This young lady had a most “business-like determination to marry”; and

as she generally had more than one string to her bow, as the saying is,

it is no wonder that she sometimes needed the help of an older and wiser

woman than herself, to get her out of the difficulties in which she

found herself. Much of Mary’s own character comes out in the advice she

gives her friend. She speaks in one place of her power of valuing people

for what they are, without demanding or expecting perfection. It is a

“knack I know I have, of looking into people’s real character, and never

expecting them to act out of it—never expecting another to do as I would

in the same case.” How much practical wisdom there is in this, and what

misunderstandings and heart-burnings would be saved if it were more

common not to expect people to act out of their own characters! There is

a funny little bit in another letter to the effect that women should not

be constantly admonishing men as to the right line of thought and

conduct. “I make it a point of conscience never to interfere or cross my

brother in the humour he happens to be in. It always appears to me a

vexatious kind of tyranny, that women have no business to exercise over

men, which merely because, _they having a better judgment_, they have

power to do. Let _men_ alone, and at last we find they come round to the

right way which _we_, by a kind of intuition, perceive at once. But

better, far better, that we should let them often do wrong than that

they should have the torment of a monitor always at their elbows.”

To begin quoting from the letters of Charles and Mary Lamb is such an

enticing task that it would be easy to fill more pages than this little

book contains. One more only shall be quoted from each. The most

beautiful of Mary’s letters is perhaps that which she wrote to Dorothy

Wordsworth, soon after the death by drowning of Wordsworth’s brother

John. The beautiful poem by Wordsworth, “The Happy Warrior,” is supposed

to have been written partly in reference to this brother, and partly in

reference to Nelson, whose death took place the same year (1805). “I

thank you,” Mary wrote, “my kind friend, for your most comfortable

letter; till I saw your own handwriting I could not persuade myself that

I should do well to write to you, though I have often attempted it.... I

wished to tell you that you would one day feel the kind of peaceful

state of mind and sweet memory of the dead which you so happily describe

as now almost begun; but I felt that it was improper, and most grating

to the feelings of the afflicted, to say to them that the memory of

their affliction would in time become a constant part, not only of their

dream, but of their most wakeful sense of happiness. That you would see

every object with, and through, your lost brother, and that that would

at last become a real and everlasting source of comfort to you, I felt

and well knew from my own experience in sorrow; but till you yourself

began to feel this I didn’t dare tell you so.”

How terrible that the mind and heart which could dictate such words as

these were weighed down by the lifelong burden of insanity! Before Miss

Wordsworth’s reply reached her, she was again attacked, and Charles

wrote in her place: “I have every reason to suppose that this illness,

like all the former ones, will be but temporary; but I cannot always

feel so. Meantime she is dead to me, and I miss a prop. All my strength

is gone, and I am like a fool, bereft of her co-operation. I dare not

think, lest I should think wrong, so used am I to look up to her in the

least as in the biggest perplexity. To say all that I know of her would

be more than I think anybody could believe, or even understand; and when

I hope to have her well again with me, it would be sinning against her

feelings to go about praising her, for I can conceal nothing that I do

from her. She is older and wiser and better than I, and all my wretched

imperfections I cover to myself by resolutely thinking on her goodness.

She would share life and death, heaven and hell, with me. She lives but

for me; and I know I have been wasting and teasing her life for five

years past incessantly, with my cursed drinking and ways of going on.

But even in thus upbraiding myself I am offending against her, for I

know that she has clung to me for better, for worse; and if the balance

has been against her hitherto it was a noble trade.”

Great, noble spirits they both were, even in their weaknesses and

imperfections, showing an example of devoted unselfishness, tenderness,

and generosity that many who “tithe mint and anise and cummin” might

envy. Mary Lamb survived to old age, dying in May 1847, aged

seventy-three. She was buried by her brother’s side in the churchyard at

Edmonton.

X

AGNES ELIZABETH JONES

“Count not that man’s life short who has had time to do noble

deeds.”—From CICERO.

THERE is something very interesting in tracing, as we are sometimes able

to do, the connection of one piece of good work with another. The

energy, devotion, and success of one worker stimulates the enthusiasm of

others; this enthusiasm does not always show itself in carrying on or

developing what has been already begun, but sometimes manifests itself

in the more difficult task of breaking new ground; and thus one good

work becomes the parent of another. An example of what is here referred

to is to be found in the work of Mrs. Fry. To her initiative may be

traced not only the kindred labours of Mary Carpenter in reformatory and

industrial schools, and the still more modern efforts for the better

care of neglected children by the boarding-out system, and by such

societies as the Metropolitan Association for Befriending Young

Servants, but to her also may indirectly be traced the success with

which women have devoted themselves to the art of sick nursing, and from

this again has spread or grown out the movement for extending to women a

thorough medical education and training.

Mrs. Fry’s connection with the art of sick nursing came about in this

way. In the first quarter of this century a young German named Fliedner

was appointed pastor to the little weaving village of Kaiserswerth on

the Rhine. He endeared himself to his people by his devotion to them;

but the time came when he was forced to leave them. The whole village

was involved in ruin because of the failure of the industry on which its

inhabitants depended. The people not only could not support their

pastor, but were themselves reduced to the greatest straits of actual

want. He left them in order to seek in wealthier places, not maintenance

for himself, but help for them. After travelling for some time in

Germany, he came to England, and while here, still intent on making

known the wants of Kaiserswerth, he met with Mrs. Fry, and was deeply

interested in all she was doing for the benefit of prisoners. Not long

after this he returned to Kaiserswerth, bearing with him the gifts he

had collected to relieve the pressing wants of his people; but his mind

was now full of Mrs. Fry, and of what was being done in England by and

for women. He and his wife resolved to begin similar work in Germany.

They began with two young women just discharged from a neighbouring

prison, whose relations refused to receive them or have anything further

to do with them. Soon the number of discharged prisoners increased, and

the pastor and his wife felt that they must have help; a friend

therefore came to join them in their work. In this way and from this

small beginning grew in time a very large institution, comprising not

only an organisation to enable discharged prisoners to get work and

regain their character, but a home and school for orphans, a hospital

for the sick, and an asylum for lunatics. The whole of the work of this

institution, which occupied several houses and comprised more than 300

persons, was done by carefully-trained women, called deaconesses.

Kaiserswerth was the parent of all the other deaconesses’ institutions

which now exist in almost every part of the world. The predominating

spirit at Kaiserswerth, after that of religious self-devotion, to which

a first place was given, was that the work of caring for the poor, the

sick, and the afflicted can only be rightly undertaken after a long

course of special preparation and training. It was a Protestant

sisterhood; those who entered were first called novices; in time the

novices became deaconesses, and the deaconesses were expected to bind

themselves to remain in the institution five years. They were, however,

bound by no vows, and could always leave if other duties seemed to

require that they should do so. In this institution the art of sick

nursing acquired a perfection at that time unknown in any other part of

Europe. It was here, mainly, that Florence Nightingale received the

training which enabled her to save the lives of so many of our soldiers

in the Crimea, and to introduce into England a new era in the history of

nursing. Here too Agnes Elizabeth Jones was trained.

Miss Nightingale’s often-repeated lesson on the subject of the necessity

of long and careful training was not lost upon Agnes Jones. When she

left Kaiserswerth, she knew, as Miss Nightingale said, “more than most

hospital matrons know when they undertake matronship.” But she was not

content with this. After working for a time with the London Bible

Women’s Mission, she applied to the training-school for nurses at St.

Thomas’s Hospital for another year’s training. She entered the hospital

as a “Nightingale probationer.” She went through, while she was there,

the whole training of a nurse. To quote Miss Nightingale again,

referring to this period, “Her reports of cases were admirable as to

nursing details. She was our best pupil; _she went through all the work

of a soldier, and she thereby fitted herself for being the best general

we ever had_.”

Before referring to Agnes Jones’s crowning work in reorganising the

nursing staff of the Liverpool Workhouse Infirmary, it will be well to

recall the story of her life. There are few incidents in it, none at all

of a sensational character; but perhaps this makes the lesson to be

learnt from it all the more plain and simple.

She was born at Cambridge, of Irish parents, in 1832. Her father was a

colonel in the 12th Regiment, and her descent was from the north Irish

stock that has furnished so many great names to the roll-call of the

worthies of our nation. She was a Protestant evangelical, of the type

which northern Ireland produces. It is easy to label the religious sect

to which she belonged as narrow and unattractive; but however this may

be, as exemplified in her personally, her religion was too intense a

reality to be unattractive. It permeated her whole life, from the time

when as a child of seven her dream was to become a missionary, to the

hour when she died of typhus taken from a patient in the Liverpool

Infirmary to whom she had given up her own room and bed. Another deep

and permanent influence on her mind and character was her love for

Ireland. Over and over again in her letters we come across expressions

which show how close to her heart lay her country’s good. The training

at Kaiserswerth was intended to be utilised for the good of Ireland. “I

have no desire,” she wrote, “to become a deaconess; that would not, I

think, be the place I should be called upon to occupy. No, my own

Ireland first. It was for Ireland’s good that my first desire to be used

as a blessed instrument in God’s hand was breathed, ... and in Ireland

is it my heart’s desire to labour....”

In another letter she refers to the time when she “then and there”

dedicated herself to do what she could for Ireland, in its workhouses,

infirmaries, and hospitals. In another place she speaks of being

retained in England for another year’s training, and exclaims, “My last

English sojourn, I hope, as Ireland is ever my bourn!” And again, “My

heart is ever in Ireland, where I hope ultimately to work.” Her heart’s

desire was never gratified; she laid down her life, at the age of

thirty-five, in the Liverpool Workhouse, before she had had an

opportunity of giving to her own dear land the benefit of all she had

learned by the patient years of training at Kaiserswerth and in London.

Ulster Protestant as she was to the backbone, and a member of the Church

of England, she was a true patriot, and showed her patriotism by

labouring with self-denying earnestness to fit herself to lift up to a

higher level an important branch of the social life of her country.

She was very much stimulated, as so many women were, by the heroism of

the Nightingale band of nurses who left England for the Crimea in 1854.

She listened with vehement inward dissent to those who cast contempt and

blame on them, and, in her own words, “almost worshipped” their brave

leader.

She had paid a visit of a week to Kaiserswerth in 1853, but home duties,

especially the care of a widowed sister, at that time and for some years

prevented her from fulfilling her strong desire for a course of thorough

training in the art of nursing. It was not till 1860 that she returned

to Kaiserswerth for this purpose. Very soon after her year of

preparation there, she received, through Miss Nightingale, an invitation

from Mr. W. Rathbone to undertake the superintendence of the Liverpool

Training School for Nurses of the Poor. She was overwhelmed by a genuine

sense of her inadequacy to the task. She was a sincerely humble-minded

woman, and not only craved more training in the mechanical difficulties

of nursing, but doubted her own powers of organising, directing, and

superintending. She hesitated, and while hesitating, joined Mrs. Ranyard

in her London Biblewoman’s Mission. Her work here was interrupted by a

telegram summoning her to Rome to nurse a sick sister. As soon as the

sister recovered, another invalid relative claimed her. By their

bedsides she felt, to a certain extent, her own power, and the question

often arose in her mind, “Could I govern and teach others?” As soon as

these private cares were over, she visited nursing institutions in

Switzerland, France, and Germany, and before she returned to England she

determined to go for another year’s training to St. Thomas’s Hospital,

and then to offer herself for the difficult post at Liverpool. “I

determined,” she writes, “at least to try.... If every one shrinks back

because incompetent, who will ever do anything? ‘Lord, here am I; send

me.’”

She did not on leaving St. Thomas’s immediately commence her work at

Liverpool. She was for a short time superintendent of a small hospital

in Bolsover Street, and later she filled a similar post at the Great

Northern Hospital. It was not till the spring of 1865 that she took the

place at Liverpool with which her name is chiefly connected.

The old system in pauper infirmaries was to allow the patients to be

“nursed” by old inmates of the workhouse. Among those to whom the care

of the sick was confided were “worn-out old thieves, worn-out old

drunkards,” and worse. Mr. W. Rathbone, of Liverpool, strongly urged on

the guardians of that place to do away with this wretched system, and to

substitute in the place of these ignorant, and often vicious, women a

staff of trained paid nurses. He generously undertook to defray the

whole cost of the new scheme for three years, by which time he believed

the improvement effected would be so great that no one would for a

moment dream of going back to the old plan. It was to the post of

superintendent of the band of trained nurses that Agnes Jones was called

in the spring of 1865.

It was no light task for a young woman of thirty-three. She had under

her about 50 nurses, 150 pauper “scourers,” and from 1220 to 1350

patients. The winters of 1865 and 1866 will long be remembered as the

terrible period of the cotton famine in Lancashire. The workhouse

infirmary at Liverpool was not only full, but overflowing; a number of

patients often arrived when every bed was full. Then the gentle

authority of Sister Agnes, as she was called, had to be exercised to

induce the wild, rough patients to make way for one another. Sometimes

she had to persuade them to let her put the beds together and place

three or even four in two beds. The children had to be packed together,

some at the head and some at the foot of the bed. She speaks of them as

“nests of children,” and mentions that forty under twelve were sent in

one day. This over-filling of the workhouse was of course no ordinary

occurrence, and was due to the exceptional distress in Lancashire at

that time. The number of deaths that took place, for the same reason,

was unusually large. Sister Agnes speaks in one of her letters of seven

deaths having occurred between Sunday night and Tuesday morning.

The dreadful melancholy of the place bore upon her with terrible weight.

There was not only the depressing thought that most of the inmates were

there in consequence of their own wickedness or folly, but added to this

the patients were isolated from friends and relatives whose visits do so

much to cheer an ordinary hospital. There were patients with _delirium

tremens_ wandering about the wards in their shirts; there were little

children, some not more than seven, steeped in every kind of vice and

infamy. “I sometimes wonder,” she wrote, in a moment of despair, “if

there is a worse place on earth than Liverpool, and I am sure its

workhouse is burdened with a large proportion of its vilest.”

Some of the best and most deeply-rooted instincts of human nature seemed

to turn into cruelty and gall in this terrible place. One of the

difficulties of the nurses was to prevent the mothers of the babies, who

were still at the breast, from fighting and stealing one another’s food.

They had nothing to do but nurse their babies, and they would hardly do

that. The noise, quarrelling, and dirt prevailing in their neighbourhood

was a constant source of trouble and anxiety. Another trouble was the

mixture among the patients of criminal cases, necessitating the presence

of policemen constantly on the premises. The ex-pauper women, too, whom

Sister Agnes was endeavouring to train as assistant nurses, were a great

anxiety. One morning, after they had been paid their wages, five arrived

at the hospital tipsy; after some months of constant effort and constant

disappointment, the attempt to train these women was given up. Besides

the strain on nerves, temper, and spirit arising from all these causes,

the physical work of Agnes Jones’s post was no light matter. Her day

began at 5.30 A.M. and ended after 11; added to this, if there was any

case about which she was specially anxious, or any nurse about whose

competence she did not feel fully assured, she would be up two or three

times in the night to satisfy herself that all was going well. Her

nurses were devoted to her, and, as a rule, gave her no anxiety or

discomfort which could be avoided. Her only distress on their account

arose from a severe outbreak of fever and small-pox among them, which

was a source of much painful anxiety to her. Miss Nightingale said of

her that “she had a greater power of carrying her followers with her

than any woman (or man) I ever knew.” “Her influence with her nurses was

unbounded. They would have died for her.”

All witnesses concur in speaking of her wonderful personal influence and

the effect it produced. The infirmary began to show the results of her

presence within a month of her arrival. In the three years she spent

there, she completely changed the whole place. At first the police, to

whose presence reference has already been made, were astonished that it

was safe for a number of young women to be about in the men’s wards, for

they well knew what a rough lot some of the patients were; but “in less

than three years she had reduced one of the most disorderly hospital

populations in the world to something like Christian discipline, such as

the police themselves wondered at. She had led, so as to be of one mind

and one heart with her, upwards of fifty nurses and probationers.... She

had converted a vestry to the conviction of the economy as well as the

humanity of nursing pauper sick by trained nurses.... She had converted

the Poor Law Board to the same view, and she had disarmed all

opposition, all sectarian zealotism; so that Roman Catholic and

Unitarian, High Church and Low Church, all literally rose up and called

her blessed.”

The manner of her death has been already referred to. It was in unison

with her unselfish, devoted life. She died on the 19th February 1868,

and her body was committed to the earth of her beloved Ireland, at

Fahan, on Lough Swilly, the home of her early years.

XI

CHARLOTTE AND EMILY BRONTË

IN the quiet Yorkshire village of Haworth, on the bleak moorland

hillside above Keighley, were born two of the greatest imaginative

writers of the present century, Charlotte and Emily Brontë. The

wonderful gifts of the Brontë family, the grief and tragedy that

overshadowed their lives, and their early deaths, will always cast about

their story a peculiarly touching interest. Their father, the Rev.

Patrick Brontë, was of Irish birth. He was born in the County Down, of a

Protestant family—one that had migrated from the south to the north of

Ireland. His character was that which we are more accustomed to

associate with Scotland than with Ireland. Resolute, stern, independent,

and self-denying, he had the virtues of an old Covenanter rather than

the facile graces which so often distinguish those of Celtic blood. His

father was a farmer, but Patrick Brontë had no desire to live by

agricultural industry. At sixteen years of age he separated himself from

his family and opened a school. What amount of success he had in this

undertaking does not appear, but it is evident that he had a distinct

object in view, namely, to obtain money enough to complete his own

education; in this he was successful, for after nine years’ labour in

instructing others, he entered as a student in St. John’s College,

Cambridge, remained there four years, obtained the B.A. degree of the

University, and was ordained as a clergyman of the Church of England. He

kept up no intercourse with his family, and showed no trace of his Irish

blood, either in speech or character. He loved and married Miss

Branwell, of Penzance, a lady of much sweetness and refinement. Their

six children were destined, through the writings of two of them, to be

known wherever the English language is spoken, all over the world. After

holding livings in Essex and at Thornton, in Yorkshire, Mr. Brontë was

appointed to the Rectory of Haworth, which is now so often visited on

account of its association with the authors of _Jane Eyre_ and

_Wuthering Heights_.

Mrs. Brontë’s six children were born in rapid succession, and her

naturally delicate constitution was further tried by the constant labour

and anxiety involved in providing, on very limited means, for the wants

of the little brood. Mrs. Gaskell, in her _Life of Charlotte Brontë_,

appears to imply that, more than is even usually the case, the weight of

family cares and anxieties fell upon the mother rather than the father.

“Mr. Brontë,” she says, “was, of course, much engaged in his study, and

besides, he was not naturally fond of children, and felt their frequent

appearance upon the scene as a drag both on his wife’s strength and as

an interruption to the comfort of the household.” One feels disposed to

comment on this by saying that children ought never to be born if either

of their parents inclines to regard them “as an interruption to the

comfort of the household.” To give life and grudge it at the same time

is not an attractive combination of qualities. Though not much helped by

her husband, Mrs. Brontë was, however, not alone in her domestic cares

and duties; the eldest of the “interruptions to the comfort of the

household,” Maria, was a child of wonderfully precocious intellect and

heart. Her remarkable character was described in after years by her

sister Charlotte as the Helen Burns of _Jane Eyre_. In her, her mother

found a sympathising companion and a helper in her domestic cares. The

time was rapidly approaching when the mother’s place in the household

would be vacant, and when many of its duties and responsibilities would

be discharged by Maria.

The little Brontës were from their birth unlike other children. The room

dedicated to their use was not, even in their babyhood, called their

nursery; it was their “study.” Little Maria at seven years old would

shut herself up in this study with the newspaper, and be able to

converse with her father on all the public events of the day, and

instruct the other children as to current politics, and upon the

characters of the chief personages of the political world.

Some Eminent Women of Our Times: Short Biographical Sketches · 第 7 / 18 段