--that it was for a twofold purpose, malice and

cowardice; hatred of him because of what he was, and cowardice so

as to cover up the evidences of crime.

"Here," went on the speaker, after he had alluded at length to the

stories that had emanated from Toronto, Montreal, and other places,

as demonstrating the underspread motive of the conspiracy. "Here,

where Dr. Cronin spent so many years of his life, we can safely

affirm, as this meeting does affirm, that, tested by his career and

by every fact and circumstance brought to light, Dr. Cronin was an

unselfish, a public-spirited, an honorable and an honest man, and

those who hated him and lured him to his death did so because of

that character of his, which could neither be bent nor broken,

severed nor turned aside by threats against his life, by attacks

against his life, by plots against his life that he had discovered,

or by the easier methods of bribery that must have been within the

power of those who organized those plots. In the presence of a

society whose object is the maintenance of the right of the

individual to think, to speak and to act as his conscience directs,

regardless of any adverse powers. Impressed by the spirit of such a

meeting, I can not refrain from giving expression to the sentiments

I feel. I do so for another purpose, and it is this:

"That the miscreants who planned and effected this foul murder will

know, or rather they will understand, how the public knows how I

regard them. They have known it for years. This is a time when no

man who ever had anything to do with the Irish movements

especially, can afford to be silent and do justice to himself. I do

so with the distinct consciousness that the man who attacks this

conspiracy invites its hatred. I believe I have had its hatred for

some time. If speaking as I have done does not invite its hatred, I

invite it now. No man who shakes hands with a criminal, or his

allies or sympathizers, can be relied upon as a faithful

conservator of justice. Let no man having political ambition be

deluded with the thought that subserviency will aid him. Treason to

American institutions and to the cause of justice, at this time,

will damn forever the man that the public believes guilty, and he

does not have to be tried by a jury or any other bar than

enlightened public opinion."

But no more graphic a tribute to the characteristics and memory of the

murdered man could have come from tongue or pen than came from Colonel

Rend, and his auditors hung breathless upon his words:

"He was a man endowed with many of the choicest gifts and graces of

nature. In person he was a perfect model of physical manhood. In

intellect he possessed talents of a high order. His natural

abilities enabled him to overcome the stern circumstances of an

early life of poverty and discouragement. By his own unaided

efforts, and from the savings of intelligent and careful economy,

he gained a collegiate education. He then studied for the medical

profession. Afterward he filled the chair of a professor in the

college where he received his diploma. He became an accomplished

linguist in several modern languages, and could speak German and

French as fluently as his native tongue. To these attainments he

added the charming accomplishment of a fine musical education. But

above all, he trained and educated to an admirable degree the

higher moral sentiments of his spiritual being. His soul shone out

with all the brightness of the noonday sun. He loved right and

justice. He hated wrong and injustice. He despised cunning,

deception and falsehood in every form. He unmasked and denounced

hypocrisy, especially where he saw hypocrisy used as a cloak to

cover schemes of spurious patriotism. He was fearless in facing and

defying danger where honor or principle was involved. He was an

honest man, and a true man in every fiber of his nature. He

cherished with fond remembrance, and loved with all the ardor of

his warm Irish nature, the land of his fathers and of his birth. He

pleaded and labored in the sacred cause of the promotion of

Ireland's rights and liberties. Indeed, were it not for his fond

devotion to Ireland, he would still be alive and in our midst. He

became a martyr to Ireland's sacred cause. For his adopted country

he had a love and affection even more ardent and intense. He

respected and obeyed our laws. He honored our flag. He revered our

institutions. Except to his God, he gave his highest allegiance to

this, our common country. In fine, he was a model citizen in the

highest sense. This man has been murdered under circumstances most

revolting. Why? What offense did he commit? What wrong had he done

to any person or any cause? I answer, none. He simply dared to do

right. For this he became a marked man. For this his terrible doom

was sealed. For this he was lured by tigers in human shape to a

cruel and inhuman death."

The sentiments of the commercial classes were voiced by Robert Lindblom,

one of the most prominent members of the Board of Trade, who delivered a

masterly address. In his peroration he said:

"We have come here to emphasize our rights as men, and as American

citizens, and to protest against these rights being domineered by

foreign influences and conspiracies. We have also come here for one

other purpose, and that is to protest against any influences of

church, nationality or societies being interposed between the great

criminals guilty of the assassination of Dr. Cronin and even-handed

justice, and to demand in the name of the civilization that this

gory spot upon its robes shall be covered by the mantle of stern

justice.

"We are not there to sit in judgment on the Irish people, but rather

to ask them to sit in judgment on their petty leaders, and in

impeaching these I do not reflect upon that great Irish leader,

Parnell, than whom there are few purer characters in modern

history. Is the fame of Ireland so great that it can afford to

condone murder? Are the Irish servant girls to have no protection

against those who play upon their sensibilities as a matter of

business.

"When the history of this epoch is being written this bloody

assassination will appall the historian. Shall he write that

Ireland's sons and daughters were so jealous of their honor that

they hurled the traitor to it from his false position, or shall he

write that Irish prejudices were so strong that even gory blood did

not look bloody red?"

Several other addresses were made. C. G. Dixon, a prominent labor

leader, spoke for the working classes, Dr. G. Frank Lydston for the

medical profession, Louis Nettelhorst, a member of the Board of

Education, for the youth of the city, and Frank Adams, Member of

Congress, touched upon the crime in its national aspect. The singing

society rendered Frech's exquisite song, "Suess und Ruhig ist der

Schlummer," and an original poem, entitled, "Cronin, the Martyr," was

read by H. E. Bartholomew. After this the resolutions prepared by the

Personal Rights League were presented. They read in this wise:

We, as citizens of the United States, residents of the cosmopolitan

city of Chicago, in mass meeting assembled to do honor to the

memory of a fellow-citizen, Dr. P. H. Cronin, who, because he

advocated that which seemed right to him, we believe to have been

the victim of a conspiracy concocted for basest purposes, and

appalled by the monstrous cruelty of his murder, we declare:

1. That from the facts so far made public, it seems the

assassination of Dr. P. H. Cronin was instigated by most foul and

criminal malice.

2. Every citizen has a right to life, liberty and property

guaranteed by the laws of the land, and it is utterly foreign to

the spirit of our people, as well as to the laws, that any man be

deprived of either except by due process of law.

3. That we hold no nationality or organization responsible for the

crime nor for the causes which led to it.

4. That we honor and respect love for native land, but condemn

perversion of that noble sentiment to personal ends.

5. That we hope no lawful means will be neglected to bring to

justice the instigators and perpetrators of this atrocious crime;

and that we resent as a public outrage any attempt to clog the

wheels of justice or to use undue influence to shield the guilty.

Public officers must feel that their highest duty is to the people.

6. We call upon the public prosecutors to see to it that no

innocent man is condemned, and that no guilty man escapes.

Therefore, be it

_Resolved_, That we encourage all lawful efforts to bring to

justice, which shall not discriminate, and to adequate punishment,

the instigators and perpetrators of this murder.

_Resolved_, That it is the sense of this meeting that the Citizens'

Association be invited to co-operate with and assist in every

lawful manner the authorities in bringing to justice the murderers

of Dr. P. H. Cronin.

When the vote on the resolutions was called, every man, woman and child

in the audience rose to their feet, and with the singing of the "Star

Spangled Banner," in which all joined, one of the most remarkable

gatherings in the history of Chicago came to an end.

THE GATHERING AT CHELTENHAM BEACH.

Not less significant, as indicating the condition of public sentiment

and the interest maintained in the crime three months after the

physician had been "removed," were the demonstrations of August 16th.

For years it had been the practice of the various Irish organizations of

the city to unite in a patriotic demonstration in one of the large

groves adjacent to the city, the proceeds, which invariably aggregated

many thousands of dollars, being contributed to the treasury of the

Irish National League, and thus eventually finding their way across the

Atlantic for the support of the movement with which Parnell and his

colleagues were identified. The murder of Dr. Cronin, however, had

rended asunder the Irish element in Chicago, and, as a result, there

were two factions, one composed of friends of the murdered man, and the

other of adherents of the "triangle." In this condition of affairs a

"union" demonstration was, perforce, out of the question, and while the

former faction determined to celebrate at Cheltenham Beach, and apply

the proceeds to the fund for the detention and prosecution of the

assassins, their opponents preferred to gather at Ogden's Grove, the

meeting-place in former years, and to make the same disposition of the

receipts as of old. According to the best estimates, from 13,000 to

15,000 people participated in the "Cronin" demonstration, and between

five and seven thousand that of the other element. At Cheltenham Beach

speeches denouncing the murder and demanding retribution were made by

Congressman M. A. Foran, of Cleveland, Ohio, and Frank Lawler, of

Chicago; John Devoy, the well-known Irish leader of New York, and Rev.

Father Toomey.

Said Congressman Foran:

"Dr. Cronin went forth that fatal night as a brave man to answer a

call for help. Instead of being called on a mission of mercy, he

was called forth to be foully and brutally murdered. I will not use

even the word assassination. He was called up to some cottage on

the outskirts of this city. He went in there filled with the hope

that he would be able to carry succor and relief to some suffering

mortal. He is scarcely inside the door before he is stricken

down--murdered, and the next we hear of him his bruised and

mutilated body is discovered in a foul and stinking sewer in this

city. It is almost beyond human comprehension to believe that men

could be so depraved, so low, so lost to all sense of justice and

humanity, so much like devils as to do this foul and heinous thing.

But yet it was done; and then, not satisfied with having murdered

the man himself, not satisfied with having destroyed his body, the

malignity of these murderers is so great that they must murder his

reputation and his honor. If devils were brought up from hell they

could conceive of no fouler, no more damnable deed than that!"

The speech of Father Toomey aroused the thousands of people to a pitch

of almost uncontrollable excitement, especially when he said:

"The hanging of the actual murderers will not reach the root of the

crime. That will only be reached when the man with fertile brain

and inventive genius who engineered the crime while his pockets

were filled with the money plundered from the Irish people shall be

brought to justice. [Cheers and cries of "Sullivan! Sullivan!"]

"It is to this arch traitor that you want to look, and it is to him

and his henchmen that you must look. You must look to men who can

spend money like water, men who have no vocation or calling which

will bring them in the sums which they spend. It is men who can

spend $25,000, $50,000, or $75,000 a year, and who murder men to

cover it up. [Tremendous cheers and cries of "Sullivan! Sullivan!"

and "That's the talk!"] These are the men that you want to see

dance upon nothing [wild cheers and cries of "That's the talk! Hang

him! Hang him!"] rather than the men who have been deceived and

duped into committing crime for which doubtless to-day they are

sorry.

"Dr. Cronin's memory is secure with us; and if there are traitors

in the Irish ranks in America you will find them amongst the men

who have plundered your treasuries; you will find them amongst the

men who have done murder to cover embezzlement. [Cheers and cries

of "Sullivan, Sullivan!" and the "Triangle!"]

"When you find men who start rumors that Dr. Cronin's friends are

traitors to Ireland, if you put your hand on them you will find

men who were not far removed from him who caused the deed to be

done. [Cries of "Good, good!"] You will find one of the many

specious and quiet agents who did quick and serviceable work from

various offices in Chicago to the telegraph which carried the word

to Canada that Dr. Cronin was seen there, when he was actually in

the sewer in Chicago, and you find a man close to the crime. And if

he had not been found the day that he was found you would have

heard of him next by some means on a steamer on the ocean; and by

and by you would have heard of him in Paris [great sensation and

nodding of numerous heads] and then you would have found the body

in the River Thames. [Cries of "Hear, hear," and "You're right

there."]

"It is well to be severe and just, but it is well to be careful

that in being severe and just the laws of the land in which we live

are not set aside by us, and that we do not set ourselves up

individually as judges and arbitrators of the lives of men. We live

in a nation that will tolerate no such work, be the nationality

what it may. [Cheers.] Because Dr. Cronin saw fit to ask for an

accounting for moneys disposed of illegally, unjustly and

wrongfully; moneys given from the sweat and blood, from the heart's

core of the Irish-Americans for their country's cause, there was

but one course. They had not the money to give back, and because he

would not cease at the bidding of the traitors murder was resorted

to to cover up robbery. [Cheers.] For Dr. Cronin's honor and his

loyalty to Ireland I myself would vouch with my life. [Tremendous

cheers.] Let it be your care to allow no one to utter the slander

that Dr. Cronin was not loyal to Ireland. Let it be your care to

resent the lie that Dr. Cronin still lives in the body. He does

live in spirit. He still lives in the hearts of the men of his

country." [Cheers.]

DENOUNCED AT OGDEN'S GROVE.

John F. Finerty presided over the meeting at Ogden's Grove, and Rev. G.

W. Pepper, of Louisville; Judge J. W. Fitzgerald, of Cincinnati; Senator

Grady, of New York; and O'Neill Ryan, of St. Louis, were among the

speakers. The mention of Alexander Sullivan's name by Senator Grady was

the signal for a scene of considerable enthusiasm. The speeches were

devoted to the condition of the Irish race and the progress of the work

of Parnell and his lieutenants for the liberation of their country from

English rule. The only reference to the tragedy that was at that moment

being denounced at the other end of the city occurred in an address,

which was read and adopted, and was in these words:

"We would deem it, under other circumstances, quite unnecessary to

emphasize before the American people the unwavering devotion of

Irish-American citizens to the government of the United States, but

a tragedy was recently enacted in our midst, the victim of which

was one of our own race, that has been made the occasion of venting

upon us as a people, and upon our societies as a body, the spleen

and venom of persons who, claiming to be superloyal to the

republic, have not the claim to honest loyalty which we, as a race,

hold upon this continent. The Heights of Abraham, red with the

blood of Montgomery; the waves of Champlain, brilliant with the

victory of McDonough; the plains of Chalmette, still radiant with

the martial fire of Jackson; the convent of Cherubusco, still

ringing with the war shout of Shields; the sunken road of Antietam,

that beheld the green flag of Meagher's Irish brigade rise and fall

by the side of the stars and stripes, as color-bearer after

color-bearer went down under the withering breath of the rebel

front of flame; the valley of Cedar Creek, in which the heroic

figure of Phil Sheridan lives as immortally as that of Napoleon at

Marengo; the square of the Haymarket, in this our own city, where

the Irish officers of the law stood like a wall of iron between the

people and anarchy--all these examples and many more could we

summon to the bar of public opinion if it were, indeed, necessary

to convince the American people that every man born in Ireland is

in spirit, if not in fact, an American.

"It has been asserted by those instrumental in covering us with

defamation that we wish to screen the murderers of Dr. Cronin. We

meet here to-day, among other reasons, for the purpose of

vehemently denouncing his atrocious murder in our capacity as

American citizens; but we hold that, as Irish-Americans, we have no

more right to be held responsible for that foul atrocity than has

any other element of our body politic for crimes committed by

persons to whom they are kindred. We devoutly hope that the

officers authorized by law will succeed in bringing to justice the

assassins of Dr. Cronin.

"We repudiate, both as American citizens and as Irish-Americans,

the claim made by the enemies of our race, that the Irish element

has any desire, or any purpose, to make the soil of America the

theatre of acts of vengeance because of feuds, factions or

disagreements growing out of political differences or personal

heart-burnings."

The Crime of the Century; Or, The Assassination of Dr. Patrick Henry Cronin · 第 17 / 26 章