FREDERICKSBURG--DISASTER FOR A NEW UNION LEADER

The Army of the Potomac had fought gallantly; it had not lost a single

cannon, all its attacks being made by masses of infantry; it had

experienced neither disorder nor rout. But the defeat was complete,

and its effects were felt throughout the entire country as keenly as

in the ranks of the army. The little confidence that Burnside had been

able to inspire in his soldiers had vanished, and the respect which

everybody entertained for the noble character of the unfortunate

general could not supply its place.--_Comte de Paris, in "History of

the Civil War in America."_

The silent city of military graves at Fredericksburg is a memorial of one

of the bloodiest battles of the Civil War. The battle of Antietam had been

regarded a victory by the Federals and a source of hope to the North,

after a wearisome period of inaction and defeats. General George B.

McClellan, in command of the Army of the Potomac, failed to follow up this

advantage and strike fast and hard while the Southern army was shattered

and weak. President Lincoln's impatience was brought to a climax;

McClellan was relieved and succeeded by General Ambrose E. Burnside, who

was looked upon with favor by the President, and who had twice declined

this proffered honor. It was on November 5, 1862, nearly two months after

Antietam, when this order was issued. The Army of the Potomac was in

splendid form and had made plans for a vigorous campaign. On the 9th

Burnside assumed command, and on the following day McClellan took leave of

his beloved troops.

Burnside at once changed the whole plan of campaign, and decided to move

on Fredericksburg, which lay between the Union and Confederate armies. He

organized his army into three grand divisions, under Generals Sumner,

Hooker, and Franklin, commanding the right, center, and left, and moved

his troops from Warrenton to Falmouth. A delay of some two weeks was due

to the failure of arrival of the pontoons. In a council of war held on the

night of December 10th the officers under Burnside expressed themselves

almost unanimously as opposed to the plan of battle, but Burnside

disregarded their views and determined to carry out his original plans

immediately. After some delay and desultory fighting for two days, the

crossing of the army was effected by the morning of December 13th. By this

time General Robert E. Lee, commanding the Confederates, had his army

concentrated and entrenched on the hills surrounding the town. In their

efforts to place their bridges the Federals were seriously hindered by the

firing of the Confederate sharpshooters--"hornets that were stinging the

Army of the Potomac into a frenzy." The Confederate fire continued until

silenced by a heavy bombardment of the city from the Federal guns, when

the crossing of the army into Fredericksburg was completed without further

interference.

The forces of Lee were in battle array about the town. Their line

stretched for five miles along the range of hills which spread in crescent

shape around the lowland where the city lay, surrounding it on all sides

save the east, where the river flowed. The strongest Confederate position

was on the slopes of the lowest hill of the range, Marye's Heights, which

rose in the rear of the town. Along the foot of this hill there was a

stone wall, about four feet in height, bounding the eastern side of the

Telegraph road, which at this point runs north and south, being depressed

a few feet below the surface of the stone wall, thus forming a breastwork

for the Confederate troops. Behind it a strong force was concealed, while

higher up, in several ranks, the main army was massed, stretching along

the line of hills. The right wing, consisting of thirty thousand troops on

an elevation near Hamilton's Crossing of the Fredericksburg and Potomac

Railroad, was commanded by "Stonewall" Jackson. The left, on Marye's

Heights and Marye's Hill, was commanded by the redoubtable Longstreet. The

Southern forces numbered about seventy-eight thousand.

Into the little city below and the adjoining valleys, the Federal troops

had been marching for two days. Franklin's Left Grand Division of forty

thousand was strengthened by two divisions from Hooker's Center Grand

Division, and was ordered to make the first attack on the Confederate

right under Jackson. Sumner's Right Grand Division, also reënforced from

Hooker's forces, was formed for assault against the Confederate's

strongest point at Marye's Hill.

All this magnificent and portentous battle formation had been effected

under cover of a dense fog, and when it lifted on that fateful Saturday

there was revealed a scene of truly military grandeur. Concealed by the

somber curtain of nature the Southern hosts had fixed their batteries and

entrenched themselves most advantageously upon the hills, and the Union

legions, massed in menacing strength below, now lay within easy

cannon-shot of their foe. The Union army totaled one hundred and thirteen

thousand men. After skirmishing and gathering of strength, it was at

length ready for the final spring and the death-grapple.

When the sun's rays broke through the fog during the forenoon of December

13th, Franklin's Grand Division was revealed in full strength in front of

the Confederate right, marching and countermarching in preparation for the

coming conflict. Officers in new, bright uniforms, thousands of bayonets

gleaming in the sunshine, champing steeds, rattling gun-carriages whisking

artillery into proper range of the foe, infantry, cavalry, batteries, with

officers and men, formed a scene of magnificent grandeur which excited the

admiration even of the Confederates. This maneuver has been called the

grandest military scene of the war.

Yet with all this brave show, we have seen that Burnside's subordinate

officers were unanimous in their belief in the rashness of the

undertaking. Enthusiasm was sadly lacking. The English military writer,

Colonel Henderson, has explained why this was so:

And yet that vast array, so formidable of aspect, lacked that moral

force without which physical power, even in its most terrible form, is

but an idle show. Not only were the strength of the Confederate

position, the want of energy of preliminary movements, the insecurity

of their own situation, but too apparent to the intelligence of the

regimental officers and men, but they mistrusted their commander.

Northern writers have recorded that the Army of the Potomac never went

down to battle with less alacrity than on this day at Fredericksburg.

The first advance began at 8:30 in the morning, while the fog was still

dense, upon Jackson's right. Reynolds ordered Meade with a division,

supported by two other divisions under Doubleday and Gibbon, to attack

Jackson at his weakest point, the extreme right of the Confederate lines,

and endeavor to seize one of the opposing heights. The advance was made in

three lines of battle, which were guarded in front and on each flank by

artillery which swept the field in front as the army advanced. The

Confederates were placed to have an enfilading sweep from both flanks

along the entire front line of march. When Reynolds' divisions had

approached within range, Jackson's small arms on the left poured in a

deadly fire, mowing down the brave men in the Union lines in swaths,

leaving broad gaps where men had stood.

This fire was repeated again and again, as the Federals pressed on, only

to be repulsed. Once only was the Confederate line broken, when Meade

carried the crest, capturing flags and prisoners. The ground lost by the

Confederates was soon recovered, and the Federals were forced to retire.

Some of the charges made by the Federals during this engagement were

heroic in the extreme, only equaled by the opposition met from the foe.

In one advance, knapsacks were unslung and bayonets fixed; a brigade

marched across a plowed field, and passed through broken lines of other

brigades, which were retiring to the rear in confusion from the leaden

storm.

The fire became incessant and destructive; many fell, killed or wounded;

the front line slackened its pace, and without orders commenced firing. A

halt seemed imminent, and a halt in the face of the terrific fire to which

the men were exposed meant death; but, urged on by regimental commanders

in person, the charge was renewed, when with a shout they leaped the

ditches, charged across the railroad, and upon the foe, killing many with

the bayonet and capturing several hundred prisoners. But this was only a

temporary gain. In every instance the Federals were shattered and driven

back. Men were lying dead in heaps, the wounded and dying were groaning in

agony. Soldiers were fleeing; officers were galloping to and fro urging

their lines forward, and begging their superior officers for assistance

and reënforcement.

A dispatch to Burnside from Franklin, dated 2:45, was as follows: "My left

has been very badly handled; what hope is there of getting reënforcements

across the river?" Another dispatch, dated 3:45, read: "Our troops have

gained no ground in the last half hour."

In their retreat the fire was almost as destructive as during the assault.

Most of the wounded were brought from the field after this engagement, but

the dead were left where they fell. It was during this engagement that

General George D. Bayard was mortally wounded by a shot which had severed

the sword belt of Captain Gibson, leaving him uninjured. The knapsack of a

soldier who was in a stooping posture was struck by a ball, and a deck of

cards was sent flying twenty feet in the air. Those witnessing the

ludicrous scene called to him, "Oh, deal me a hand!" thus indicating the

spirit of levity among soldiers even amid such surroundings. Another

soldier sitting on the ground suddenly leaped high above the heads of his

comrades as a shell struck the spot, scooping a wheelbarrowful of earth,

but the man was untouched.

Entirely independent of the action in which the Left Grand Division under

Franklin was engaged against the right wing of the Confederate line,

Sumner's Right Grand Division was engaged in a terrific assault upon the

works on Marye's Heights, the stronghold of the Confederate forces. Their

position was almost impregnable, consisting of earthworks, wood, and stone

barricades running along the sunken road near the foot of Marye's Hill.

The Federals were not aware of the sunken road, nor of the force of

twenty-five hundred under General Cobb concealed behind the stone wall,

this wall not being new work as a part of the entrenchments, but of

earlier construction. When the advance up the road was made they were

harassed by shot and shell and rifle-balls at every step, but the men came

dashing into line undismayed by the terrific fire which poured down upon

them.

The Irish Brigade, the second of Hancock's division, under General

Meagher, made a wonderful charge. When they returned from the assault but

two hundred and fifty out of twelve hundred men reported under arms from

the field, and all these were needed to care for their wounded comrades.

The One Hundred and Sixteenth Pennsylvania regiment was new on the field

of battle, but did fearless and heroic service. The approach was

completely commanded by the Confederate guns. Repeatedly the advance was

repulsed by well-directed fire from the batteries.

Once again Sumner's gallant men charged across a railroad cut, running

down one side and up the other, and still again attempted to escape in the

same manner, but each time they were forced to retire precipitately by a

murderous fire from the Confederate batteries. Not only was the

Confederate fire disastrous upon the approach and the successive repulses

by the foe, but it also inflicted great damage upon the masses of the

Federal army in front of Marye's Hill. The Confederates' effective and

successful work on Marye's Hill in this battle was not alone due to the

natural strength of their position, but also to the skill and generalship

of the leaders, and to the gallantry, courage, and well-directed aim of

their cannoneers and infantry.

Six times the heroic Union troops dashed against the invulnerable

position, each time to be repulsed with terrific loss. General Couch, who

had command of the Second Corps, viewing the scene of battle from the

steeple of the court-house with General Howard, says: "The whole plain was

covered with men, prostrate and dropping, the live men running here and

there, and in front closing upon each other, and the wounded coming back.

I had never before seen fighting like that, nothing approaching it in

terrible uproar and destruction."

General Howard reports that Couch exclaimed: "Oh, great God! see how our

men, our poor fellows, are falling!" At half-past one Couch signaled

Burnside: "I am losing. Send two rifle batteries."

The point and method of attack made by Sumner was anticipated by the

Confederates, careful preparation having been made to meet it. The fire

from the Confederate batteries harassed the Union lines, and as they

advanced steadily, heroically, without hurrah or battle-cry, the ranks

were cut to pieces by canister and shell and musket-balls. Heavy artillery

fire was poured into the Union ranks from front, right, and left with

frightful results. Quickly filling up the decimated ranks they approached

the stone wall masking the death-trap where General Cobb lay with a strong

force awaiting the approach. Torrents of lead poured into the bodies of

the defenseless men, slaying, crushing, destroying the proud army of a few

hours before. As though in pity, a cloud of smoke momentarily shut out the

wretched scene but brought no balm to the helpless victims of this awful

carnage. The ground was so thickly strewn with dead bodies as seriously to

impede the movements of a renewed attack. These repeated assaults in such

good order caused some apprehension on the part of General Lee, who said

to Longstreet after the third attack, "General, they are massing very

heavily and will break your line, I am afraid." But the great general's

fears proved groundless.

General Cobb was borne from the field mortally wounded, and Kershaw took

his place in the desperate struggle. The storm of shot and shell which met

the assaults was terrific. Men fell almost in battalions; the dead and

wounded lay in heaps. Late in the day the dead bodies, which had become

frozen from the extreme cold, were stood up in front of the soldiers as a

protection against the awful fire to shield the living, and at night were

set up as dummy sentinels.

The steadiness of the Union troops, and the silent, determined heroism of

the rank and file in these repeated, but hopeless, assaults upon the

Confederate works, were marvelous, and amazed even their officers. The

real greatness in a battle is the fearless courage, the brave and heroic

conduct, of the men under withering fire. It was the enlisted men who were

the glory of the army. It was they, the rank and file, who stood in the

front, closed the gaps, and were mowed down in swaths like grass by cannon

and musket-balls.

After the sixth disastrous attempt to carry the works of the Confederate

left it was night; the Federal army was repulsed and had retired; hope was

abandoned, and it was seen that the day was lost to the Union side. Then

the shattered Army of the Potomac sought to gather the stragglers and care

for the wounded. Fredericksburg, the beautiful Virginia town, was a

pitiable scene in contrast to its appearance a few days before. Ancestral

homes were turned into barracks and hospitals. The charming drives and

stately groves, the wonted pleasure grounds of Colonial dames and Southern

cavaliers, were not filled with grand carriages and gay parties, but with

war horses, soldiers, and military accouterments. Aside from desultory

firing by squads and skirmishers at intervals there was no renewal of the

conflict.

The bloody carnage was over, the plan of Burnside had ended in failure,

and thousands of patriotic and brave men, blindly obedient to their

country's command, were the toll exacted from the Union army. Burnside,

wild with anguish at what he had done, walking the floor of his tent,

exclaimed, "Oh, those men--those men over there," pointing to the

battlefield, "I am thinking of them all the time." In his report of the

battle to Washington, Burnside gave reasons for the issue, and in a manly

way took the responsibility upon himself, and most highly commended his

officers and men. He said, "For the failure in the attack I am

responsible, as the extreme gallantry, courage, and endurance shown by

them [officers and men] were never excelled."

President Lincoln's verdict in regard to this battle is adverse to the

almost unanimous opinion of the historians. In his reply, December 22d, to

General Burnside's report of the battle, he says, "Although you were not

successful, the attempt was not an error, nor the failure other than an

accident." Burnside, at his own request, was relieved of the command of

the Army of the Potomac, however, on January 25, 1863, and was succeeded

by General Hooker. The Union loss in killed, wounded, and missing was

12,653, and the Confederates lost 5,377.

After the battle the wounded lay on the field in their agony exposed to

the freezing cold for forty-eight hours before arrangements were effected

to care for them. Many were burned to death by the long, dead grass

becoming ignited by cannon fire. The scene witnessed by the army of those

screaming, agonizing, dying comrades was dreadful and heart-rending.

Burnside's plan had been to renew the battle, but the overwhelming opinion

of the other officers prevailed. The order was withdrawn and the defeated

Union army slipped away under the cover of darkness on December 15th, and

encamped in safety across the river. The battle of Fredericksburg had

passed into history.

[Illustration: THE SECOND LEADER AGAINST RICHMOND

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