"IT IS A CONSPIRACY"--DR. CRONIN'S FRIENDS CLAIM THE MURDER WAS A
POLITICAL ASSASSINATION--THE PUBLIC SCEPTICAL UNTIL STARTLING
DEVELOPMENTS ARE MADE--THE PHYSICIAN IN DANGER OF HIS LIFE FOR
YEARS--PREVIOUS ATTEMPTS TO "REMOVE" HIM--THE TROUBLE IN THE
CLAN-NA-GAEL--CHARGES AND COUNTER CHARGES--THE BUFFALO CONVENTION--WHY
HIS "REMOVAL" BECAME A NECESSITY TO CERTAIN PEOPLE.
"He is dead I feel sure of it." So said Mrs. Conklin, when the news of
the finding of the bloody trunk, the cotton batting, and the locks of
matted hair, had been brought to her.
"This is the work of political enemies" echoed Frank T. Scanlan.
"Dr. Cronin has been the victim of a political assassination" was the
immediate verdict of a number of prominent Irishmen of New York,
Philadelphia and other places. And the developments soon to come showed
that they knew whereof they spoke.
But the general public, while it listened and eagerly discussed the
mystery, was inclined to be sceptical.
A political murder in the free, liberty loving United States. It could
not be! Two Presidents had, it was true, been shot in cold blood by
madmen; and in different parts of the country and on divers occasions
men had been killed in scrimmages at the polls as a result of troubles
growing out of election affairs. But these were not political murders in
the general acceptation of the term, not the deliberate well planned
taking of life; not the outgrowth of a conspiracy to "remove" some one
whose particular political predelictions or position had rendered him
obnoxious to those politically associated with him. "Such things might
happen abroad it is true" said the sceptics, "but on American soil it
would be an impossibility."
DR. CRONIN AS A PROPHET.
Dr. Cronin's friends were not among the sceptics. Very well they knew
that there was more than ordinary ground for the fears they had
expressed. There was abundant evidence that long before his death the
physician had known that his life was threatened, and that any day might
be his last. This knowledge, or belief,--it may be put in either
way--was clearly outlined in a pamphlet which, under the title of "Is
it a conspiracy," he caused to be printed and circulated among his
friends a year before his taking off. In this document which, at the
time was summed up by most of those that read it, as a mass of words and
phrases without meaning to any one but the writer, Dr. Cronin clearly
outlined the fact that he would meet his end by violent means. There was
a key to the story which, when read between the lines after his
disappearance, made its meaning clear to many of those to whom it had
previously seemed but a jumble of incoherences.
The closing paragraph, in particular, was an extraordinary indication of
the prophetic spirit that had been generated in the physician by the
dangers that he knew assailed him.
"It strikes me that your funeral would be a largely attended one," was
the question that he put into the mouth of the mythical reporter who was
supposed to be interviewing him.
"Yes," was the reply that followed "and the cause of death extensively
inquired into."
Prophetic words. How largely his funeral was attended; how extensively
the cause of death was investigated; this volume itself is a record.
The fact that his life was in danger had been the burden of Dr. Cronin's
confidences to his friends for a year prior to that memorable night in
May.
More than once attempts had been made to lure him to isolated and
unfrequented spots on the pretense that his professional services were
required. On one of these occasions, so it is said,--although the doctor
was always uncommunicative on this point--he barely escaped with his
life from a house whither he had been summoned to attend a woman who
was, in reality, feigning sickness. At another time he publicly
denounced a man whom he believed had been sent from a distant city in
the east to encompass his death. Still another time a local sport who
had been hired by his enemies to "do him up" as the expression was used;
inspired by feelings of gratitude from some indirect favor, had made a
clean breast of the matter. Little wonder then that Dr. Cronin felt that
he lived the life of a marked man, and that sooner or later, he would
fall a victim to the machinations of those that were bent upon his
removal. But why had he enemies? and why moreover was his death so
greatly desired?
CRONIN AND THE CLAN-NA-GAEL.
The answer to these questions is given in the theory adopted by the
officers of the law immediately upon the discovery of the body; which
was subsequently endorsed by the coroner's jury, re-indorsed by the
Grand jury; and in pursuance of which seven men were soon to be placed
upon trial for actual participation or complicity in the crime. This
theory was that the physician had fallen a victim of a conspiracy,
covering two continents, its ramifications extending in numerous
directions and involving people of high as well as low repute, and that
this conspiracy had for its object his deliberate removal in order that
certain secrets and information that he possessed, and which virtually
affected the reputation, honor, and credit of certain Irishmen of
international reputation, might not be given to the world. In order,
however, that this theory may be made clear, it is necessary to go back
to the beginning of the trouble. Almost from his boyhood days Dr. Cronin
had taken an active interest in organizations that had for their object
the liberation of Ireland from British domination. One of these
organizations was the Clan-na-Gael. This was probably the most closely
oath-bound of all the Irish Societies of this country or abroad. Its
strength, moreover, was phenomenal. Although, owing to the secrecy which
surrounded its annual conventions, no public reports of its total
membership had ever appeared of record, it was generally believed and
understood that it ran into many scores of thousands, and penetrated
into almost, if not quite, every section of the North American
continent. In age it dated back to 1869, its cardinal object being to
establish in Ireland an Irish republic, to bring about fraternal
feelings among Irishmen in the United States, and generally assist in
the elevation of the Irish race. It affiliated with the old
revolutionary organizations in Ireland, and moved on lines so nearly
masonic in their secrecy, that in many parts of the country the clergy
of the Catholic church either discouraged or altogether forbade the
members of their flocks from becoming identified with it. Despite this
fact, however, the order, almost from its inception, grew in strength,
in wealth, and in influence. There was nothing in the obligation which
would-be members were compelled to take, before being entrusted with the
pass-words and other secret work that conflicted with their duties as
citizens of the United States, except that the occasion might arise when
it would be necessary for them to violate the neutrality laws. Every
man, however, that joined the Clan-na-Gael, or, as it was more generally
known to the outside world, the "United Brotherhood," knew that, as an
Irishman or a man of Irish descent, his sworn duty was loyalty to
Ireland, and that, were he called upon to take up arms in aid of any
movement for the independence of Erin's Isle, it would be his duty to
comply without question or demur. The membership of the organization was
divided into districts, which again were subdivided into local lodges or
"Camps." Each district had its general officer, to whose authority each
local camp was subject, and the district officers in turn made up an
Executive Board. This body possessed absolute and complete control of
the organization in every particular.
THE "TRIANGLE" IN POWER.
It was not until 1881, when it had passed its first decade of existence,
that the United Brotherhood first came prominently to the attention of
people of all nationalities in the United States. In that year it held a
national convention in Chicago. At this time its membership was at its
height. Tens of thousands of men of Irish blood had become affiliated
with it for motives of the purest patriotism, many others on account of
the secret political influence which it was enabled to wield; and not a
few because they thought they saw in it a source of livelihood and
profit to themselves. Its treasury had swollen to large proportions, as
a natural result of that section of the constitution which required
every local camp to remit ten per cent. of its gross receipts to the
Executive Board, and to faithfully keep the balance, save and except so
much as might be required for running expenses, in its treasury for an
emergency. It was from this convention that the troubles which afterward
overwhelmed the order first dated. One of its actions was to so change
the system of government as to confide the supreme control to an
Executive Board of five men, of which number three formed a quorum.
Alexander Sullivan of Chicago, Michael Boland of Louisville, and D. C.
Feeley of Rochester, New York, were elected members of this Executive
Board, and, working together, became both the majority and necessary
quorum. This was the trio which was destined to become famous in after
years as the "Triangle."
Almost from the day and hour that the convention adjourned, the
"Triangle" commenced to rule the order with a rod of iron. Despite the
fact that when it came into power there was in the treasury funds,
according to the best data that has been obtainable, aggregating a
quarter million of dollars, a new rule was promulgated which required
nearly the entire receipts of each Camp, instead of the former ten per
cent., to be forwarded to the National Executive Committee. In
justification of this remarkable step, it was quietly given out that
matters connected with the objects of the organization indicated that
an imperative demand was very shortly expected, which would allow of no
delay, and in which much money would be required. As the funds had been
raised for the sole purpose of assisting in revolutionary efforts,
which, from their very nature had necessarily to be conducted with the
utmost secrecy, no great objection came from any quarter to the transfer
of the funds. The amount thus placed in the control of Alexander
Sullivan, as chief of the Executive Committee, and of Feeley and Boland,
his aids, was subsequently stated by men who knew, men of honor and
integrity, men whose word in commercial transactions was considered as
good as their bond, as being in the immediate neighborhood of the
enormous total of one hundred thousand dollars.
VICTIMS OF A "PHYSICAL FORCE" POLICY.
What followed in the next few years is a matter of history. At irregular
intervals the news of dynamite explosions in different parts of England,
was flashed over the wires that spanned the two continents beneath the
broad waters of the great Atlantic. So, too, was the news of the death,
or capture and subsequent imprisonment, of those supposed to have been
primarily concerned in these affairs. Oftentimes the arrests were made
under circumstances which could lead to no other belief than that the
victim had been deliberately betrayed. Between 1881 and 1885
twenty-nine Irish revolutionists were sent from America into English
prisons, and in almost every instance the suspicion was so strong as to
almost amount to a certainty that these victims were betrayed to the
government, against which their attack was to be directed, before they
had left the vessel which had carried them across the ocean. This is the
record:
========================================================================
_Date of | | |
Sentence._ | _Name._ | _Crime._ |_Sentence._
-------------+--------------------+------------------------+------------
1881. | | |
May |James McGrath |Attempt to blow up |Life.
|James McKevitt | Liverpool Town Hall. |20 years.
1882. | | |
Jan. 31 |John Tobin |Illegal possession of |7 years.
| | nitro-glycerine. |
July 31 |Thomas Walsh |Illegal possession of | 7 years.
| | nitro-glycerine. |
1883. | | |
May 28 |Thomas Gallagher |Illegal manufacture of |Life.
|A. G. Whitehead | nitro-glycerine |Life.
|H. H. Wilson | at Birmingham |Life.
|John Curtin | and transfer of it to |Life.
July |William Tansey | London Exposition at |14 yrs.
|Pat Noughton | Weston House in Galway.|8 yrs.
|Pat Rogerson | |12 yrs.
|James Kelly | |2 yrs. H. L.
July 30 |Timothy Featherstone|Illegal possession of |Life.
|Dennis Deasy | infernal machines. |Life.
|Pat Flannigan | |Life.
|Henry Dalton | |Life.
Dec. 21 |James McCullough |Outrages in Glasgow in |Life.
|Thomas Dewanney | January, 1883. |Life.
|Peter Callahan | |Life.
|Henry McCann | |Life.
|Terrance McDermott | |Life.
|Dennis Casey | |7 yrs.
|Pat McCabe | |7 yrs.
|James Kelly | |7 yrs.
|James Donnelly | |7 yrs.
|Patrick Drum | |5 yrs.
1884. | | |
July 29 |John Daly |Illegal possession of |Life.
|J. F. Egan | infernal machines. |20 yrs.
1885. | | |
March |Patrick Levy |Explosion at Mill street|1 yr. H. L.
| | barracks. |
May 18 |J. G. Cunningham |Explosion at Tower of |Life.
|H. Burton | London, etc. |Life.
Nov. 18 |J. Wallace, alias |Murder at Solihall. |20 yrs.
| Duff | |
------------------------------------------------------------------------
This was a total of thirty-two men convicted of participation in
dynamite explosions. The conviction of Wallace for murder grew out of
his arrest on the charge of conspiracy. Two of the unfortunates died
shortly after their conviction, one was pardoned, and of the remainder
there were on October the 1st, 1889, twenty-two still confined in
British convict prisons. Besides these, two other delegates from the
United States, Captain Mackey Lomasney and a mysterious man, known only
as Peter Malone, were supposed to have been killed in the explosion on
London Bridge on the evening of December the 13th, 1884, while one more
of the number, James Moorehead, better known as Thomas J. Mooney, who,
with others, managed the explosion in Whitehall in 1883, was successful
in escaping to New York. Some time after his return to the United State
he made a full statement of the manner in which he was sent abroad for
dynamite work, and furnished with money and methods of introduction to
the agents of destruction on the other side of the Atlantic.
CRONIN TO THE FRONT.
For a time Irish fealty proved equal to the situation, and no outcry was
raised because the treasure was wasted, the lives of brothers lost, and
the sentiment of the whole world turned against the cause of the freedom
of Ireland. Presently, however, a demand was made by the Executive
Board upon the local Camps for more money, and dissatisfaction began to
manifest itself. It seemed incredible that the immense sum which but a
few years before had been at the disposal of the Triangle could have
been absorbed, and that, as was claimed the order was thousands of
dollars in debt. An investigation was demanded, and the Triangle
responded with its rod of iron. It declared that opposition should be
crushed out. Member after member, and then Camp after Camp was expelled.
It was at this time that Dr. Cronin came to the front. He was a
collossus. He insisted that the members of the organization had a right
to know what was being done with their money, whether the immense
amounts levied and wrung from patriotic Irishmen in America, had been
well used, or whether it had found its way through other channels into
the pockets of financial conspirators. The Triangle did not deign to
notice him for a while, but his following increased from scores to
hundreds and from hundreds to thousands, and it became evident that the
bold, intrepid Irishman who had forged his way from poverty to an
honorable position in the metropolis of the West was the man of all men
of whom to be feared. The fiat went out that Cronin's expulsion from the
order was necessary to the future safety of the organization. An
opportunity was soon found. In his own Camp, Dr. Cronin had read a
circular from one of the Camps that had been expelled, protesting
against the action of the Executive Board. For doing this he was charged
with treason. This was in 1885. He was brought to trial in Chicago
before a committee consisting of Lawrence Buckley, Frank Murray, John
O'Malley, Daniel Coughlin, the detective, who later was to be charged
with participation in his murder, and Henry LeCaron, _alias_ Beach,
afterward a British spy, and who had been introduced into the order by
Alexander Sullivan. The latter acted as prosecutor. With such a trial
committee it was little wonder but that the physician should have been
pronounced guilty of treason, and that his expulsion from the order
should have been decreed.
The "treasonable" letter was as follows:
THE "TREASONABLE" LETTER.
The initials used throughout represent the titles in this order:
"V. C.," United Brotherhood; "F. C.," Executive Body; "U. S.," United
Sons; "D.," Camps; "I. R. B.," Irish Republican Brotherhood; "R. D.,"
Revolutionary Directorate; "S. C.," Supreme Council.
HEADQUARTERS F. C. OF V. C.,
Sep. 15, 1885.
_To the Officers and Members of the V. C. and of the U. S.:_
BROTHERS: In accordance with the call of the Committee of Safety a
general convention of the V. C. was held in New York City, Aug. 3
and 4, for the purpose of taking the necessary measures to save the
organization from the ruin which threatens it. A full account of
its proceedings will be found in the printed report, to which we
invite your attention.
Having been chosen by the convention to fill a position of great
difficulty and responsibility in the organization during this, the
supreme crisis of its existence, we feel it to be our duty to lay
before you the plain facts of the present situation, and to ask the
assistance of every honest man in bringing about a remedy. We make
this appeal without regard to the side you may have taken in the
recent and present troubles, knowing full well that nine-tenths of
the organization are in a state of utter ignorance as to the actual
facts, and that honest men have been led to sustain wrong. We make
it more particularly to those who are supporting and yielding blind
obedience to men who have turned their backs on the I. R. B.,
thereby ignoring the fundamental principal which is the cause and
object of our organization. If that support is withdrawn an
effective remedy can be at once applied. That there is trouble you
will not now deny, and that it is serious enough to menace the
existence of a once powerful organization, and to threaten the ruin
of the hopes that have hitherto stimulated our efforts for Ireland,
every day will make more clear to your understanding. The efforts
at concealment made by the men who created this trouble, the
withholding of information as to the wholesale suspension of D's,
and the mendacious assertions made in recent circulars, have all
failed of the desired effect; and in every D in the organization,
to-day, there is gloom and discouragement and members are fast
falling away. No official denials, a thousand times repeated, can
any longer conceal this fact. Every member from Maine to California
can see it for himself. The truth is beginning to filter through
the barriers set up against its entrance to the D's, by desperate
men, whose characters depend on its suppression. The frantic
efforts and reckless statements of the army of paid organizers,
sent around to counteract the progress of truth and avert the
exposure of wrong doing, are useless and unavailing. Many of these
are the men under accusation of complicity in the fraud, and they
now use your money to deceive you and prolong the reign of
dishonesty. Their prevarications, contradictions, and shuffling
evasions are doing more to establish the truth of the charges,
against which they are vainly struggling, than the strongest
statement made in the interest of right and justice, and a spirit
is gradually growing up in the organization which will produce one
of two results--reform and punishment of the evildoers, or
disruption of the organization and escape of the prisoners.
One or other of these results is inevitable. And whichever it is,
it will be the clear and logical result of your action. Your
withdrawal from the organization, in despair or disgust, will no
more enable you to shake off your responsibility than if you give
an active support to the criminals. Which result shall it be? The
decision rests with you. If the men responsible for this wretched
state of things cannot succeed in stifling all investigation into
their misdeeds, they would prefer to see the organization smashed.
"Dead men tell no tales." They know that an honest investigation
would overwhelm them, and they are fighting for existence.
Therefore they are determined there shall be none, and every D that
demands one is suspended or left without communication. This
conduct is capable of but one explanation. They cannot stand
investigation. The question with them is, shall their personal
reputations be destroyed, or the organization be ruined? and they
have chosen the latter. Men with true instincts, and whose records
were clean, would scorn to force themselves on any organization, to
handle its funds and direct its policy, while under such
accusations as have been leveled against the Triangle. Men with the
real good of Ireland and of the V. C. at heart, would refuse to
hold office at the expense of the unity and the efficiency of the
organization. Looked at from any stand-point their conduct is
indefensible and unpatriotic. No man fit for the duties of the high
office, these men hold, would acquire it by such means or hold on
to it when acquired. No men who honestly intended to aid the men at
home to free Ireland--which is the fundamental principle of the V.
C.--would begin their official careers by deceiving their
colleagues in Ireland and persisting in carrying on any policy
against their protest.
Since the disastrous gathering, miscalled a convention, which met
in Boston twelve months ago, the organization has been going from
bad to worse. The deceit and trickery by which three members of the
F. C. were enabled to continue themselves in power, and so to
change the whole form and object of the order, as to make it a
convenient instrument for the furtherance of personal ambition, at
the expense of the sacred cause of Ireland, have continued to play
havoc in our ranks. The strength and vitality of the national
movement have been shattered. The oldest and strongest D's are
being driven out one by one, and a system of repression of free
speech and sham trials, copied from the worst features of British
tyranny in Ireland, is brought into requisition for the purpose of
crushing all independence of thought, and stifling the voice of
patriotism. No honest man in the V. C., who sees and hears what is
going on around him, can fail to recognize that ruin and
disintegration must speedily make shipwreck of our hopes, if a
strong and vigorous remedy be not soon applied. No intelligent man
can fail to see that every effort of the three men who have usurped
the governing authority of the V. C., every dollar intrusted to
them for the advancement of the cause is being devoted to the
maintenance of their power, and to the work of driving from the
organization every man who charges them with wrong-doing, or who
advocates an investigation of the charges made.
That the aims and objects of the organization, and also its money,
are being sacrificed to the necessities of the war of self-defense,
waged by three desperate men, must be plain to every intelligent
man, and it must be equally plain that an honest, impartial
investigation of the serious charges, made against these men, would
put a speedy end to all this trouble, by either convicting them of
wrong-doing or their accusers of falsehood. In either case the
organization would be freed from evil-doers and restored to
harmony. Why, then, is such an investigation refused? The men who
make the charges are ready to substantiate them and take the
consequences. The accused men shirk an investigation, drive their
accusers out of the organization, so that their evidence may not be
available, and hold on with the grip of desperation to the
positions they are accused of disgracing.
Can any organization of intelligent, self-respecting men tolerate
such a state of affairs? You who submit to the scandalous methods
by which it is kept up are making yourselves responsible for
irreparable injury to the cause you are sworn to serve.
Let us recapitulate the work of the Boston "Convention," the
charges made against the Triangle, the disruptive policy they have
since pursued, and the remedy we propose. We charge that the three
members of the last F. C., who now constitute the Triangle, are
solely responsible for the evils of the present situation, and that
deceit and trickery have characterized their action at every step.
There is no statement of theirs, now promulgated, that is not made
for the purpose of misleading the organization in regard to vital
facts. These facts cover the postponement and change of form of the
convention, the proceedings of that body, the relations with the I.
R. B., the disbursement of the largest sum of money ever handled by
any F. C., the authority and responsibility of the R. D., and the
policy pursued. In short, they embrace every question of vital
importance to the organization and to their characters as officers
and members of the V. C.
First--The Postponement of the Convention--It is claimed that these
men had nothing to do with it--that it was entirely the work of the
organization. Here are the facts:
Those who were delegates to the Philadelphia National Convention
will remember, that the subject was first mooted there _at the
request of the three members of the F. C. in question_, in a caucus
of members of the V. C. It was proposed by a member of D. II, and
seconded by a member of D. I, and passed as a recommendation to the
D's that they favor a change in the constitution, by which each
district should elect delegates in proportion to membership to the
National Convention. It was recommended in that form to the F. C.
for promulgation to the D's. When promulgated it had undergone a
remarkable change, by which each district was allowed two
delegates, irrespective of membership. This would give a district,
having then less than 100 members in good standing, the same
representation as others having 1,500 members.
The proposition of the F. C. was passed in some D's, with an
amendment providing for representation according to membership, and
a request that the amendment be submitted to all D's. The reply of
the F. C. was that there was no time to do so, and yet about a year
elapsed before the convention was held. Thus they secured a
postponement of the convention under pretense of submitting a
constitutional question to the D's, but so altered the question
itself as to deprive large districts of representation in
proportion to their membership, reducing the number of delegates to
the convention, thereby making the work of manipulation easier.
Thus, you see, the proposition originated with the F. C. was
supported by them in caucus, and they voted and worked for its
passage, and yet they tell you they had nothing to do with it,
"that it was the work of the organization."
This was the first part of the program by which they sought to
deceive and hoodwink the organization, escape a proper accounting
of their trusts, and secure a continuance in office. Let us now
examine the second part of the program, or farce, played at Boston.
The Convention--Notwithstanding the long delay and the evidence of
elaborate preparation for the convention on the part of the F. C.,
the notice to the delegates was only given at the last moment. Both
the first circular after the convention, and the so-called "report"
of its proceedings, issued by the Triangle in the name of the
delegates from each district, contained deliberate misstatements of
facts. There was no Committee on Credentials, and the word of the
Secretary of the F. C. was the only voucher for the genuineness of
the delegates. There were three persons present who were not
delegates, and one of the three presided. The composition of the
committees appointed by the chairman, after dining with the men who
controlled the F. C., and disbursed its funds, left every
consideration of decency and bona fide investigation out of
account. To investigate the work of these men, a Committee on
Foreign Relations, consisting of two of them, and a man who was
entirely dependent on them for information, was appointed. The
Financial Committee consisted of three district members, two of
whom were the agents of the F. C., in the "active policy," and
notoriously their partizans. These committees, sitting jointly, and
having out of the six members only two who were not previously
concerned in the work of governing and spending the funds, had the
coolness to report that "The Finance Committee are fully satisfied
with the economy and prudence with which the expenditures have been
made, and the Foreign Relations Committee find complete exactitude
in the financial acknowledgments of the R. D., etc." That is, two
members of the American part of the R. D., who had been receiving
and spending, in the name of that body, vast sums of money, of
which the three home members knew nothing, aided by two
accommodating district members who had been helping them to spend
the money, find "complete exactitude" in their own accounts. And
then, on the plea that "lives of faithful and devoted men are in
the keeping of each of us who have served on either of these
committees," they appeal to be allowed to keep the knowledge to
themselves, and assure the organization that they "individually and
collectively agree that it is a misfortune that so many of us
should have this knowledge." They describe their anxiety to "see in
the flesh the officer in charge of the new policy"--a staunch
confederate of theirs whom they appointed and who merely carried
out their orders--so that they might, forsooth, determine whether
economy characterized his work and their own. But the crowning
hypocrisy of all was their desire to ascertain if the receipts
"acknowledged by the Home Branch of the R. D., corresponded with
those reported by the F. C., as having been paid out." That is,
they wanted to see if moneys received and spent by the American
Branch of the R. D., without the knowledge or consent of the Home
Branch, were properly accounted for by men who knew nothing about
them, and whose representative was kept away from the convention
lest the truth should become known. And the men guilty of this
shameless deceit and hypocrisy are running the U. S. to-day.
Third--The Relations with the I. R. B.--Without the presence of an
envoy from the I. R. B. the convention was dependent on the word of
men, who admitted the receipt and expenditure of $266,000, and who
are positively known to have received a much larger sum, for the
genuineness of the account. They place $128,000 to the credit of
the R. D., and $75,000 to that of the S. C. of the I. R. B., and
they make it impossible for an envoy from Ireland to confirm or
contradict the statement, by withholding information from him as to
the time and place of the convention.
They aver that they sent the information both by cable and mail,
and yet there are letters at our disposal, dating from June to
October, from a member of the S. C., complaining that they could
not get the information they sought, and the last one affirming
that the old address was still good for either cable or mail. No
letter passing between the two organizations ever miscarried before
that time, and others have reached the same address since. The F. C.
were made aware of the non-receipt of the information, and if it was
intended to reach the S. C. it would have been received. The true
explanation for all this is found in the admission in the "report"
of the convention of a radical difference of opinion between the
F. C. and S. C., and of a determination to dictate to the latter body.
There is not a shadow of doubt that three members of the F. C. who
represent the V. C. or the R. D. usurped the functions of the whole
body, and spent the money voted to it by the F. C., without the
knowledge of the home members. By keeping away the one envoy of the
I. R. B., and auditing their own accounts, and speaking in general
terms of the R. D. as if they spoke for the whole body, they hoped
to conceal this fact and secure a continuance of the fraud. We now
begin to see why it became necessary to impose silence, by oath on
the delegates, for the first time in the history of the conventions
of the V. C. The report of the convention issued by the Triangle,
and the tone of circulars since issued, show a deliberate purpose to
prepare the minds of the members of the V. C. for a break with our
brothers at home. Are such men worthy of your confidence?
Fourth--The R. D.--The R. D. is a fundamental law of the V. C.,
protected and ratified by international treaty with the I. R. B. It
cannot be altered or abolished without the consent of the I. R. B.,
and the consent of the D's. It was adopted by the Philadelphia
convention of the V. C., by a unanimous vote in 1876, with the
proviso, that it should become a law only when approved by a
two-thirds majority of the D's. It was submitted to the D's, and
after being discussed at special meetings in every D, was approved
by much more than the necessary majority. It was then submitted to
the S. C., and having been agreed to by them the R. D. was elected,
and by a solemn treaty invested with the supreme authority in all
revolutionary matters.
The R. D. could not be abolished without the consent of both the
contracting parties, nor its functions assumed by a minority of
that body, or their confederate "in flesh," without the consent of
the S. C. or consulting the D's, who created it, and that most
accommodating body called the Boston convention, has empowered the
Triangle to elect an R. D. or not, as they see fit. That is, to
elect the whole body and run a boat of their own, as did the
Flannigans at the Flood, with the assistance of their confederate
"in the flesh."
The R. D. provided the means of adjusting all differences between
the two organizations, of adopting a common policy, of auditing all
expenditures, and made out of previously disjointed fragments, one
united Irish revolutionary body throughout the world. Every
intelligent man will now perceive that the assumption of power by
the V. C. members of the R. D. and their "officer in the flesh," as
well as the action taken at Boston, means broken faith with the I.
R. B., means secession, disruption, divided counsels, is a direct
blow at the integrity of the national movement. We cannot believe
that you will continue to condone this offense on the part of the
present Triangle, or indorse this breach of faith with the I. R. B.
Fifth--The other work of the convention--The mode of electing the
Triangle is inconsistent with honest intentions and gives the
organization no protection against wrong doing. The oath of
secrecy, as to the whole proceedings, is absolutely without
justification or valid reason. Its evident intention was to cover
up the farce enacted by the committees.
No reasonable member of the V. C. wants information, involving
danger to men, within the enemies reach. But every man should know,
who audits accounts covering hundreds of thousands of dollars, and
insist on having some guarantee that an honest inquiry is made into
the most important work of the F. C., viz: their relations with
the men at home. The change in the oath bodes evil to the cause.
What intelligent man will bind himself to promote all measures
adopted by the Triangle, "whether known or unknown?" Are we to
follow these men blindly in every enterprise to which fancy or
ambition leads them, including schemes of American politics?
This, brothers, is the true situation of the Irish National
movement in America to-day.
The only possible remedy is in a general convention, which will
pronounce final judgment, and calmly and impartially set aside all
men who stand in the way of union. We have appealed to the
triumvirate for such a convention, as have many of you, in vain.
They will never call it, for the simple reason that they dare not.
The only possible means of securing it, and thereby ending this
trouble once for all, is by your shaking off the lethargy that has
overtaken you and joining hands with us. Your appeals and protests
to your leaders will be met by hollow pretenses and subterfuges,
such as have met all such efforts for the last year.
Waiting for the "regular" convention means submitting to another
farce and allowing the work of disruption to go on with accelerated
speed. Come, frankly and openly to our side, and the settlement of
the trouble will be in your own hands. We are empowered to call a
convention at any time, when we see the necessity for it, without
waiting for the period fixed, and it shall be called as soon as you
say the word. Then let the culprit suffer, whether it be accused or
accuser, and the unfaithful, incompetent, and factious step to the
rear. The cause of truth, justice and patriotism will triumph, the
confidence now broken be restored, the gloom now hovering over the
organization dispelled, and with brightening hopes we will march on
to the accomplishment of our object--the restoration of national
independence under a republican form of government to our native
land.
Fraternally yours,
THE F. C. OF THE V. C.
X. F. G. (W. E. F.), Chairman.
Y. F. C. (X. E. B.), Sec.
All communications should be addressed to John C. Phillips care of
P. O. Box 2049, New York City.
CHARGES AGAINST THE TRIANGLE.
But these vigorous measures, instead of crushing the opposition, served
only to give it new life and energy. An organization, antagonistic to
the Triangle, composed of men bitterly hostile to Sullivan, Boland,
Feeley and others high in power, was brought into existence, and
rapidly grew until it was equal in strength to the original
Clan-na-Gael. It had trusty spies and avowed adherents in the older
organization, and the bitter quarrel was also brought into other Irish
movements. Sullivan and his aids gradually dropped out of control, first
seeing to it, however, that they were to be replaced by men to whom
their word would be as law. Still Cronin and those with him kept up
their warfare. Numerous efforts were made to silence him, and twice in
1887 he was called as an expert witness in trumped up cases before two
Chicago police justices, in the hope that his persecutors, by putting
him on the rack of cross examination, might find some flaw in his life
that could be made use of in lessening his influence, or some
disgraceful scrape which might be held over his head, to make him heed
the behests of the man into whose possession the secrets had come. This
effort failed of its object, and the physician returned to the charge
with two new allegations. One was that the Triangle had allowed the
family of Lomasney to suffer for the necessaries of life, while funds
that had been appropriated by a local committee of the Clan-na-Gael,
which labored under the belief that the missing brother was in an
English dungeon, had been withheld, and another, that Sullivan had gone
to Paris, while Patrick Egan was an exile in the French capital, and
demanded the sum of $100,000 of Land League funds to carry out the aims
of the physical force men in America. According to this charge, the
money was demanded to meet certain expenditures that had been planned in
a convention of representative members of the Clan. Mr. Egan, so it was
claimed, after a good deal of consideration, refused to turn over the
money, and then Sullivan threatened to disrupt every Irish society in
America unless his demand was speedily complied with. He pointed to the
fact that there was a large and growing element among Irish-Americans
that was dissatisfied with the management of national affairs, and was
ready to revolt as soon as a leader turned up to direct them. A whole
week was consumed in discussing the demand of the American emissary, and
in the end Mr. Egan was convinced that it would be wiser to take counsel
with some of his confreres before rendering a final decision. He told
Mr. Sullivan plainly that he was opposed to granting so large a sum of
money for any purpose whatever, but he was willing to abide by the
decision of other men who had as close a knowledge as himself of the
needs of the order at home and abroad. He offered to submit Sullivan's
proposition to Sheridan, the famous No. 1 of the Phoenix Park
Invincibles, and the leader of the physical force men in Ireland. Mr.
Sullivan agreed to this offer, and Sheridan was called to Paris from
Ireland by telegraph. Within a week after all the facts had been laid
before him, he decided that the money demanded by Sullivan had better be
paid than withheld to conciliate all factions of the Clan-na-Gael in
America. In result it was claimed that Egan paid Sullivan $100,000 in
cash, from the funds of the Irish National League, of which he was
treasurer, and that the then chief of the Triangle brought the full
amount with him when he returned home. Instead, however, of turning it
into the treasury of the Clan-na-Gael, it was contended that only
$18,000 was accounted for, and the balance of $82,000 was deposited in
the Traders' Bank, to the credit of "Alexander Sullivan, agent," the
full amount being subsequently withdrawn on account of certain
speculations by Sullivan on the Chicago Board of Trade. That such a
deposit had been made was confirmed some time later, when the bank in
question failed and its records, as the outcome of legal proceedings,
became public property.
SULLIVAN ON TRIAL.
But the troubles of the warring factions could not last for ever. There
were influential men on both sides who wanted harmony, and were
determined to secure it. Finally, the two sides came together at a
convention held in Chicago in 1888. Peace was restored, and the Camps
and individuals that had been expelled by the Triangle were declared to
be again in good standing. It was decided that the accounts and acts of
the Clan-na-Gael society from 1881 should be investigated, and three men
were chosen from each faction as a trial committee. They were as
follows:
Dr. P. H. Cronin, of Chicago.
Dr. P. McCahey, of Philadelphia.
John D. McMahon, of Rome, N. Y.
P. A. O'Boyle, of Pittston, Pa.
Christopher F. Byrne, of Saxonville, Mass.
James J. Rogers, of Brooklyn, N. Y.
The sessions of the committee commenced at Buffalo, in 1888, but the
fact that there were a large number of witnesses from points adjacent to
New York City, induced the body to make a change of base to that city,
and the inquiry was resumed at the Westminster Hotel during the heat of
the Harrison-Cleveland presidential campaign. It was soon found that the
hotel was altogether too public a place for the inquiry and a hall was
hired in another locality. Alexander Sullivan, who, with Boland and
Feeley, was present in person, entered a formal protest against the
participation of Dr. Cronin, couched in the most vituperative language.
It read as follows:
SULLIVAN'S CELEBRATED PROTEST.
NEW YORK, SEPT. 15, 1888.
P. O. BOYLE, _Secretary_.
DEAR SIR:--At the opening of this investigation in Buffalo I
protested against the presence of P. H. Cronin as a member of the
committee to investigate any charges against me. The committee
decided that it had no power to act in the matter, but, through its
chairman, said that I could file my protest in writing. Therefore I
formally and in writing renew said protest. My grounds are
First, he is a personal enemy; second, he has expressed opinions in
this case; third, he is a perjurer and scoundrel, unfit to be
placed on any jury.
To the first objection I cite the men of the United Brotherhood
organization in Chicago, from which he was expelled in a case where
I conducted the prosecution. There is no question in Chicago of his
personal hostility. Before the National League convention in 1886,
his was one of the signatures to a circular assailing me, and he
was a regular attendant at meetings hostile to me. This is so
notorious to me from all parts of the country that it is not
necessary to enlarge upon it, but if substantiation is required it
can be furnished to an overwhelming degree.
In the support of the second objection it is only necessary to
recite the now notorious fact that Cronin was a member of the
executive body of the United Brotherhood, and as such he was one of
those who circulated charges against my former associates and
myself. He therefore not only expressed opinions, but in his
official capacity caused those opinions to be published and
circulated.
Your committee is chosen from two bodies, whose members differ on
many points, but who all agree, or profess to agree, in denouncing
unfair trials, biased juries and prejudiced jurors in Ireland, and
yet I am asked, after a period of four years has elapsed since I
was a member or the organization, to come for trial before a
committee chosen in my absence at a place where I was given no
opportunity to be heard, although I was within a few hundred feet
of the place.
While you ask the world to believe that you want a fair trial on
one side of the Atlantic, you ask me to accept as a juror one who
would be excluded in any civil court from a jury in a trial of a
case in which I had an interest however trivial.
I am told that it has been declared that if I do not appear before
this committee I shall be denounced as one unable to defend himself
against the accusations filed. So I was left with the alternative
of being tried before a jury, with at least one perjured member, or
being abused and villified for my non-appearance. And this is what
the men who selected Cronin were led to believe was fairness. They
should never again be so indecently inconsistent as to criticise
the position of juries or courts chosen to try men in England and
Ireland. Had he as much decency as an ordinary dog he would not sit
in a case in which I was interested.
As to the third objection to Cronin, I charge that the brand of
perjury is so burned into the scoundrel's brow that all the waters
of the earth would not remove the brand. He was a delegate at the
district convention held in Chicago, March 23, 1884, that being the
first one held in this district. After the constitution was so
amended as to provide for the elevation of two delegates from each
district, two delegates were elected at the very same session, one
being chosen immediately after the other. Yet Cronin, after first
officially reporting to his club that two delegates were elected,
circulated a report that only one was elected, and stated that he
would not be permitted to speak or to present any suggestions from
his camp. Every such delegate at the convention has been sworn, and
every one, including those who were with Cronin in the U. B.
organization, testified that two delegates were chosen, that Cronin
was present when they were chosen, that every delegate not only
could speak, but was actually called upon to speak, and that every
delegate, including Cronin, did speak.
Cronin was expelled, a convicted liar, who added perjury to his
slander. I have further investigated his record, and I find that in
several matters outside of this organization he is also a perjurer.
A record obtained from Ireland by William J. Fitzgerald says that
Cronin was born at Buttevante, April 13, 1844. Cronin swears that
he lived at St. Catherines, Canada, until after the assassination
of President Lincoln, April 14, 1865. Captain McDonald, of No. 2
Company, Nineteenth Battalion of the Canadian militia, of which P.
H. Cronin was a member, says that at its formation in 1862 or 1863
he had P. H. Cronin in his company, or shortly after its formation.
He was known as the "Singer Cronin," and at the time of joining he
took the oath of allegiance as follows: "I swear that I will bear
true and faithful allegiance to her majesty, the queen, her heirs
and successors."
About 1863 positive orders were sent by the government that every
man had to take the oath of allegiance, and that there were none
under his command who did not take it. The record shows that Dr.
Cronin's father, J. G. Cronin, was a British subject and continued
in Canada up to the time of his death, so that P. H. Cronin until
1865 or 1866, when he left Canada, was a British subject, and if,
as he claims, his father was naturalized in the United States
before going to Canada, he voluntarily abandoned his American
citizenship and resumed the position of a British subject.
This P. H. Cronin voluntarily swore allegiance to her British
majesty. Yet this creature swore in his name as a voter in St.
Louis and voted in that city. He thought best not to come to
Chicago and reside one year, but sneaked down to a county in
Illinois, doubtless being afraid of attracting attention in
Chicago, and swore that he arrived in the United States a minor,
under the age of twenty-one years; that he resided in the United
States three years preceding his arrival at the age of twenty-one
years. He claimed to have been home in 1856, and not in 1844, and
even if that were true, he was only nineteen years old when he left
Canada, because he swore he was in Canada when President Lincoln
was assassinated; that he came to the United States in 1865 or
1866, and yet he swore he resided in the United States three years
previous to arriving at the age of nineteen, and thus secured his
papers on this minor petition falsely sworn to.
This side of Cronin's character, I submit, should be considered in
connection with any report his malice and prejudice may dictate. I
have not made any formal protest against the presence of Dr.
McCahey on the trial committee, but it is well known that he has
been active in publishing documents and interviews hostile to me,
and it is at least strange that one who has been so engaged should
be willing to serve on such a committee.
Very respectfully,
ALEXANDER SULLIVAN.
The protest was overruled. The charges, five in number, filed by John
Devoy, of New York, and Luke Dillon, of Philadelphia, set forth that no
active work had been performed by the "Triangle" or its agents; that
there was nothing to substantiate its claim that it had expended over
$87,000 in active work; that it had basely neglected the families of men
sent on errands of the Brotherhood; that bogus transfers had been issued
to members of the organization as coming from Ireland, and that a
district convention had illegally instituted. The trial was a heated
one. Each side went to the hall every night backed by desperate
followers. Letters threatening them death if a verdict of guilty was
rendered were received by Cronin and McCahey. Suspecting treachery; the
former took the precaution of making full notes of the testimony for his
private information. When the evidence was all in a vote was taken on a
motion to acquit. It stood three to three. Next a vote was taken to
find Sullivan, Boland and Feeley guilty. This time it stood four to two,
one of Cronin's colleagues deserting to the other side, and leaving the
Chicago and Philadelphia physicians alone in their opposition to the
Triangle. The question then arose as to the disposition of the evidence
and a resolution was adopted that every record of the trial should be
destroyed. Dr. Cronin demanded that the evidence should be published
with the report, and sent to every Camp, but again the majority was
against him. Thereupon he refused to surrender his private notes, and
after returning to Chicago and consulting his friends, he determined
that every man in the Clan-na-Gael should hear the story, and that a
statement on the subject should be made at the meeting of the Irish
National League of America, which had been called to assemble in
Philadelphia in 1889. From this time on to his death, the matter was
uppermost in his mind. A minority report, signed by the physician and
Dr. McCahey, was filed with the executive, and a demand was made that it
should be made public in the order. This was not done, however, simply
because the majority of the Executive was attached to the "Triangle
element," and, this avenue closed against him, Dr. Cronin contented
himself with reading the report in his own Camp. It was this act,
according to the subsequent theory of the prosecution, that, more than
any thing else, cost him his life. Meanwhile he was industriously
engaged upon the preparation of his papers for the prospective
conventions of the Clan-na-Gael and Irish National League, his report of
the New York trial proving invaluable to him in this connection; while
he continued at the same time to periodically insist upon the
publication of the minority report of the trial. On the very day upon
which he was decoyed from home, the Executive Board was called together;
and on the following day, (Sunday) an order was issued that Alexander
Sullivan's protest, which branded the physician as a perjurer and a
traitor, should be sent to every Camp.
It was hardly to be expected that the adherents and allies of the
ex-head-centre of the Triangle would contemplate the vigorous assaults
of Dr. Cronin upon the reputation and official conduct of their
erstwhile leader with equanimity. The temporary calm that had settled
over the organization with the close of the Chicago convention and its
treaty of peace, vanished like a fog before the noon-day sun; and strife
and bitterness once more reigned supreme. Every camp had its faction
that championed the one side or the other. Under the banner of the
physician, as well as under the colors of his adversary, were ranged
scores and hundreds of men who had left their imprint upon the
Irish-American history of the decade. The physician had his Rends,
Dillons, Devoys, Hynes, Scanlans, McCaheys; the lawyer his Egans and
Fitzgeralds, O'Briens and Bolands. Effort after effort was made to
induce Dr. Cronin to abandon his policy. Arguments, pleading, cajolery,
threats--all were employed in vain. To one and all he had but one reply:
"That he had put his hand to the plow, and that, God helping him, he
would never turn back." For months before his disappearance, he believed
that he was a marked man, and that, at the first opportunity, he would
pay forfeit with his life for what he regarded as his unselfish devotion
to the cause of his native land.
Little wonder then, that those of his intimate friends who were familiar
with these facts declared, as with one voice, that he had met his death
at the hands of his enemies.
Dr. Cronin's report of the trial, and which for weeks prior to the night
of his disappearance, he had carried with him for safe keeping, were
found in one of his garments in his residence after his failure to
return home. The record in full is as follows:
TELEGRAM.
MARCH 13, 1889.--_Dr. P. H. Cronin, No. 468 N. Clark Street:_ Meet
me at Westminster Hotel, New York, Tuesday evening, 15th, 8
o'clock. Peremptorily required on account report of committee to
read. J. D. MCMAHON.
Telegram dated Jan. 19 or 18, 1889, New York:
_Dr. P. H. Cronin, Opera House, Chicago, Ill.:_ Ordered by the
proper board that you send to me without delay your report on the
trial. RONAINE.
Dr. Cronin's reply as follows:
CHICAGO, Jan. 17, 1889.
_T. H. Ronaine, Esq., New York_.--
DEAR SIR AND BROTHER: I am in receipt of telegram, and in reply
would say that I vote as I did at last meeting of committee in New
York; with the recommendation that vote be published and read to
the clubs. McCahey has correct record of my vote. Or, if not,
please inform me. Fraternally,
P. H. CRONIN.
PHILADELPHIA, PA., Jan. 15, 1889.
_To the F. C. of the U. S.--_
DEAR SIRS AND BROTHERS: The Trial Committee appointed at Chicago
was unable to elicit all the facts connected with the charges
placed before it, because of the refusal of several of the
witnesses to answer many of the questions asked, and because of the
inability of others to remember events and figures that might be
supposed to be indelibly impressed on their memories. From the
evidence presented I am obliged to report:
1. That the family of one who lost his life in the service of the
order was scandalously and shamefully neglected, and continued to
be neglected for two years after their destitute condition was
known, and that Alexander Sullivan, Michael Boland, and D. C.
Feeley are responsible and censurable for that neglect.
2. That Gen. C. H. McCarthy, of St. Paul, Minn., was unjustly and
deliberately excluded from the Boston convention, and subsequently
shamefully persecuted and driven from the order, and that Alexander
Sullivan, Michael Boland, and D. C. Feeley are responsible and
censurable for that series of reprehensible acts.
3. That delegate from home organization was excluded from the
Boston convention, and that the same three defendants are
responsible and censurable for that exclusion.
4. That the same defendants issued a deceptive report to the Boston
convention, leading the order to believe that its affairs had been
examined by independent committees, and that the order was $13,000
in debt; that, in fact, Alexander Sullivan and Michael Boland were
on the committee of foreign affairs, and the Treasurer states that
there was a balance in the treasury and not a debt.
5. That prior to the Boston convention one hundred and eleven
thousand ($111,000) dollars was expended without any direct or
indirect benefit to the order, and most of it in a manner that
could not in any way have benefited the order, and that the same
three defendants are censurable and responsible for this enormous
and wasteful expenditure.
6. That this enormous sum was spent without the sanction or
knowledge of the home portion of the R. D.
7. That various persons sent abroad were not supplied with
sufficient funds, and that the agent of the Triangle is responsible
and censurable for that criminal neglect, and not the three
defendants.
8. That Michael Boland and the late Secretary of the I. N. B.
issued fraudulent transfers, for the purpose of deceiving the order
in Philadelphia into believing that the union with the home order
had not been broken.
9. That Michael Boland and D. C. Feeley, the former by acts and the
latter by assent, are guilty of attempting to pack the Pittsburg
convention by, first, excluding the delegate from the Pacific
Slope; second, excluding Mr. McLaughlin, delegate from Dakota;
third, excluding O'Sullivan and Delaney, rightful delegates from
New York; fourth, admitting the Rev. Dr. Betts and John J. Maroney,
on bogus credentials from the bogus districts; fifth, admitting
Boland and Malone, illegal delegates from New York; sixth,
admitting proxies from Iowa, Brooklyn, and Illinois; seventh,
sitting as delegates themselves in direct violation of the
constitution.
10. That the $80,491, reported to the district convention as having
been spent in active work was not spent for any such work, no such
work having been done or contemplated during the eleven months
within which this large amount was drawn from the treasury. The
active work done between the Boston and other district conventions,
was paid for out of the surplus held by the agent of the Triangle
at the time of the Boston convention, and not out of the $87,491
drawn from the treasury months after such active work had ceased.
11. That Michael Boland and D. C. Feeley, the former by acts and
the latter by silence, are responsible for the expenditure of this
large amount of money, and censurable for deceiving the district
convention as to the purpose for which it was spent.
12. That Michael Boland, Alexander Sullivan, and D. C. Feeley, the
former by acts and the two latter by assent, illegally suspended
D's in January, 1885, and that Michael Boland and D. C. Feeley, the
former by acts and the latter by assent, illegally suspended U.
D.'s in New York, in January, 1886.
Yours, respectfully, P. MCCAHEY.
I concur in the within and foregoing report, and would recommend,
in strict fairness to all concerned, and in justice to the entire
organization, that the evidence, from which were deducted the
foregoing, be printed by F. C. and sent to each D. O. and by him
read at the general meeting or district over which he presides.
P. H. CRONIN.
Signed Jan. 19, 1889.
NOTES OF TESTIMONY.
First meeting, Westminster Hotel, New York, July 30.
J. D. McMahon, of Rome, N. Y., in the chair.
Committee met, and after some discussion as to choice of chairman
and secretary the matter was arranged by electing anew J. D.
McMahon as chairman, and P. A. O'Boyle as secretary. Members
present: McMahon, O'Boyle, McCahey, Rogers, Burns and Cronin.
Letters and telegrams were read showing that none of the defendants
were ready, owing to brief notice. Accusers on hand.
On motion, committee adjourned to meet at Buffalo, N. Y., Aug. 20,
1888.
Genesee House, Buffalo, N. Y., Aug. 20, 1888. Committee called to
order. J. D. McMahon, President; P. A. O'Boyle, Secretary.
Present: J. D. McMahon, P. A. O'Boyle, P. McCahey, J. J. Rogers, P.
H. Cronin, C. F. Burns, Sullivan, Feeley, Boland, Ryan, Devoy,
Trude, O'Neill, McCahey.
On announcement by the Chair that the committee was ready for
business, Mr. Sullivan stated that he had an objection to offer to
the constitution of the committee. The chairman asked if it was to
the committee as a whole, or to any particular person.
Sullivan answered that it was to the personnel of the committee;
that one of the committee was a malignant enemy of his
(Sullivan's); that the same party was forever pursuing him with a
design to injure him; that as an expelled member of the order, that
party referred to ought not to sit in any committee. Continuing,
Mr. Sullivan said that the party referred to was Dr. Cronin, who
recently had made statements through a newspaper in regard to him
that he knew to be false; that the newspaper editor (giving name of
paper and editor) had sent him (Sullivan) a letter of explanation,
and that for this and many other reasons he objected to being tried
by the committee as constituted.
Messrs. Feeley and Boland followed, both strongly objecting to Dr.
Cronin. Boland said that though personally he had some objections
to Dr. McCahey he would waive those objections and join with
Messrs. Sullivan and Feeley in asking that Dr. Cronin retire from
the committee, they being willing to accept any one in the room in
preference.
Dr. Cronin replied to this; said he thought it strange that Mr.
Sullivan should speak of him as a malignant enemy. He (Cronin) had
never characterized Sullivan personally as an enemy; anything said
by him (Cronin) was directed toward the men whom he was given to
understand had wrecked the organization. Sullivan was one of them,
he understood, and only in connection with certain developments
pertaining to the order did he say anything of Sullivan. If Mr.
Sullivan believed everything told him by gossips he (the doctor)
could not help it. "Indeed," the doctor continued, "why should I be
the enemy of Mr. Sullivan? What has he done to me that I should, as
he says, single him out for personal enmity?" As to the newspaper
editor matter, the doctor said, that while not believing in
introducing what savored of American politics, he could explain the
newspaper affair by referring to the paper itself. Mr. Sullivan
would certainly not make an affidavit to the statement that the
paper had done what he said, for he (Dr. Cronin) had evidence that
would readily disprove it.
To this Mr. Sullivan replied that he did not want to make
affidavits, but would say that the creature (referring to the
doctor) should not sit as one of his judges; that he (Sullivan)
could prove by a dozen men, who would not believe the doctor under
oath, that he (the doctor) was an expelled member of the
organization. [Then the paper mentions the names of three men.]
Mr. Cronin said, interrupting Mr. Sullivan, that the gentleman
evidently meant to irritate him or intimidate the committee.
Mr. Sullivan said that he did not wish to intimidate the committee.
Dr. Cronin then said: "Then you probably mean to intimidate me.
That you cannot do, sir, and you ought to know it by this time. All
the objections you urge were made at the convention, and by an
almost unanimous vote, as the selection of that convention, I am
the peer of any one here and doing my duty by the body that created
me. I would not, if I could."
Mr. Sullivan took his seat, overruled by that body.
The Chairman asked all but the committee to retire, and, upon a
vote being taken, the objections of the defendants to Dr. Cronin
were overruled by the votes of the Chairman, Messrs. Burns, Rogers,
McCahey, and Cronin, the Secretary not voting. This was announced
to those making the objections, and the trial proceeded.
Before the trial proceeded, Col. Boland said he had a witness whose
expenses he wished to have guaranteed; that the witness resided at
Leadville. On motion it was ordered that the expenses of witness be
guaranteed.
Col. Boland called attention to the fact that many persons present
who were witnesses, etc., should not know what was going on. The
Colonel said that matters of grave importance might come before the
committee, and as it was common report that one witness had given
information to the British Government, that John Devoy had given
information to the British Government, he requested that none but
the attorneys for prosecution and the defendants remain before the
committee, each witness to be examined separately.
Dr. Cronin objected to this, saying, that as Devoy had been singled
out for animadversion by Col. Boland, it was not fair for the
committee to extend support to Boland's unjust attack.
On motion all but the committee retired. The committee then decided
that each prosecutor should remain with the attorney and that
witnesses be introduced separately; the defendants remaining also;
the committee admitting all those entitled to be present, the
charges were presented and specifications as follows:
1. That no active work had been performed by F. C. that had been
claimed by that body and its agents.
2. The men on errands of the brotherhood had been basely neglected
and their families left without support.
3. That bogus transfers to members of the organization had been
issued as coming from Ireland.
4. That the district convention was falsely instituted, etc.
5. That F. C. members sat as delegates in that convention in direct
violation of the constitution.
The proof of charges had shown:
1. That they had claimed that $87,467 had been expended in active
work. No vouchers were presented, no contracts, and no money, no
account explained about.
2. Proof that such explanation was never made.
3. But little money given Mrs. McCahey; small sums given to men
abroad; bogus transfers fabricated by X Y and others.
4. Convention illegally constituted at Pittsburg; proxies present,
Boland and Feeley sitting there. Boland offered position as R. D.
and money sent him that he might make statement that active work
was engaged in.
A witness testifies: Witness called to stand, after being duly
obligated, testified as follows:
Some time previous to the Boston convention I was called on by
certain members of the order in reference to an offer of services
made by me some time previously. After conference in relation to
details I agreed to go to the other side. I went by steerage on
ticket procured for me and received _L_20. After an absence of
seven weeks I returned by steerage passage out of the amount
received. Upon my arrival in America I met Donovan, who acted as
agent for the body, and who paid me $50. Donovan was then in the
employ of Gen. Kerwin. I complained of the small amount given me,
but did not ask for more. Not enough was given me for the work
expected to be done. Later in the same year I was again called on
by Donovan, who asked me if in addition to myself I could furnish
enough men to accomplish a certain amount of active work. He asked
me would I go again I said yes. Looked up the men. It was almost
impossible to find any. Got two men on steamer and one to accompany
me to do work abroad. Everything being ready, I met Donovan at
Green's Hotel, Philadelphia, in company with John J. Maroney.
Donovan told me that Maroney would buy tickets for me by steerage.
They cost $18 apiece and $100 was given me to carry on work. I told
Donovan that on former occasions I had to go on vessel three days
after work was done; that the sum now offered me was too little for
the work looked for. I insisted on getting money enough for the
purpose of safety, else I would not go. Donovan told me that
sufficient funds would be furnished on the other side. He stated
his reason for not giving me more before leaving was that men
engaged in similar work had been arrested on landing on the other
side; that my carrying a large sum might excite suspicion. That was
satisfactory to me, especially as I was given the name of the agent
on the other side who was to furnish funds as needed. I left the
room and sent in ---- (another man), the one that was to accompany
me. Maroney left the room with me. This other man told me he
received the same amount that I did. Maroney then told me he was
glad I refused to accept the sum offered me as total compensation
for the work. He also said he did not believe it was the wish of
the F. C. to do as the S. had said. He promised to see the F. C.
and demand money from them, and should they not give it he would
send me help on the next steamer by a trusty man. On the way over I
had to pay over _L_2 for certain accommodations on steamer. After
being on the other side nine days, taking care not to excite
suspicion, I had but _L_10 left. I then went to Capital City, and
met the man who I was told was the agent and would give me money,
and I told him I wanted some help, as I was short of funds. I asked
him for _L_10. He denied having any money for any such purpose; he
had no more than he required for actual expenses, and hardly that.
He said all he had received upon leaving was $200.
Objected to by Boland, who asked to know how witness knew the man
was agent.
Witness--I was told by Donovan in the presence of Maroney that upon
my arrival on the other side I would get funds from the man
mentioned. The man then went on to say, that owing to the
circumstances he might be obliged to stay for a year. He had worked
at his business for some time, but was doing nothing now. I then
said I would return at once to America. He said he would at once
ask something for me from Ex. I replied that if he did not get
funds I would go back. Before leaving I asked him where would it be
necessary to do the work. He said he did not know; things were
looking queer; that he was sure he had been betrayed by some one.
Question by Mr. Ryan--What became of this man?
Witness--He is now in prison. His reason for thinking he was
betrayed was that two men had called at his lodging asking for him
under his assumed name. I told him to change his lodging. But soon
after I was told he had been followed up by the same individuals,
whom he had suspected were detectives. This alarmed him much. At
his request work was delayed six weeks. I at last told him I would
do the work. There were four of us. At various times I asked him if
he had received any money from Ex. He said no. He seemed so careful
that my men deemed it cowardice. I called his attention to this
before the men, saying we looked for courage at this time. He
repeated before us that he believed he had been betrayed, for,
though he had changed his lodgings several times, the party he
suspected as being a detective had called upon him at each place.
Exception by defendant. To which was said:
I finally induced him to give orders to do the work. This was
Thursday. Saturday we did it. After the work was done I met him
that same evening. He remained in Capital City seven days
afterward. I was so reduced for funds that I prevailed upon him to
give me _L_4 of the _L_16 he had left. On landing in this country
had _L_3-1/2. Had no bed nor bedding on the ship; slept on the top
side of a plank.
This in answer to a question by Dr Cronin:
I at once complained to Donovan and Maroney, and through them to
the executive, or Gen. Kerwin, of the treatment I had received and
the culpable neglect of the F C. About the last of February, 1885,
Donovan furnished me $10 with which to reach home. The man in
charge for the order made me take an oath before leaving to bring
the matter before the order.
I always supposed Kerwin was a member of the executive. Before
leaving America I told Maroney I would take an alias known to me;
my alias was the proper name of a man. The imprisoned one bore the
alias given to me. This was the agent. He was four miles from the
place we worked at. Only three of us did the work.
Question by Mr. Ryan--How much money in all did you receive?
A.--Four persons in all. $500; of this the agent got $200. We were
two months in the country.
Then the witness makes a statement that the other man who went with
him, whose name I did not read the last time--this man came back
six months after. At an expense for material, I should think, of
$7,400 in all to cover the enterprise.
Q.--How many operations did you perform? A.--Three. We always bade
each other good by after each meeting, thinking it might be our
last meeting on earth. I have learned that in order to get back,
the other man who went over with me had to sell his clothes to get
passage money. He came with a sprained ankle. In July or August,
1885, he received $7 from Maroney. I took up Rossa's paper one day
and in it I saw an announcement of a subscription to keep the
mother of Cunningham. I went to Maroney, and after telling him it
was shameful that she should be allowed to suffer so he said he
would see to the matter. Spoke of Gen. Kerwin as being asked to
send some help; said he would not. I said if they didn't I would.
Kerwin then came to my home and said I ought to be expelled; I told
him he ought to send help to the woman; he said he ought not as the
man himself had abundant means; I finally induced Mr. Ryan to get
F. C. to send something. One hundred dollars was sent through D.
18, who sent it through F. C., and I was informed of S. G. of 18. A
few months after I met a lady of Detroit who told me that Capt.
Mackey's wife was in want; he was killed in London and was assured,
I am told, that his family would never want. Lomasney, and his
brother, accompanied by Fleming, went over in 1884. I wrote to
Cochrane, and both assured me that Mrs. Mackey was in want. At once
$1,025 was raised and sent to Detroit, where matters were found to
be even worse than they had been represented.
In the case of Dr. Gallagher, his people were in want. Mr. Delaney
had recovered the money on the doctor's person, but that was only a
small sum, and most of it was being used in his defense.
On consultation, met D. in New York. One hundred dollars was raised
and sent to Mrs. Gallagher. I requested that the men on trial on
the other side should be defended. Gen. Kerwin said that friendless
men were better off in such cases. I raised _L_50 to send to Jack
Delaney's sister.
Witness produced five forms of transfer, purporting to be in
accordance with the rules of the combined order, but which were
shown to be bogus. Witness said: I wrote in the early part of June,
1886, for transfers for certain persons in Philadelphia, who had
been clamoring for admission into D. I said it would do a great
deal of good to be able to show that we were in opinion with the
folks at home. Within four days I received six, of which those five
are a part. McMahon, Burns, Henry, Gallagher, Henry, the witness
testifying. Leonard stated to me--
Objected to by the defendants.
Some time before the Pittsburg convention, witness was called upon
by P. O. Sullivan and J. J. Delaney, who had learned that he was a
delegate to the convention. They said they represented eleven D's,
and that in order to seat Boland and Miller, Sullivan and Delaney
had been thrown out by the suspension of D.
Mr. Boland objects to this.
Mr. Ryan and I protested at the convention and asked that Delaney
and Sullivan be seated. We stated that a good member of the
executive should sit as a delegate in the convention; for the same
objection, we objected to Mr. Feeley and Mr. Gleason. Each of these
men voted to seat the other. We objected to the proxies from
Chicago, Messrs. Tim Crane and Florence Sullivan, the latter proxy
for Father Dorney. The other said he represented Alexander
Sullivan.
It having been stated that district S. represented or had been
represented by virtue of a cablegram sent to Gleason and Sullivan,
Boland requests them to act for Australia, and that John J. Maroney
and Dr. Betts were admitted as proxies. We asked the secretary if
any money had been sent by this district in any communication had
before the receipt of this cablegram. Secretary said he hadn't had
any communication with S. at all. The communication was with
Alexander Sullivan and Michael Boland.
We then asked how the Australian cablegram came here, by which
route. The secretary didn't seem to know. Mr. Ryan then informed
the convention that all cablegrams reaching here from Australia
were recorded in the London post office. For this reason he thought
it highly improbable that any such message came to the gentleman
mentioned.
Here Mr. Sullivan denied having been appointed delegate to the
convention, or that his brother Florence represented him there.
The Witness--I was R. D. at that time in place of Gen. Kerwin.
Before my election as delegate I never acted as R. D. There was no
connection with the home body. I received $500 from Mr. Ryan, which
it was said I was to use as my judgment dictated. I asked Boland if
I should do any active work outside and kept a lookout for it. I
spent money afterwards in trying to right the order.
CROSS-EXAMINED BY ALEXANDER SULLIVAN.
Q--When and to whom did you complain on your return to this
country? A--To Donovan.
Q--You made no complaint to the executive directly. A--No.
By Mr. Boland--How did you get the money, the $500. A--In cash.
This was three months before the convention.
Q--Did I ask you to get the amount right as representing R. D.?
A.--I told you I had them on the ship.
Q.--Has any difficulty since that made you say why you were on R.
D.? A.--No.
Q.--Were you a delegate at the time you got the money? A.--No.
Q.--Were you appointed on foreign relations or finance committee?
A.--No.
Q.--Pending the discussion of the report you left the convention?
A.--I left, claiming it was not a convention of the order.
Q.--You don't know who I appointed? A.--No; I was not in on
permanent organization.
Q.--You don't know of operations outside of your own? A.--No.
To Mr. Rogers--I voted at the convention under a vote taken on
various motions.
By Mr. Ryan--Do you know of any work having been done between Jan.
20, 1885, and the district convention. A.--No.
Q.--How much did it cost for Mackey's work? Objected to by Feeley.
Q.--When did you get that $500. A.--The check sent by Boland and
Ryan will show I got the money from Ryan, but he received it by
check.
Constitution of the order offered in evidence.
Examination of another witness. Obligated, name, etc.
My knowledge when I was elected D. M. to fill vacancy, caused by
resignation of John J. Marony. In July, 1885, his resignation was
demanded by the district. In October I went out as an organizer for
the National League through the west. Nov. 23, I spoke at
Philadelphia. Several seniors mentioned that Dillon was in
straightened circumstances. I promised to see the executive. I saw
Gen. Kerwin, D. M., of New York. He said when I mentioned the
matter to him, that he had no power; that this was not an order to
grant pensions. He would see Boland. I met Boland by arrangement.
He listened to what I had to say, and at first refused to assist
Dillon. Finally he said he would consider the matter. Then he
authorized me to pay $200 of obligations maturing. I advanced this
myself, and got it back in December, 1885, and I saw Gen. Kerwin,
and told him he should send money to Mrs. Cunningham; that the lady
was hurt on the subject of her being neglected by us. He said he
would send it. In December, 1885, it was rumored that our
convention would be held in January, 1886. I was told by Kerwin and
Boland that Egan wanted to retire from the Presidency of the
league. I was asked by them to accept the Secretaryship of the
league. This I refused. It was said considerable trouble might be
looked for in any case; about the last of December I was sent for
to go to New York. I saw Boland and Kerwin together at this time,
as well as in January and February. Had interviews with Kerwin and
Boland on the subject of the convention and like matters. Mr.
Boland asked me why I would not take the Secretaryship. He said the
plan for holding a convention of the order had been abandoned, as
the L. R. then did not take place. Men would get out and I would
not be selected as President of the league.
Some time after this I received the following letter from Kerwin:
"_My Dear Sir:_ (Giving the name.) The Chicago people have asked
for you for the 4th of March. If you will take my advice you will
take no office in the league."
I was led to believe about this time that the organization intended
opposing Parnell, owing to his recognition of others. Boland and
Kerwin both said this.
(Interrupted by Boland.) Is that your recollection of what took
place? A.--Yes.
Various letters were shown. (Exhibit B.)
These exhibits were not found among the physician's papers.
Q.--By Mr. Rogers--What did you give the money to Dillon for?
A.--The money had been given me as a general resource. I did not
want to go into active work, and suggested Dillon. I gave him the
money. Boland authorized this by a letter to me. [Letter read.]
Dillon had convinced me that the F. C. hadn't done fair; in fact, I
felt that Boland was trying to play me, and I wished to return the
compliment.
Q.--Did you want to accept the Presidency of the league? A.--The
slate was Baldwin, Minton and Carroll for F. C., and myself as
President of the league. I knew that my age was a bar to my
acceptance. Then I was going to attack the ones in authority. I
attended the convention. Carroll was temporary Chairman; Reynolds
was elected permanent Chairman.
Convention went into Committee of the Whole. It was reported that
Father Dorney could not come because he had trouble with the
Bishop, and that Alexander Sullivan was absent because British
detectives were shadowing him. I held that no member of the
executive could sit as a delegate; quoted the constitution; no
exception to my doing so; the fact was as stated by me. The last
district called was Q. For R. we were directed to apply to the
Secretary. District S. was named. I objected to this as no mention
had been made of it in our report. I asked "Where is it?" I was
answered, "Australia." Its representatives here are Maroney and
Betts. They said they represented Boland and Sullivan. I asked if
there was any organization in Australia? I was answered there is
one in contemplation. The Secretary said Betts and Maroney were
there by order of the executive and by order of a cablegram sent to
Sullivan and Boland.
Sullivan is said to be not a member of the order and Boland
represents New York. They had earlier said that Sullivan was
shadowed by detectives.
I then showed how the cablegram had come from England. Letters had
been left with the President by Boland. Districts H. and B.
declared they would leave the convention. We refused to take any
part. Did not return. Motion to expel seceding members carried by a
vote of 20 to 5.
Q.--By Mr. Boland--The conversations were in the presence of
Kerwin, were they not? A.--Yes, many of them.
Q.--Did the matter come up in relation to your treatment at
Chicago? Some of it took place before you were elected? A.--Yes. At
district meeting of S. J. Kerwin was present as the representative
of F. C. The district requested me to accept. Had no conversation
with you until months after.
Q.--By Mr. Feeley--Did you present any objection at district
convention as to your statement as to district? A.--No. Because I
knew nothing of any other district.
Q.--Did you present any evidence, other than your statement, in
relation to any of the acts mentioned? A.--No. Because I was not
aware of any man elected.
Q.--Do you recollect that a vote was taken in regard to District
A.? A.--Yes; if you have any doubt I can refer you to mem.
Q.--Do you recollect my opposing the representation of Australia by
any person in that body? A.--No; you spoke to me, however, and said
to me that I should not oppose it; that you were as anxious as I,
for you had been ignored or not consulted for eighteen months. You
voted to seat Australia.
Q.--You charged that the executive used the funds of the
organization to pay Maroney's debts, did you? A.--No. In August,
1884, Maroney was a porter in a store on Market street. Soon after
he was D. M. of three counties surrounding Philadelphia. He went
into the gents' furnishing goods at No. 2400 Kensington avenue. He
got $400 from the executive; check on the Continental Bank,
exchanged to his credit. Afterwards he went into debt $600 to
McDermott (Black Jim). This amount the executive paid to McDermott.
I saw the $600 paid him. I made the fact known to the convention.
[Mr. O'Boyle interrupts.]
Q.--What was the relation between Maroney and the executive? A.--I
don't know.
Mr. Rogers--What did Maroney say when you gave him the money?
[There is no answer to that question.]
Mr. O'Boyle--Upon whom was the check drawn? A.--All checks were
signed by Kerwin for the executive.
Mr. Rogers--Had this not been a prior date? A. No.
Mr. Feeley--Was your charge denied by Maroney? A.--No, he said the
money was furnished by the executive for work until he should earn
enough to pay it back.
Mr. Feeley--When was Maroney's debt paid? A.--Some time in
December.
Q.--Did Maroney do any work after that? A.--He acted as detective
in Iowa. He went with Sullivan and Boland to St. Paul.
Dr. Cronin--Did the term report show any loss to Maroney? A.--I
could not say; the time was from August, 1885, to August, 1886.
Examination of another witness, a member since the beginning of the
old organization.
Q.--Did you know Capt. Lomasney? A.--Yes.
Q.--Do you know of his having left on a certain motive? A.--Yes,
three or four times since his imprisonment as Mr. O'Sullivan in
1867.
Q.--Do you remember the last time he went? A.--Yes; in August,
1884.
Q.--What did he say to you on the subject of his work? A.--I was
closer than a brother to him. Our families had constant
intercourse. I offered him my hand the day he told me of his
project; had little help. Wife saved a bed.
Q.--What family had he? A.--A wife and four children and an aged
father.
Q.--Who were with him? A.--His brother Jim and Mr. So-and-so.
Q.--Have they been seen since? [No answer to this.]
Q.--What was Mrs. Lomasney's condition before his going? A.--A most
outrageous case of neglect. Flemming's mother died in the
poorhouse.
Q.--Did you ask for help? A.--Yes; in 1885 I went to New Haven. We
had no directors. I called upon Dr. Wallace. He was D. Saw Mulvaney
and Condon. The latter went with me to Carroll. He professed utter
ignorance of the whole affair. I said: "By God, you must see her;"
her, Mrs. L. He decided to. Mulvaney said: "Why don't you see
Boland?" Found him on Fifth avenue. He denied all responsibility.
He would have nothing to do with it. Finally he claimed she had
received much money. I said she did not. He was non-committal. His
acknowledgment made him responsible.
Q.--Did you see Carroll at New York? A.--Yes. We met him at Vesey
street. He left me to go into the _Herald_ building and brought me
$100. I refused this. I told him I didn't come for money. I said:
"You know how to send this, as you have the others; if you respect
the memory of the dead and the widow and the orphan, made so by
your act, do your duty by all."
Q.--Until August, 1886, what was her condition?
A.--Poverty-stricken; no coal, no clothing; nothing left her but
misery and her pride. Our S. G. would not give the channel of
communication. He read our resolutions; whether he ever forwarded
them or not I did never know. He is dead. He told the committee of
D. that the organization was not responsible.
Mr. Rogers--You swear you called the attention of Boland and
Carroll to her condition? A.--Yes; and not until somebody came to
us with $1,025 did the poor woman have any adequate support.
By Dr. Cronin--Did Lomasney attend the district convention held in
Chicago in 1884? A.--No; he was not elected.
Q.--Was any one elected from your D.? A.--No; we noticed it much.
We could not account for our D. having no representation.
Q.--Would Lomasney tell you if he had been selected a delegate by
any one outside of D.? A.--Yes, and we would have been aware of his
absence.
Q.--Would he have gone there, if not elected a delegate?
A.--No; he was the soul of honor, and despised trickery; he did not
care for office; never held any in his life except in danger.
Mr. Boland--Did you see him at Boston? A.--Walsh told me he had no
control. S. G. contended that the organization had no
responsibility. In 1885 John Maroney called; said he had been
especially sent. They had come for a little money; gave $10;
Lomasney had nothing. N. Y. D. S. raised and sent $150. More was
raised and suppressed. In 1887 the sheriff put Mrs. L. out on the
street. No home was ever bought for her.
Question by Mr. Dillon--Do you know that Mrs. L. is an economical
woman? A.--Yes. People began to talk of her and sent an
organization to me to say that she was extravagant; talked of her
husband's taking off, which prejudiced many, and her rent was
raised. She had been paying $30 a month; no general increase; the
landlord wanted her put out.
Mrs. Lomasney examined. [Upon Alexander Sullivan's request not
sworn.] Husband went away in August, 1884.
Q.--How much money have you received from the organization since?
A.--A thousand dollars altogether.
Q.--How much since? A.--In the summer of 1885 I visited Alexander
Sullivan. I went to inquire after my husband, as I was led to
believe he was in possession of certain funds; he did not know my
condition, nor did he relieve me. He did send for a ticket to
Detroit with which I returned home.
Q.--When again did you call upon Mr. Sullivan? A.--In August, 1886,
I made known my condition, and after advising me to sell my little
store, he asked me a schedule of my liabilities: $200; he would
attend to the matter. He gave me no money, nor offered me any. He
seemed anxious that I should not communicate with any one in the
city. He asked me if I was acquainted with any one. I told him of
James Q. Mr. S. said I should not mention his (Sullivan's) name to
any one, etc. Called on Q. He talked to me about Father Dorney. No
help.
Met Col. Richard Burke, and he, with some friends, assisted me, I
know that Mr. Sullivan was the one that had a right to attend to
this. Was afterward amazed that he did not. The dress I wore was a
borrowed one. John Hickey was S. G. Several weeks after I went to
Mr. Sullivan and asked him a loan of $100; this he sent me; nothing
since. I could not give up the store, as that would confirm the
belief that husband was dead or in the business. Thomas Tuttle was
the first to relieve my necessities.
CROSS-EXAMINED BY ALEXANDER SULLIVAN.
Q.--You saw me in 1886, was it not? A.--Yes, certain. Another $500
came from Brooklyn. I had a letter sent by my husband when he was
in Europe, inclosing one from Mr. Alexander Sullivan, in which he
said, in my letter, he asked for money. I afterwards received a
note from my husband saying he had received money from Mr.
Sullivan; I don't know the amount.
Here Mr. S. admitted that Lomasney was sent by the organization.
The last letter from husband was in 1884; anxious to go home. His
age 44.
Examination of another witness. Evidence corroborates that of the
first witness taken. Received _L_20 and one steerage passage six
weeks after the first witness. No shoes. Sold clothes and trunk to
get home. No bed.
Here the notes abruptly ended.